Cultural Identity:
Taboos in Rituals in Makasae Speech Community of Timor-Leste
Prudencio da Silva
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy in Communication
Faculty of Arts and Design
University of Canberra
Australia
2017
ABSTRACT
Cultural Identity: Taboos in Rituals in Makasae Speech Community of Timor-Leste
Prudencio da Silva
The purpose of the study is to understand and document the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae people. In order to understand the Makasae belief system, the study explores taboos in traditional ritual practices. The thesis documents the purpose of taboo in rituals, the cultural and linguistic resources within Makasae that form part of taboo observance, and it describes the ways these resources are used to express taboo, and strengthen the cultural identity of the Makasae speech community.
The study employs ethnographic qualitative methodology using participant observation and semi-structured interview methods for data collection. Hymes’s (1972) ethnographic concept of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G is used to describe and analyze data as a means of understanding the belief system and ritual practices.
This is a first attempt to study this particular subject in this speech community. The findings of the study show that taboo rests not only with behaviour, but also sacred houses and sacred places, sacred objects and food and also language. Taboo observances are at the heart of ritual practices in Makasae. Ritual practices reflect the seasons, harvest times and natural life cycle in the Makasae speech community. Ritual practices are a central element of cultural life as community members show respect for the ancestors and reaffirm the clan’s and community’s cultural identity.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1
1.2. Rationale for the study…………………………………………………………………….3
1.3. Research questions………………………………………………………………………...5
1.4. Outline of the Chapters……………………………………………………………………6
CHAPTER TWO: CULTURAL BACKGROUND
2.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..9
2.2. Timor-Leste’s history…………...…………………………………………………………9
2.2.1. Historical background….………………………………………………………………..9
2.3. Ethnographic setting……………………………………………………………………..12
2.4. The speech community…………………………………………………………………..14
2.5. Makasae social organization……………………………………………………………..16
2.5.1. Clans…………………………………………………………………………………...16
2.5.2. Kinship system…………………………………………………………………………18
2.5.3. Marriage system………………………………………………………………………..20
2.5.4. Naming practices………………………………………………………………………22
2.6. Ritual practices…………………………………………………………………………..23
2.7. Taboo in Makasae context……………………………………………………………….27
2.7.1. Sacred house and hill and mountain…………………………………………………...28
2.7.1.1. Sacred house…………………………………………………………………………28
2.7.1.2. Sacred places…………………………………………………………………………30
2.7.2. Sacred objects………………………………………………………………………….31
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2.7.3. Sacred and taboo food………………………………………………………………….32
2.7.4. Taboo behaviour……………………………………………………………………….33
2.7.4.1. Females and taboo……………………………………………………………………34
2.8. Makasae - The Language………………………………………………………………...35
2.9. Conclusion………………………………………………………………….…….……...37
CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW: TABOO ACROSS CULTURES
3.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………39
3.2. The concept of cultural identity………………………………………………………….39
3.2.1. Culture………………………………………………………………………………….40
3.2.2. Identity…………………………………………………………………………………41
3.2.3. Cultural identity………………………………………………………………………..42
3.3. Ethnography……………………………………………………………………………...43
3.3.1. Ethnography is a method………………………………………………………………43
3.3.2. Ethnography of communication…………………………………………………..……45
3.3.3. Ethnographic framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G…………………………………..……46
3.4. The speech community……………………………………………………………..……47
3.5. The concept of taboo…………………………………………………………..…………49
3.5.1. Taboo and sacredness………………………………………………………….………50
3.6. Types of taboo……………………………………………………………………………52
3.6.1. Spaces as sacred…………………………………………………………………….….52
3.6.1.1. Residences of ancestors…………………………………………………………………………………………….53
3.6.1.2. Places to find god………………………………………………………………………………………………………53
3.6.1.3. Places in which people trace their ancestry………………………………………….55
3.6.1.4. Taboo and sacred spaces………………………………………………….………….56
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3.6.2. Objects as sacred………………………………………………………………….……59
3.6.2.1. Objects as part of religious belief……………………………………………………59
3.6.2.2. Objects as inheritance of ancestors…………………………………………………..60
3.6.2.3. Objects as means of communication…………………………………………………61
3.6.2.4. Objects as symbol of protection……………………...………………………………61
3.6.2.5. Taboo and sacred objects…………………………………………………….………62
3.6.3. Food as sacred and taboo………………..……………………………………..………64
3.6.4. Behaviour and language as taboo………………………………………..…………….65
3.6.5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………..…………69
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
4.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………71
4.2. Ethnography………………………………………………………………………...……71
4.2.1. Participant observation…………………………………………………………………73
4.2.2. Semi-structured interview………………………………………………………...……76
4.2.3. Data recording and transcription instruments……………………………………….…79
4.2.3.1. Video and audio recordings……………………………………………………….…80
4.2.3.2. Fieldnotes and photographs…………………………………………………….……81
4.2.3.3. ELAN……………………………………………………………………………...…82
4.3. Ethnography of Communication…………………………………………………………82
4.3.1. Hymes’s S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model………………………………………………….…84
4.4. Research ethics………………………………………………………………………..…89
4.4.1. Initial survey and ethics……………………………………………………………..…89
4.4.2. Ethics application………………………………………………………………….…...89
4.4.3. Meeting local authorities………………………………………………………….……90
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4.4.3. Key consultants identified and introduced…………………………………………..…90
4.5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………….………92
CHAPTER FIVE: DESCRIPTION OF RITUAL EVENTS USING S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G FRAMEWORK
5.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………93
5.2. Descriptions of the ritual events…………………………………………………………94
5.2.1. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual……………………………………………………...95
5.2.1.1. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Muta-asa-palu)………………………………….97
5.2.1.2. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Leki-kabora)………………………………...…105
5.2.1.3. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Tuda-naha-buti)…………………………..……108
5.2.1.4. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Latu-mutu)……………………………………..113
5.2.2. Koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual………………....………………………………………118
5.2.2.1. Koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual (Muta-asa-palu)……………………………………..119
5.2.2.2. Koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual (Lia-luku)…………………………………………...124
5.2.3. Keta-Base ‘rice-field cultivation’ ritual (Muta-asa-palu)…………………………….128
5.2.4. Arabau-bane ‘washing buffaloes’ (Muta-asa-palu)…………………………………..133
5.2.5. Dai-rai-waara ‘Initiation ritual’ (Ula-buti)…………………………………………..137
5.2.6. Sisi(ri)-kura ‘Healing ritual’ (Ara-diga)……………………………………………...141
5.3. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...143
CHAPTER SIX: FINDINGS AND RESPONSE TO RESEARCH QUESTIONS
6.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..145
6.1.1. The purpose of taboos in rituals………………………………………………………146
6.1.2. The resources within the culture and language to express taboos in Makasae……….150
6.1.3. The way taboo behaviour is expressed in rituals……………………………………..154
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6.1.4. Taboo in rituals strengthen the identity of the speech community…………………...167
6.2. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...173
CHAPTER SEVEN: DISCUSSION: UNDERSTANDING TABOO AS A RESPONSE TO SACREDNESS
7.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..175
7.2. The purpose of taboo…………………………………………………………………...176
7.2.1. Taboo as respect and fear of the ancestors…………………………..………………..176
7.2.2. Conclusion………………………………………………………………...……….…178
7.3. Expressing taboo………………………………………………………………………..179
7.3.1. Sacred Setting………………………………………………………………………...179
7.3.1.1. Sacred houses……………………………………………………………………….179
7.3.1.1.1. Oma-ló ‘house-sky’………………………………………………………………179
7.3.1.1.2. Lolika ‘attics’……………………………………………………………………..183
7.3.1.2. Sacred landscapes…………………………………………………………………..184
7.3.1.3. Sacred settings and taboos………………………………………………………….185
7.3.1.4. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….188
7.3.2. Transforming the ordinary into the sacred……………………………………………189
7.3.2.1. An overview………………………………………………………………………...189
7.3.2.2. Objects……………………………………………………………………………...189
7.3.2.2.1. Besi ‘metal’ as sacred symbol…………………………………………………….191
7.3.2.2.2. Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ as a protector………………………………………….192
7.3.2.2.3. Malu ‘betel leaf’…………………..……………………………………………...193
7.3.2.2.4. Sacred stones……………………………………………………………………...197
7.3.2.2.5. Na’a ‘bag’………………………………………………………………………...197
7.3.2.2.6. Teru ‘ritual plate’……………………….………………………………………...199
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7.3.2.2.7. Boubakasa ‘drum’………………………………………………………………...199
7.3.2.2.8. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………..200
7.3.2.3. Food………………………………………………………………………………...201
7.3.2.3.1. Data ‘custom’…………………………………………………………………….201
7.3.2.3.1.1. Muta’u-asa-palu ‘taro-leaf-taboo’………………………………………….…..202
7.3.2.3.1.2. Lia-palu ‘wild-taro-taboo’……………………………………………………...203
7.3.2.3.1.3. Depa-palu ‘dog-taboo’……………………………………………………….…203
7.3.2.3.1.4. Seu-meti-palu ‘meat-sea-taboo’………………………………………………...204
7.3.2.3.1.5. Lairisa-palu ‘parrot-taboo’……………………………………………………..204
7.3.2.3.2. Seka ‘ritual food’………………………………………………………………….205
7.3.2.3.3. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………..206
7.3.2.4. Behaviour…………………………………………………………………………...206
7.3.2.4.1. Verbal Behaviour…………………………………………………………………206
7.3.2.4.1.1. Names as taboo…………………………………………………………………207
7.3.2.4.2. Nonverbal Behaviour……………………………………………………………..208
7.3.2.4.2.1. Walking with bended knees…………………………………………………….208
7.3.2.4.2.2. Sacred objects carried on head and under arms………………………………...209
7.3.2.4.2.3. Bow down and kneel……………………………………………………………210
7.3.2.4.2.4. Not looking back and turning one’s back on sacred objects……………………210
7.3.2.4.2.5. Remove hats and shoes…………………………………………………………212
7.3.3. Maintaining contrast between the ordinary and the sacred…………………………...212
7.3.3.1. An overview………………………………………………………………………...212
7.3.3.2. Objects……………………………………………………………………………...213
7.3.3.3. Food………………………………………………………………………………...213
7.3.3.3.1. Kaisou ‘corn’……………………………………………………………………..214
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7.3.3.3.2. Koi ‘rice’………………………………………………………………………….214
7.3.3.4. Nonverbal behaviour…………...…………………………………………………...215
7.3.3.4.1. Sacred objects not touched………………………………………………………..215
7.3.3.4.2. Sacred objects placed on high platforms…………………………………………216
7.3.3.4.3. Observation of silence…………………………………………………………….216
7.3.4. Avoiding what is sacred in everyday situations………………………………….…...217
7.3.4.1. An overview………………………………………………………………………...217
7.3.4.2. Objects……………………………………………………………………………...217
7.3.4.3. Food………………………………………………………………………………...218
7.3.4.4. Behaviour…………………………………………………………………………...218
7.3.4.4.1. Verbal behaviour……………………………………………………………….....218
7.3.4.4.1.1. Bararini ‘curses’………………………………………………………………..218
7.3.4.4.2. Nonverbal behaviour……………………………………………………………..219
7.3.4.4.2.1. Avoidance of carrying a piece of metal when entering farms………………….219
7.3.4.4.2.2. Avoidance of picking things from farms……………………………………….220
7.3.4.4.2.3. Avoidance of throwing part of food taboo at clan’s members………………….220
7.3.5. Integrating the sacred into the ordinary………………………………………………221
7.3.5.1. An overview………………………………………………………………………...221
7.3.5.2. Objects………………………………………………………………………….…..221
7.3.5.3. Food………………………………………………………………………………...222
7.3.5.4. Behaviour…………………………………………………………………………...222
7.3.5.4.1. Verbal behaviour………………………………………………………………….222
7.3.5.4.1.1. Address terms…...... 223
7.3.5.4.1.2. Name-calling……………………………………………………………………224
7.3.5.4.2. Nonverbal behaviour……………………………………………………………...225
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7.3.5.4.2.1. Kissing hands…………………………………………………………………...225
7.3.5.4.2.2. Prohibition against carrying malu while toileting………………………………226
7.3.5.4.2.3. Prohibition against tearing malu………………………………………………..226
7.3.5.4.2.4. Food apportioning………………………………………………………………227
7.3.6. Language……………………………………………………………………………...228
7.3.7. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………231
CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION
8.1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………..233
8.2. Reviving belief system and ritual practices…………………………………………….233
8.3. Understanding sacred and taboo practices……………………………………………...235
8.4. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………...236
8.5. Limitations and implication for future studies………………………...... ……………...237
REFERENCES..……………………………………………………………………………239
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APPENDICES
Appendix A: Ethics approval Letter……………………………………….………………..249
Appendix B: Participant information Form…………………….…………………………..251
Appendix C: Consent Form……………………………………………………….……..….253
Appendix D: Research Questions………………………………………………….………..255
Appendix E: Letter of Request………………………...……………………………………257
Appendix F: Letter of Approval………………………………...…………………………..259
Appendix G: Video transcription…………………………………………………………261
Appendix G: 1_Kaisou-sauku (Muta-asa-palu)……….…………………………….261
Appendix G: 2_Koi-sauku (Lia-luku)……………………………………………….281
Appendix G: 3_Kaisou-sauku (Latu-mutu)…………………………………………303
Appendix G: 4_Kaisou-sauku (Tuda-naha-buti)……………….…………………...317
Appendix G: 5_Dai-rai-waara (Ula-buti)……………………….…………………...327
Appendix G: 6_Koi-sauku (Muta-asa-palu)………………………………………...339
Appendix G: 7_Keta-base (Muta-asa-palu)…………………………………………365
Appendix G: 8_Kaisou-sauku (Leki-kabora)……………………………………….381
Appendix G: 9_Sisi(ri)-kura (Ara-diga)………………………………..…………...393
Appendix H: Audio transcription…………………………………………………………401
Appendix H: 1_MSALL………..…………………………………………………...401
Appendix H: 2_PSLK…………………………..…………………………………...423
Appendix H: 3_IFMSMP………………………………..………………………….435
Appendix H: 4_PGLLL…………………………..…………………………………449
Appendix H: 5_JABP…………..…………………………………………………...461
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Table, Map and Figure
Map Map 1: Timor-Leste………………………………………………………………………..…10 Map 2: Languages of Timor-Leste…………………………..……………………………….36
Table Table 1: List of sacred objects in Makasae rituals…………….………………………….31-32
Figure Figure 1: The Landscape of the speech community…………….……………………..……..13
Figure 2: The sacred house complex (Leki-kabora clan)……………..……………………....29
Figure 3: The male sacred house (Muta-asa-palu)……………………………………. ……..97
Figure 4: Sacred objects hung up at the stone-platform………...…..……………..…….….101
Figure 5: Sacred objects carried to the farm..……………...…………………..………...….104
Figure 6: Walking on bended knees around the buna ‘stone-platform’………..………...…104
Figure 7: Sacred drum placed on high platform (Leki-kabora)………………….....……….107
Figure 8: Male sacred house is fenced (Tuda-naha-buti)……………………………..……..109
Figure 9: Lolika ‘attic’inside the sacred house..………………..…………..………..……...109
Figure 10: Females forbidden into the male sacred hill………...……………………....…...113
Figure 11: Male sacred house (Latu-mutu)………………………………………….………114
Figure 12: Participants displaying respectful behaviour during ritual………..……….….…117
Figure 13: Males preparing for ritual at rice-field (Muta-asa-palu)…………………...……120
Figure 14: Walking without looking back………...………………………………………...124
Figure 15: Male sacred house (Lia-luku)……………………………………………....……125
Figure 16: Sacred objects worn and placed on mat covered with red cloths ………...…..…128
Figure 17: Males performing Keta-base ritual (Muta-asa-palu)………………...………..…129
Figure 18: Sacred objects hung high up on stone-platform…………………………...... 133
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Figure 19: The Buffalo washing ritual (Muta-asa-palu)…………….…………..………..…134
Figure 20: Food apportioned for ancestors, sacred places and sacred objects………………136
Figure 21: Scene of ritual event (Ula-buti)………………………………..…….………..…138
Figure 22: Sacred objects placed on a mat and red cloth (Ara-diga)………………….…….143
Figure 23: A sacred stone held with the right hand……………………………….……...…143
Figure 24: Elder kisses the dai’s hand (Ula-buti)………………………………….…....…..155
Figure 25: Ritual event at a male ritual space on sacred mountain (Leki-kabora).……...….156
Figure 26: Sacred objects saluted (Muta-asa-palu)………………….……………..……..…160
Figure 27: The sacred rice carried on head (Muta-asa-palu)………...... ………..…….….163
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ABBREVIATIONS
A APODETI Associação Popular Democrata Timorense
ASDT Associação Social Democrata Timorense
B Brother
ELAN EUDICO Linguistic Annotator
F Father
FB Father’s Brother
FBW Father’s Brother’s Wife
FF Father’s Father
FFF Father’s Father’s Father
FM Father’s Mother
FMBS Father’s Mother’s Brother’s Son
FRETILIN Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente
FZ Father’s Sister
FZD Father’s Sister’s Daughter
FZH Father’s Sister’s Husband
FZS Father’s Sister’s Son
INL Instituto Nacional de Linguística
KOTA Klibur Oan Timor Asswa’in
M Mother
MB Mother’s Brother
MBD Mother’s Brother’s Daughter
MBS Mother’s Brother’s Son
MF Mother’s Father
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MFBS Mother’s Father’s Brother’s Son
MFBSD Mother’s Father’s Brother’s Son’s Daughter
MM Mother’s Mother
MMBDD Mother’s Mother’s Brother’s Daughter’s Daughter
MMBS Mother’s Mother’s Brothers’ Son
MMBSD Mother’s Mother’s Brother’s Son’s Daughter
MMZS Mother’s Mother’s Sisters’ Son
MMZSD Mother’s Mother’s Sister’s Son’s Daughter
MZ Mother’s Sister
MZH Mother’s Sister’s Husband
PARADISEC Pacific and Regional Archive for Digital Sources in Endangered
Cultures
POSS Possessive
RDTL República Democrática de Timor-Leste
TRABALHISTA Labour Party
S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G Setting – Participants – Ends – Acts of Sequence – Key –
Instrumentalities – Norms - Genres
UDT União Democrata Timorense
UNTAET United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor
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O, raku la ne’e o, bada la ne’e; erau liku mardeka lita tamu; erau masu mardeka lita leu! O, lita leu, lita tamu, iti tutu’u he’e; lita tamu, lita leu iti peturu he’e! O, iti tutu’u rasai tana semana ere; iti peturu sasai tana tuturu ere! O, raku la ne’e o, bada la ne’e; liku leu ni bu’u-lari mega leu; masu tamu ni lari-lolo mege tamu! (Leki-kabora, 2014)
Oh, friends and fellows; Do not utter the names of the sacred Without showing respect and fear! If you do, you will stumble your feet! Oh, if you stumble your feet, you will grieve! Oh, friends and fellows; Praise and laud your sacred hills In your songs and sayings!
This is an excerpt of the lyrics of a ritual song that was sung by the Leki-kabora clan during the corn-eating ritual. The lyrics embody the link between the sacred and taboo and reflect the belief and ritual practices of the Makasae people.
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DEDICATION
This simple work is dedicated specially to:
My Mother who has a great affection, dedication, patience and blessing that have made me who I am today.
My Sister, her husband and her children as well as my younger brothers who are always available to support me.
And also in memory of My beloved Daughter and Father who are not able to witness the journey towards this success.
Thank You all for your love, dedication and support during the good and difficult times towards this success that has made me who I am today. Without You, this success would not have been possible. This success is for all of us as a Family.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study would have not been possible and successful without the contributions of those who played important parts in it.
First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my primary supervisor Dr Deborah Hill who has always been available and with great patience has guided me towards this success. Together with Dr Jeremy Jones and Dr Kate Wilson, all have supervised and provided me with excellent ideas, feedback and support. Their guidance has helped me to become mature in dealing with professional and personal matters during my studies at the University of Canberra and development that will be helpful for my future career. My gratitude also goes to Beth Barber who provided assistance in academic English and writing.
I owe a big gratitude to the elders of Makasae clans who allowed me to observe and document their ritual events, the key consultants, the heads of villages and their assistants, the sub- district administrator of Ossú and members of the Makasae speech community for all their support during my fieldwork.
My gratitude also goes to the Governments of Timor-Leste and Australia for their cooperation to bring about this golden opportunity to study in the great and exceptional land of Australia and experience the culture and life of Australians.
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CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
1.1. Introduction
Timor-Leste is a new, independent, sovereign nation. It is a country, that for very long periods, has gone through wars, political conflicts and hardships. The Timorese, and the Makasae speech community in particular, and their culture have been acutely affected by the influences of the Portuguese colonization for more than four hundreds years and Indonesian occupation for twenty four years until its independence in 2002. The Makasae (also spelled Makassae or Makasai) people and other communities across Timor-Leste have also experienced the impact of political conflicts and severe disruption of the practising of rituals in their ancestral houses and lands (Barnes, 2011; Bovensiepen, 2015; Traube & McWilliam, 2011). Timor-Leste is half of the island of Timor located between Australia and Indonesia. This study is an attempt to understand the belief system and ritual practices by which ancestors are worshipped and taboo is practised.
The study is a first attempt to describe and understand the belief system and taboo practices in the traditional rituals of the Makasae speech community of Timor-Leste. The Makasae people belong to an ancient community that practises ancestor worship. This is a belief system that was practised long before the arrival of Christianity to the island. This belief system is based on both fear of and respect for ancestors through the veneration of sacred objects inside sacred houses. The ancestral houses, genealogies, cultural history and myths of the Makasae people are embedded in landscapes. Sacred landscapes are the residences of the spirits of the ancestors and sacred objects are the bodies of ancestors that are imbued with powers that provide protection, wellbeing and life. The community members had abandoned the sacred landscapes and sacred heirlooms due to wars but they now are able to return to them. Returning and resettling the ancestral lands is to return to their roots and reaffirm their identity as a clan and community. The belief of ancestor worship, and the cultural values of showing respect for ancestors influence the behaviour of the Makasae in their daily lives. As for other Timorese, the Makasae belief system, worldview, social organization and history of the past affect their behaviour (Lazarowitz, 1980). During their long history of hardship, and despite disruption to ritual practices, the Makasae people have continued to maintain their
1 belief system which has been central to their cultural identity for generations. Maintaining the belief system and reviving the ritual practices reveals the cultural identity of the Makasae community. Such a practice reflects the identity of a group of people of who they are and where they belong, as in Chiu and Chen (2004) in which they discuss cultural identity of the Chinese people.
The Makasae community is patrilineal so male offspring are fundamental for the survival of the clans. The patrilineal system gives importance to the descendant according to the relationship of the male line. Males are the ones who assume positions of authority in the sacred houses and are entitled to property they inherit from their fathers. When a male marries, the wife-giving families are compensated with bride-wealth and the wife moves into the husband’s house and becomes a member of the clan and embraces the husband’s custom. Their children are given names after their father so that a name brings the meaning of ‘the child of’ in the patrilineal line. Males are the ones who play important roles in the community in terms of political, cultural and ritual lives. Males of the clans in the patrilineal system across Timor-Leste are not only regarded as the experts in rituals, but also have the obligations to assume positions in rituals and are the backbone of the households (Hicks, 2013).
The ritual events in the Makasae community are seasonal rituals associated with corn and rice, which are held every year; there are several other occasional rituals. Ritual practices, particularly the seasonal rituals, reflect the seasons, harvest times and life cycle. Ancestors are the central players in the ritual events, during which they are venerated, honoured, and offered sacrifices. At the same time taboos are observed to express the community’s belief in the ancestors and show respect and fear of them. Ancestors are believed to have power which can provide protection and wellbeing for the Makasae people in their day-to-day lives. Taboo practices are the cornerstone of rituals in the Makasae culture. Similar beliefs about taboo also exist in other cultures including in Fataluku of Timor-Leste where the community members believe that showing respect by observing taboo behaviour is believed to invoke blessings and wellbeing; not practising taboo behaviour means the community members will receive punishment from the ancestors (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Fowles, 2008; McWilliam, 2011).
It is obligatory for taboo observance to occur in ritual events, but in general there seems to be no time and space limits for taboo observance in the Makasae culture. This is due to the belief
2 that it is necessary to continue to show respect and fear of the ancestors in order for the clan members to stay protected and receive wellbeing (Allan & Burridge, 2006). Respect and fear of the ancestors should be shown at all times and in all situations according to Makasae belief. For example, food taboos in the category of data ‘custom’, which are associated with the origin of the ancestors, must always be observed (Carr, 2004; Lazarowitz, 1980). Since the notion of taboo in Makasae culture is expressed as a response to sacred persons and objects, clan members continue to show respectful behaviour wherever and whenever they deal with sacredness that is associated with the ancestors. Taboo observance is enforced and becomes stronger during ritual events. Taboo and its values stemming from the belief and ritual practices have become guidance for the Makasae people in their social life.
This chapter presents the rationale of the study and its aims, namely to understand and document the Makasae belief system and ritual practices (section 1.2). It also introduces the research questions that guided the research (section 1.3), and outlines the structure of the thesis chapters (section 1.4).
1.2. Rationale for the study
Many studies have been conducted across many cultures which focus on belief systems and ritual practices associated with taboo (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Fox, 2005, 2006; Hind, 2007; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999; Metzgar, 2004; Radcliffe-Brown, 1969; Sakai, 2006; Schröter, 2005; Shreen, 2010). These studies have focused on taboo associated with sacred houses and sacred places, sacred objects, taboo and sacred food, and taboo behaviour and language. For instance, places such as Kakadu in Northern Territory of Australian are considered sacred by indigenous people, and therefore certain areas of the site are forbidden for public access (Hind, 2007) and sacred objects are not touched by the public (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999; Radcliffe-Brown, 1969; Shreen, 2010).
In Timor-Leste context there have been a number of ethnographic studies conducted in various speech communities. These studies include research on the culture of the Idate of Manatuto (Bovensiepen, 2014a, 2014b, 2015), Fataluku of Lautem (McWilliam, 2011, 2012), Naueti of Viqueque (Barnes, 2011), and the Kemak culture of the Austronesian language community of Ermera (Molnar, 2011). The studies focus on culture, including belief systems, ritual practices, sacred houses, lands and taboo and their relations to cultural identity of the
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speech communities. In the context of the Makasae speech communities, there have been studies on the Makasae language with a focus on grammar (Huber, 2008; Hull, 2005; Sudiarta, 1998), Makasae genres (Carr, 2004) and Makasae ethnogeometry (Brotherson, 2008). There have also been studies on the social organization and kinship terminologies used by the Makasae people (Fox, 2011; Lazarowitz, 1980).
Despite these studies covering speech communities across the territory, there has not been much research focused on the belief systems and ritual practices in relation to the cultural identity of the Makasae people. This study is a first attempt to document and understand the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae people. The ethnographic framework of S-P- E-A-K-I-N-G (Setting or Scene, Participants, Ends, Act of sequence, Key, Instrumentalities, Norms, and Genre) (Hymes, 1962, 1972) is used in the study to describe the Makasae ritual events. The ritual events in the Makasae culture are important events where taboos are observed in order to express belief and show respect and fear to the ancestors. Ritual taboos are observed in sacred houses and sacred places, towards sacred objects and foods, and through both behaviour and language.
The findings of the study reveal that taboo in Makasae culture is expressed in response to sacredness. Spaces, objects, and foods associated with ancestors are all considered sacred in Makasae belief. Given that ancestors are central to the rituals, ritual resources associated with them become sacred and in response taboo is expressed to show respect and fear of them (Allan & Burridge, 2006). At the same time, since the ancestors are sacred, they are venerated and offered sacrifices and foods at the same time taboo is observed as an expression of the people’s belief and respect.
As noted, the ancestral houses and ritual practices were abandoned for long periods particularly during the Japanese invasion in World War II in which sacred houses were destroyed and burnt by the Japanese invasion and Indonesian occupation from 1975 through to 1999 in which rituals were forbidden to be practised; however, since independence in 2002 the Makasae people have revived the ancestral houses and ritual practices. This revitalization was the catalyst for this study in which the aims were to:
1) Document the belief system and ritual practices along with the cultural values of the Makasae people. The belief system of ancestor worship and ritual practices associated with them are an
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essential component of the shared social organization and identity of the Makasae speech community. The documentation provided in this thesis is a means of preserving an account of the ritual practices along with the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of the Makasae people.
Understand the Makasae belief system and ritual practices that instigate the taboo observance. Taboo practices are the core cultural values of the Makasae people that define the community identity in traditional rituals and social life. Studying and understanding the system and practices helps provide an explanation of the sense of identity and, if the results are disseminated, helps others to discover who the Makasae people are and where they belong in the context of Timor-Leste.
1.3. Research questions
In order to guide the collection of data, the following research questions were developed and used in the research.
1. What is the purpose of taboos in rituals? The first research question is intended to assist with understanding the purpose of taboos in the traditional ritual events in the Makasae speech community of Timor-Leste. The Makasae speech community is a traditional community whose belief in and worship of the ancestors means certain behaviour and practices are incorporated as central elements of the rituals.
2. What are the resources within the culture and language to express taboos in Makasae? The second research question is designed to identify the cultural artifacts and practices within Makasae community that are used to express taboos in traditional ritual events. The resources were identified through observation of the ritual events. Since the Makasae people’s belief in the ancestors is strong, they make use of cultural artifacts to provide a connection between the living descendants and the spirit beings. Therefore, this particular research question is a means of exploring the sacred houses and places, objects and foods, and behaviour and language that are essential resources in expressing taboos during ritual events.
3. How is taboo behaviour expressed in rituals? The third research question is designed to explore how taboos are expressed through the
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resources evident in the previous Research Question. The objects were identified first then how taboo behaviours expressed were observed. Objects used in rituals are symbolic representations of the ancestors, thus they are sacred. Since they are sacred, they affect the attitudes and behaviour of the Makasae community members. Therefore, this research question explores how the Makasae people behave in sacred houses and places, treat sacred objects and foods, behave towards other ritual participants and use terms in reference to sacred objects and foods during ritual events.
4. How does taboo in rituals strengthen the identity of the speech community? The fourth research question is designed to explore how taboo strengthens the cultural identity of the Makasae speech community.
1.4. Outline of the Chapters
The current study is presented in eight chapters. Each chapter is briefly outlined in order to provide an overview of the content of each.
Chapter One (Introduction) provides an overall introduction to the study. The chapter introduces the rationale and the aims of the study. It also presents the research questions of the current study and the outline of the chapters.
Chapter Two (Cultural Background) provides a brief cultural background of the Makasae speech community. It explains the history of Timor-Leste towards the end of the Portuguese colonization and Indonesian occupation periods. The chapter describes the ethnographic setting of the research sites and landscapes as well as offering a brief background of the Makasae speech community. This chapter also describes the social organization of the Makasae community including clans, kinship and marriage systems, naming practices and ritual practices. Then it provides an overview of taboo in the Makasae context including taboo in relation to sacred houses and sacred landscapes, sacred objects and food and taboo behaviour. In the last section of the chapter, the Makasae language, which is spoken as the lingua franca in the community, is briefly introduced.
Chapter Three (Literature Review: Taboo Across Cultures) reviews the literature related to taboo and ritual practices across cultures. First, the review presents the notion of cultural
6 identity. It also gives a brief background, history of ethnography and ethnography of communication. Then, in order to understand what shapes the identity of a speech community particularly in relation to taboo in rituals, relevant literature with regard to ritual spaces, objects, food, behaviour and language is reviewed.
Chapter Four (Research Methodology) describes the research methodological approach and conceptual framework for the study. The ethnographic qualitative methodology and ethnographic methods of participant observation and semi-structured interview are described in this chapter. The chapter explains the importance of an ethnographic approach in studying culture and accounts for the use of the participant observation method alongside other supporting data collection methods. The chapter also sets out the procedures of identifying key consultants, potential consultants and conducting interviews. Video and audio recordings, fieldnotes and photographs were used to record data. The software ELAN, which was used to transcribe both audio and video recordings and PARADISEC for data storage, is also described in this chapter. The chapter discusses the ethnography of communication and the ethnographic framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G used in describing and analyzing the ritual events. Lastly, the chapter discusses the research ethics including survey, meeting authorities and identification of key consultants.
Chapter Five (Description of Ritual Events using S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G Framework) describes each of the selected ritual events based on the components of the ethnographic framework.
Chapter Six (Findings and Response to Research Questions) presents the research findings that were obtained during the fieldwork. The findings consist of data from both observations and interviews and are presented based on the four Research Questions (RQs). The observation data reflects the data described in previous Chapter Five. The chapter also presents the actual responses of the consultants to each question was provided in Makasae with my English translation.
Chapter Seven (Discussion: Understanding Taboo as a Response to Sacredness) discusses the key points associated with taboo behaviour in response to the four research questions. Firstly, the focus is on the purpose of taboo in rituals. Secondly, it discusses about expressing taboo in regard to the sacred settings and taboo behaviour. Then the chapter considers taboo according to four themes: transforming the ordinary into the sacred, maintaining contrast
7 between the ordinary and the sacred, avoiding what is sacred in everyday situations and integrating the sacred into the ordinary. Each theme focuses the discussions on taboo associated with sacred objects, taboo and sacred food, and taboo behaviour. Finally, there is a discussion of taboo language used in rituals.
Chapter Eight (Conclusion) revisits the purpose of the study and provides a summary of all the chapters. The chapter highlights the reviving of the belief system and ritual practices then underlines the understanding of sacred and taboo practices in rituals and links these to the community’s cultural identity. There is an overall conclusion of the study and note is made of the limitations of the study and its implication for future research.
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CHAPTER TWO CULTURAL BACKGROUND
2.1. Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to provide a brief overview of the history and culture of Timor- Leste, and to introduce the Makasae speech community, its social organization and ritual practices. The focus of the history is from the disruptive events at the end of Portuguese colonization in 1974 and the beginning of Indonesian occupation in 1975 until Timor-Leste’s independence in 2002. The history of a country is linked to and has an impact on the culture of a country. The Makasae people are part of this history and their experiences of colonization and occupation have influenced their culture. Thus, in order to understand the customs and tradition of the Makasae people in context, particularly those associated with ritual and taboo practices, it is important to understand the culture and history of Timor-Leste. As Taylor- Leech (2008) explains in reference to Timor-Leste’s identity construction, since the country has had a long history of hardship, the construction of its identity can be best understood with regard to its political history.
The description of the cultural background of the speech community in this chapter is partly a result of my ethnographic observation of the ritual events, and information provided by the consultants during fieldwork. It is also partly a result of my own knowledge as an integral member of the speech community.
2.2. Timor-Leste’s history
This section presents an overview of the location of Timor-Leste, its population, and the events that occurred at the end of the Portuguese colonization in 1974, the beginning of the Indonesian occupation in 1975, and the country’s efforts towards its independence in 2002.
2.2.1. Historical background
Timor-Leste also known as East Timor, Timor-Timur or Timor-Lorosa’e is a small country located at the eastern end of the Indonesian archipelago to the north west of Australia. The
9 country occupies the eastern half of the island of Timor, the Oecusse region on the northwest portion of the island, and also the islands of Atauro and Jaco. According to the 2015 census of Timor-Leste, in 1980, during Indonesian occupation, the population size was 555,350, but in 2015 the total population was just over one million (Government of Timor-Leste, 2015).
124° 125° 126° 127°
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 km Romang
0 5 10 15 20 mi Banda Sea Mamau Wetar Tuputi MALUKU Airpanas Mahuan Pillipuang INDONESIA (MOLUCCAS) Hatutau Hiai Luna 8° Kara 8° Lirah Kisar Tandjung Atauro Selat Wetar Wakululoron Biquele Atauro Alor Berau Lautem Com Tutuala Laivai Mehara Cape Cutcha Pantar Batuiolong Baucau Manatuto Bucoli Fuiloro Jaco Lomblen Metinaro Lospalos Comoro Dili Baucau Laga Luro Island Liquica Bazar DILI Laleia BAUCAU Maubara Tete Dare Laklo Baquia LAUTEM Venilale Kelikai LIQUICA Railako MANATUTO Loré AILEU Iliomar Gleno Ossu Aileu Laclubar Lacluta Uatolari NUSA TENGGARA TIMUR Ermera VIQUEQUE Atabae Hatolina Turiscai Viqueque (EAST LESSER SUNDAS) ERMERA Beacu BOBONARO Atsabe MANUFAHI Atapupu Fato Natarbora 9° Balibo Maliana Same Berlia 9° Alas Bobonaro Ainaro Atambua AINARO Hotudo Lolotoe TIMOR-LESTE Pante Macassar Zumalai Wini Halilulik Fatolulic COVA LIMA Savu Sea OECUSSI Suai Citrana Nitibe Fohorem Oe Silo Kotafun Tilomar Cape Kefamenanu Suai BELU TIMOR TENGAH UTARA Timor Sea (NORTH CENTRAL TIMOR) Besikama Timor Regions of
Soe TIMOR-LESTE KUPANG TIMOR TENGAH SELATAN International boundary (SOUTH CENTRAL TIMOR) 10° Province boundary 10° District boundary Semau Road Noelbaki National capital Kupang Province capital District seat Town, village
The boundaries and names shown and the Airport designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. Roti 124° 125° 126° 127°
Map No. 4117 Rev. 6 UNITED NATIONS Department of Peacekeeping Operations March 2007 Cartographic Section
Map 1: Timor-Leste (Source: United Nations, 2007)
Historically, Timor-Leste was under Portuguese colonisation for several hundreds of years until 1974. The exact date of European landing on the island is not known; however, according to the date displayed on a modern day monument at Lifau, Oecusse of Timor-Leste, the year 1515 is said to be the date of the first Portuguese settlement on the island (Boyce, 1995). Then during the World War II, Timor-Leste experienced a short invasion by the Japanese from 1942 through to 1945. Many Timorese lost their lives and ancestral heirlooms as well as destruction of sacred houses during this short Japanese invasion.
After over 450 years of its settlement in Timor Island, the Portuguese reign ended in 1974
10 following the Carnation Revolution1 in Portugal in that same year. The efforts towards self- determination for Timor started to emerge at that time with the formation of political parties. A total of six political parties came into existence each with different aspirations. The political parties were: ASDT (Associação Social Democrata Timorense) which later changed its name to FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionária de Timor-Leste Independente), UDT (União Democrata Timorense), APODETI (Associação Popular Democrata Timorense), KOTA (Klibur Oan Timor Asswa’in), and TRABALHISTA (Labour Party). ASDT (FRETILIN) in 1974 aspired to independence for Timor-Leste, UDT proposed an intermediate period of autonomy, while APODETI supported integration with Indonesia (Greenlees & Garran, 2002).
FRETILIN, which received great support from the people in rural areas, proclaimed a unilateral declaration of independence, and announced the establishment of República Democrática de Timor-Leste (RDTL) on November 28th, 1975, but the new country was not internationally recognized. On December 7th, 1975, less than two weeks after the proclamation, Indonesia invaded Timor-Leste by land, sea, and air and forced integration in Indonesia in 1976 (M. Leach & Kingsbury, 2013). Under international law, the forced integration of Timor-Leste was never recognized as part of Indonesia. The invasion brought disaster to the Timorese and saw many Timorese, including children and women become victims to the barbaric invasion. The Indonesian forces continued to push forward their invasion across the territory and, as a result, the Timorese freedom fighters and civilians in particular were forced to move away from their original settlements and find safe havens in the mountains across the territory.
While the Timorese freedom fighters continued fighting for their independence in the mountains and in towns, international efforts to end the occupation were pursued by the Timorese on the overseas diplomatic front. International pressure resulted in the newly appointed president of Indonesia B. J. Habibie, who had been in power less than a month, announcing a referendum so that the East Timorese could decide their own future (M. Leach & Kingsbury, 2013). The announcement by the Indonesian president was received with suspicion both in East Timor and Portugal. As Greenlees and Garran (2002) explain, the announcement caught the diplomats by surprise and some doubts were raised about whether
1 The Carnation Revolution was Portugal’s revolutionary road to democracy. It was a revolution that brought an end to
11 the announcement was intended to offer a referendum for independence or simply a ploy. As a follow up to his announcement, the Indonesian president in January 1999 requested the United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan for a referendum in East Timor. As a result, an agreement was reached on May 5th, 1999 between Portugal and Indonesia for there to be a referendum to determine the future of East Timor. The referendum was meant to give the East Timorese a chance to decide their fate, to determine whether to be an independent country or remain part of Indonesia (Department of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, 1999; Taudevin, 1999).
The result of the referendum held on August 30th, 1999, and announced on September 4th, 1999, was that the overwhelming majority of Timorese chose to separate from Indonesia to be an independent nation. Following the overwhelming vote for independence, a catastrophe was brought upon the East Timorese including murder and destruction of infrastructure by the Indonesian armed forces and their locally established militia groups. The Indonesian armed forces left the country towards the end of 1999, and a new chapter towards full independence was established under the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) (M. Leach & Kingsbury, 2013). Following transitional administration, East Timor finally had its independence of 1975 restored in May 2002. Since then East Timor has conducted several democratic elections and has been making steady progress in all sectors despite various challenges facing the country.
2.3. Ethnographic setting
This section provides an overview of the ethnographic setting including the way of life and the landscape of the speech community. The overview is intended to provide a general idea of the everyday life of the community members and the landscapes which are believed to be imbued with spirit beings.
The Makasae people from this particular speech community form one of the ethnic groups of the Makasae in the district of Viqueque, in the eastern part of Timor-Leste (see Map 2 section 2.8 and see also Map 1 section 2.2.1)). The speech community is located on the other side of Wai-bere river which originates from the Mount of Mundo Perdido separating physically the kingdoms of Ossú and Ossorua (see section 2.4). The speech community is also referred to as wai-rapi ‘the other side of the river’. There is an old and unpaved road leading to the region
12 from the main town of Ossú. The road is hardly accessible during the rainy season due to muddy, slippery and landslides. Footpaths are often the only way to reach many of the community members. Topographically, the speech community is almost entirely surrounded by mountains and hills on all sides from the east to the west and north to the south. To the centre are hills and valleys among beautiful landscapes. The landscape looks green during the rainy season and golden brown during the dry season.
Figure 1: The landscape of the speech community
The majority of the speech community members are subsistence farmers living from working on farms and rice-fields (Ministry of Finance, 2010). The farmers still use traditional tools to cultivate their land. They grow corn, taro, yam, cassava, sugar cane, beans, and other edible foods during the rainy season; and rice in the rice-fields. The crops from their farming are for their everyday consumption and some are sold in the market, which is a few miles away on foot. The cultivation is closely linked to the rituals in which they need to present the crops to their ancestors prior to consumption (see section 2.6). The livestock in the speech community are buffalo, cow, horse, goat, sheep, pig, and other domestic animals. Buffaloes are used to plough rice-fields and, along with other animals, are also sold to support their family and support the children’s education. The Makasae people still make use of horses to transport the harvests and crops. They also live from hunting animals such as deer, wild buffaloes and cows.
Across the speech community many landscapes are considered sacred. According to community beliefs, places such as mountains, hills, rivers, big trees and rocks have owners or
13 spirits residing in them. Such places are often avoided by not building houses, and not cultivating them, crossing through them, or performing activities there. If in some circumstances one of the places is required for particular activities, the elders of the speech community may be called in to sanctify the landscapes prior to the activities going ahead. In this case, a ritual is often held and performed by community elders to facilitate the activities.
2.4. The speech community
This section provides an overview of the background of the Makasae speech community of the Ossú sub-district. It starts with an overview of the history of Ossú, an umbrella town that covers the speech community and other villages. It then describes the villages that make up the Ossú sub-district and the relationship between the villages in the speech community.
Ossú is a sub-district, locally known in Portuguese as posto. Ossú is one of the five sub- districts (Ossú, Lakluta, Uatukarbau, Uatulari, and Viqueque) of Viqueque district or conselho (a Portuguese term) of Timor-Leste. Ossú is located in the eastern part of the country and is part of a larger population living there known as Watu-misa ‘sun-rise’. It is an inland town with picturesque mountains, hills and valleys.
Historically, the Ossú sub-district was divided into two kingdoms namely Ossú and Ossorua (Lazarowitz, 1980). The kingdom of Ossú was under a king said to originate from Bidau of Dili, and Ossorua’s king was from Luca. The Ossú sub-district consists of nine villages: Uagia, Uabubo, Ossorua, Nahareka, Ossu de Cima, Loihuno, Uaibobo, Liaruka, and Builale. The traditional king of Ossorua ruled over the first four villages and the king of Ossú ruled over the last five. Thus, the three villages Uagia, Uabubo, and Ossorua in which the fieldwork for the study took place fell under the reign of the kingdom of Ossorua. Even though there is no longer a traditional king, the villages continue to cluster according to the previous divisions and settlements. Each village used to be headed by a liurai ‘traditional king’ (Hicks, 2013); however, the reign of the kings changed and waned along with economic and political changes. Even though most kings are no longer in power, they and their descendants are still widely respected in the community and are still referred to as liurai ‘lord’. Each village is now headed by a xefe suku ‘village head’ who is sometimes still referred to as liurai ‘lord’ as an expression of respect.
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Each village has a number of hamlets or sub-villages. Uagia has six (6) hamlets: Dasarai, Dolibuti, Manolari, Luhabere, Uaitutumata, and Uatumantuku; Uabubo also has six (6): Buanurak, Dauborubaha, Lari-tame, Leki-buti, and Uailia; and Ossorua has twelve (12): Buareka, Builo, Derulo, Fatu-Dere, Laisorule, Lutuguia, Raimuti, Sama-Lari, Uai-Bobo, Uatu-Lawa, Oma-bere, and Oma-tamene. Each hamlet or sub-village comprises several clans: this study does not cover all clans, only a few of them that have revived their ancestral houses and ritual practices. Hence, the research data for this study were recorded from the following clans of the three villages (in brackets are the names of sub-village and village): Muta-asa- palu (Luha-bere, Uagia), Ula-buti (Uaitutumata, Uagia), Tuda-naha-buti (Doli-buti, Uagia), Lia-luku (Ossogori, Uabubo), Leki-kabora (Derulo, Ossorua), Latu-mutu (Buareka, Ossorua), and Ara-diga (Oma-tamene, Ossorua).
The villages are connected to one another historically and culturally. In particular, historically, the Uagia and Uabubo villagers shared a common place of origin, namely in a mountain called Lari-tame on the north side of the town of Ossú. According to the oral story of the speech community, the two villages used to be headed by two brothers of the traditional kings. The villages were named according to their features and the geography of the locality. The population who lived on the mountain was named Uabubo where ua means village and bubo means up or top, while those who lived at the foot of the mountain inhabited in the village of Uagia where ua means village and gia means under or beneath. Nowadays, the mountainous areas, particularly spots where ancestors used to settle and build sacred houses, are unsettled and uncultivated. However, the ancestral places are preserved and have become sacred places for each clan from the two villages. The name Ossorua was chosen as an equivalent to Ossú to represent the two kingdoms that existed in the Ossú sub-district as described above. The name Ossorua was then adopted as the name for the current village. Literally, Ossú and Ossorua stand for oso ‘casuarina tree’ and u is the Makasae word for ‘one’ and rua is Kairui or Tetun word for ‘two’. These terms were chosen to represent the two traditional kingdoms.
The three villages border one another. Although each village has fixed borders, their populations have intermingled and it is as though there is no real border between the three. One of the village heads explained that, culturally, there has been no border for the population of the three villages due to the marriage alliances between the clan members or villagers. This results in the intermingling of the population of the three villages. They believe and know that the lands are their ancestral homelands which have been inherited for generations. For
15 instance, the ancestral lands of the different clans of the three villages are mostly concentrated in places next to one another regardless of village boundary.
The Makasae people share homogeneity in culture and customs (da Silva, 2003). They share the same kinship and marriage systems, traditional ritual customs, taboo observances and social organization, speak the same language and share traditional beliefs which are associated closely with the ancestors. They speak a dialect of Makasae that belongs to the Non-Austronesian language group (see section 2.8).
2.5. Makasae social organization
This section describes aspects of the Makasae social organization. The description includes the Makasae patrilineal system, kinship terminology system, marriage system and naming pattern. This information provides a background to understanding of the behaviour of the Makasae people with regard to taboo and ritual practices.
2.5.1. Clans
The aim of this section is to present the form of the descent system of the clans of the Makasae people, and the names of the clans that are associated with food taboo and property inheritance. The Makasae descent system is patrilineal where each clan gives importance to its descendants according to the relationship of the descent of the male line. Males are the ones who assume positions and are entitled to property inherited from their fathers. In this system, male offspring are essential for the survival of the clan. Inheritance of lands, residence, and ancestral property is predominantly patrilineal, thus males have every right to settle the lands, own the property and assume positions once the father passes away.
Clan in Makasae is called oma-rate and embodies a group of people who share one common ancestor, share one sacred house, practise the same customs, and share a common data ‘custom’ or food taboo. The term oma-rate has a very significant meaning culturally. Literally, oma ‘home’ and rate ‘graveyard’ meaning it is home to a person who has a sense of belonging and is rooted and lives there until his passing. Oma-rate is essential for the survival of the group of people who belong to it and will never abandon it. Membership in a clan is for a lifetime and it is forbidden for a clan member, particularly a male to rescind his membership
16 of his clan. Rescinding one’s oma-rate has severe consequences, for example suffering and death.
There are a variety of clans across the Makasae speech community. Ritually, each clan traces its ancestors through myth. Their ancestors are believed to stem from certain food. The food that is associated with the origin of their ancestors becomes taboo or forbidden for eating in each clan member’s lifetime. Such food taboo in Makasae is called data ‘custom’ (discussed in detail later in section 7.3.2.3.1). Data refers to a type of food that is associated with the origin of the clan’s mythical ancestors. Each clan has its distinct data and the name of each clan is often associated with the data. For example, Muta-asa-palu ‘taro-leaf-taboo’ clan adheres to the taboo of muta’u-gi-asa ‘taro-POSS-leaf’ or muta’u-asa ‘taro-leaf-taboo’, and Lia-luku ‘wild-taro-mark’ adheres to taboo of uahe or lia ‘wild-taro’. The names of several clans included in this study are associated with their places of origin; for example, the name of the Tuda-naha-buti clan is associated with their sacred hills (see section 2.7.1), and the name of the Latu-mutu clan is associated with their sacred place on the Mount Builo, or place of origin where their forefathers lived and original sacred house was built. Even though a few clans’ names are associated with their places of origin, members of the clans are still identified by their food taboo or data ‘custom’.
A clan in Makasae traces its common ancestor through a ritual myth called data. Members of a clan mostly live across the speech community, although some live in other places across Timor-Leste. They barely interact regularly in day-to-day lives, but they know one another and are united by the ancestral sacred houses, rituals, ancestor worship and ancestral lands. Each has obligations to provide mutual support particularly with regard to death and marriage ceremonies. A clan is a form of descent group that has a defined membership of individuals (Hicks, 2013), thus, individuals in the Makasae community define themselves under the umbrella of a clan which has a common ancestor.
The children belonging to one clan are strictly forbidden to marry one another. The males of the clan may live with their wives and children in different places; however, their hearts and minds are never far away from their ancestral land. They always long for their birthplace and ancestral land for a family matter or ritual gathering in the sacred house.
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2.5.2. Kinship system
This section presents the kinship terminology system of Makasae. It presents the kinship terminologies of brother and sister relationships of the speech community especially. Each clan member has his or her kinship term which other kin members use to address them in rituals and day-to-day life (see also Williams-van Klinken and Hajek, 2006). The Makasae kinship terminology system goes back several ancestral generations. FF is referred to as dada ‘grandparent’, FFF as nanu ‘great-grandparent’, FFFF as niki ‘bat’, FFFFF as ira ‘water’, FFFFFF as raraha ‘sweat’, FFFFFFF as sode – consultants were unsure about the meaning, but it refers to the seventh generation. The ancestors are referred to as such to indicate that they are very much alive in the form of these entities and are still visible. There are additional kinship terms used to refer to the forefathers, but they are hardly defined or remembered or even used in everyday discourse and so have not been included here.
However, according to the belief of the Makasae people, moe ‘dew’ is believed to be the highest kinship term; it refers to the first ancestors in the genealogy. It is believed that when the spirits of the ancestors reach the level of moe, they will melt away and become powerful ancestors and return to their descendants on earth in the form of a dai2 ‘powerful ancestor’ and are able to speak different languages apart from Makasae. According to the Makasae clans, dai literally means someone from abroad or outside. In the context of Makasae belief, dai is referred to in the rituals as powerful ancestors who believed to return from the other world and were present inside sacred houses in order to interact with clan members. These powerful ancestors who return and are able to speak other languages; for instance, Portuguese, Tetun and others, inside the sacred houses during rituals. The ancestors who are only able to speak Makasae are those in the levels below moe ‘dew’ in the genealogy. The presence of the dai in the sacred houses is essential including to enforce the taboo observances and direct how rituals are conducted.
In Makasae the children refer to their father as bouba ‘father’. The term bouba itself refers to F, FB, and MZH. A mother is referred to as ina in Makasae. The term refers to ina-hetu ‘mother-own’ (M), mother’s sisters (MZ), and father’s brothers’ wives (FBW). The term bouba-hetu is a more specific term to identify one’s biological father. FZ are referred to as
2 Dai refers to powerful ancestors who return to their descendants inside sacred houses.
18 ina-tua or ina-hatu and FZH as bouba-tua or bouba-hatu. FZ and FZH have a distinct role and responsibility towards the MB with regard to matters associated with tupu-mata ‘wife- taker’ and oma-rahe ‘wife-giver’ (see section 2.5.3).
In order to differentiate one biological or true father or mother from others, a child uses hetu ‘own’ in addition to the kin terms. For example, a child says asi-bouba-hetu ‘my-father-own’ or asi-ina-hetu ‘my-mother-own’, while a child refers to others, for instance father’s brothers or mother’s sisters, using the base term in addition to ina-wa’e ‘first-born’, tamene ‘middle’, and waihula ‘last-born’. The parents of the father and mother are referred to as abo or dada ‘grandparents’ (FF, FM, MF, MM). The children of all the abovementioned kin refer to one another as noko-kaka ‘younger-elder brother’ and tupu-bo’u ‘sister-brother’; thus, marriage is proscribed between them.
The children address MB as boubu ‘uncle’. The term boubu in Makasae refers to MB, FMBS, MMBS, MMZS and MFBS. When a child wants to refer to his true uncle the word hetu ‘own’ is added to the word boubu ‘uncle’ becomes boubu-hetu ‘uncle-own’ to differentiate from other mother’s brothers. A more respectful term for a boubu-hetu or true uncle is boubu-dai. Boubu means ‘uncle’ and dai literally means ‘foreigner or stranger’, but culturally it is a highly respectful term to refer to ancestors who have a special power (see section 2.5.2). An uncle is addressed as such because he is believed to have a specific power over his nephews and nieces. As Lazarowitz (1980) points out in reference to another speech community, namely that of the clans in Ossú, children treat their own bouba ‘father’ “with respect and affection”, while their boubu ‘uncle’ is “with respect and fear” (p. 84). This very value is commonly shared and practised in the Makasae community. The use of the term dai in Makasae context is used to denote this notion of respect and fear.
In Makasae, there are several equivalences in kinship terms; for instance, F = FB = MZH, M = MZ, and B = FBS = MZS) (Fox, 2011; Lazarowitz, 1980). As well, there are several differences, for instance, MB is referred to as boubu ‘uncle’, FZH are referred to as bouba or bouba-hatu ‘father’ (MB ≠ FZH), FZ as ina-tua or ina-hatu, while MBW as boubu or boubu- tupurae ‘aunt-female’ (FZ ≠ MBW), and an older brother is referred to as kaka, a younger brother is noko and a sister is tupu (Fox, 2011), while father’s sisters’ sons are referred to as sai-tupu-mata, and mother’s brothers’ sons are referred to as sai-oma-rahe (B ≠ FZS ≠ MBS). A sister to a male is tupu, a male to a sister is bo’u, and a sister to a female is noko ‘younger
19 sister’ or kaka ‘older sister’. Sai is a kinship term used by the sons and daughters of a brother and sister to refer to one another.
All kinship members in Makasae have their respective kin terms that include a generic term and respectful term. The closest relationships among the kinship members are parents and children, siblings and cousins, uncles and nephews or nieces, and grandparents and grandchildren. This relationship affects the way people refer to one another or address one another in the community. Addressing kin members using personal names is disrespectful behaviour in Makasae. The children address their parents, uncles, brothers, sisters, grandparents and other kin members by the kin terms to show respect and deference and also in ways which constitute closeness and intimacy. The parents and older kin members address their children using their nicknames or address terms to show closeness and intimacy. Kinship terms are the actual terms for kin members, while address terms are terms used to address kin members. For example, the kinship term for an older brother is kaka, but the term used by a younger brother to address an older brother is kakai to show respect and intimacy.
2.5.3. Marriage system
This section presents the marriage system in Makasae culture. The marriage system in Makasae follows the patrilineal system which involves cross-cousin marriage. The section also presents the prescriptions and proscriptions that are involved in marriage.
The marriage system in Makasae is known as tupu-mata – oma-rahe ‘wife-taker - wife-giver’ respectively (da Silva, 2003; Lazarowitz, 1980). Tupu-mata – oma-rahe is a fundamental element of the culture of the Makasae speech community. This marriage system involves bura ‘bride-wealth’ which is always given by the wife-taking families to the wife-giving families. Bura is a central element in the marriage system in Makasae culture. Following the negotiation between the two families over the bride-wealth, in which an exchange of cultural materials takes place, the wives are required to move into the house of the husband’s family (Hicks, 2013). Even when the bride-wealth is not fully settled, the wife is required to move to her husband’s house while she continues to embrace her original custom. For example, the wife is not allowed into the husband’s sacred house, but she can continue to go to her original sacred house where she observes the food taboo of her original clan. In such a case, if the wife
20 dies, she will be buried along with her ancestors from her original clan. Later on, the couple sets up a separate household but ideally stays near the husband’s family with the intention to take care of his parents when they get old. The bride-wealth in Makasae is a symbol of enhancing the dignity and mutual respect between families (da Silva, 2003; Quintao, 2015).
Cross-cousin marriage is a common cultural practice in Makasae, in that the sons of a sister (FZ) are required to marry the daughters of a brother (MB), but not the other way around. The children of FZ and MB refer to one another as sai ‘cousin’ in everyday life. Even though none of them marry one another, they continue to refer to one another as sai ‘cousin’ (see section 2.5.2) or mali ‘brother-in-law’ in everyday life. In Makasae, the children of FZD and FZS are referred to as sai-tupu-mata ‘cousin-wife-taker’ or children of the wife-taking family, while the children of the MB are sai-oma-rahe ‘cousin-wife-giver’ or children of wife-giving family or children of a brother (MBD, MBS, MMBDD, MFBSD, MMZSD, MMBSD) (Lazarowitz, 1980). Sai in Makasae connotes the idea of a marriage between cousins, thus the marriage between them is allowed. Cross-cousins marriage in Makasae is that the opposite-sex cross- cousins are potential spouses, while the same-sex are potential in-laws. Even though the Catholic Church3 imposes bans on cross-cousin marriages, the community members in certain circumstances continue to practise it or have a tendency to marry a woman from or associated with the oma-rahe or wife-giving family.
The children of F, FB, MZH and M, FZ, FBW, MZ refer to one another as brothers and sisters and are strictly forbidden to marry one another. Should, in certain circumstances, the marriage happen, it is believed that the couple and their children will suffer from a long-term illness, which will then pass on to their children and grandchildren for generations. This means that kinship members in the same clan are strictly forbidden to marry one another: they must marry someone from different clans either within the same community or another community. They are required and encouraged to marry their cousins or someone close to their cross- cousins who are from other clans, but preferably those who are related through their mothers and mothers’ brothers (Lazarowitz, 1980). The marriage system and behaviour pattern in Makasae are closely linked to rituals and sacred houses particularly in association with the females-in-law or females who married the males of a clan (see section 2.7).
3 The Catholic Church forbids the cross-cousins marriage in Timor-Leste.
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2.5.4. Naming practices
This section describes the naming practices in the Makasae tradition. The description includes how children are given personal names and nicknames, and how kin members and others address them in everyday interactions.
In the tradition of the Makasae people, children are given a traditional name when a child is born. Makasae people have a distinct naming pattern that follows the patrilineal system. The children, whether boy or girl, are all given a name that is derived from their true father’s name. Each child is given a first name, then in addition the first name of the father is added and becomes the surname of the child. A surname in Makasae culture gives a sense of identity and helps describe who a person is and where he or she belongs. Thus, a child’s name bears the meaning of ‘the child of’. Such a naming practice links the son to his father and becomes the lineage structure within the family for generations.
A nickname is given later on to each child. The nickname normally stems from the child’s base or first name and a suffix (-lai, -wai, -kai) is added to show closeness and intimacy. Sometimes, a child, especially a boy child, is also given a nickname associated with his or her physical condition such as rika ‘thin’, diga ‘short’, buti ‘light’ or meta ‘dark’ skin. For example, if a child has a base name starting with Mau-, the name will be Mau-rika, Mau-buti, or Mau-meta. Such nicknames are given by the parents to be used at home by the kin members to address a child. The personal names are used mostly among relatives and other people in the community. The names inherited from their father will remain unchanged. The kinship members continue to address him or her by their inherited names until they grow up and have their status changed. For example, if a boy grows up and gets married, then he will be addressed using the kin terms in addition to the name of his first born son or daughter: for example, Mau-lai gi baba ‘Mau-lai is a typical son name; gi ‘POSS’, baba ‘father’’. In rare cases, a child is named after his grandfather (FF) if the child is a boy, or her grandmother (FM) if a girl. In the circumstances where a child cries continuously for no reason or is sick, the child will be named after the grandparents to stop the child from crying. Thus, the name is given to a child to please the grandparents.
The children later on have their names changed to a western name, mainly Portuguese, once they are baptized in church. The Christian names are given without having any significant
22 link to the father’s names. Often, the godfather chooses the child’s name. A Christian name is used officially in the church and government documents. Even though a Christian name is given, a child is still addressed by his or her traditional nickname at home. Thus, a person in the Makasae community has several names including a traditional personal name, nicknames, and Christian name. The different names are used in different contexts in the community; for example, nicknames are used at home among kin members and Christian names are used in schools or among non-kin members.
In the Makasae culture a personal name is inherited through the paternal line. Even though such a naming practice has encountered changes due to the influences of western culture, people in rural areas across the Makasae speech community continue to give a traditional name to their children according to their paternal line. In addition, children are given a nickname derived from their first name and a suffix is added to it, so that it can be used to address them at home by the kin members.
2.6. Ritual practices
This section presents the ritual practices and their importance in the life of the Makasae speech community. The description focuses on the principal seasonal rituals associated with corn and rice which were covered in the study. It also presents the order of the seasonal rituals that the speech community celebrates every year at their sacred houses and sacred places. In addition, it discusses the situation with ritual practices during the difficult times under the Indonesian occupation and their revival following independence.
The traditional ritual event is an important aspect of sociocultural life of the Makasae speech community. Rituals in the Makasae context are events to mark the seasonal calendar where new crops are offered to the ancestors and homage is paid to the ancestors as reinforcement of the community’s cultural identity. In ritual practices, the ancestors play a central role: they are venerated, sacrifices are offered and taboos are observed to show respect for them. Ritual practices are also an important element of everyday life in the Makasae culture. Rituals encompass many cultural phenomena that are considered sacred and taboo, and present cultural values that make the speech community members different from others. Practising the rituals every year and every season and passing them on to the next generations is a means of strengthening the identity of the Makasae speech community.
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The traditional rituals are quite various. The most common and shared rituals celebrated across the community are those associated with agriculture such as kaiso-sauku ‘corn-eating’ and koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ rituals (Lazarowitz, 1980). These are the main seasonal rituals and are celebrated annually in each sacred house. Along with these two principal rituals, there are two other rituals that are associated with koi-sauku rituals: arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ and keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivate’. During the fieldwork, it was observed that the only clan who celebrated the four seasonal rituals was the Muta-asa-palu, while the other clans included in this study mainly celebrated the first two rituals.
Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual is the first seasonal ritual held in the first quarter of every year. The ritual is held at both the sacred house and sacred farm. It is a ritual intended to break the corn fast by clan members across the Makasae speech community. Prior to celebrating the kaisou-sauku ritual, the clan members who have revived the sacred houses and ritual practices do not eat corn for a certain period of time. In addition to corn, particularly the Muta-asa-palu clan do not eat several other foods such as taro, yam, sugar cane, shrimp, bean, and shoots (see section 2.7.3). The period of taboo observance begins in January and continues until March every year. During this period, the clan members must not eat or even touch the corn and other foods that are forbidden until the ritual is held. The purpose of the ritual is to consume the corn that the clan members are forbidden to eat during the taboo period for the few months prior to the ritual event. During the period of prohibition on corn eating, clan members are forbidden to eat foods associated with corn as noted above for the Muta-asa-palu clan, but the Lia-luku clan is also prohibited from cutting trees such as young trees and bamboo during this time.
The second seasonal ritual following the kaisou-sauku is the arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ ritual. This ritual is held inside the sacred house but the main ritual event is held at debu ‘old buffalo corral’. Debu refers to an old buffalo corral that has been used as a sacred place for the arabau-bane ritual since ancestral times. This ritual is held a few weeks after the kaisou- sauku ritual and with the intention of preparing the buffaloes for ploughing rice-fields. The way the ritual is held is that in the early morning a male member of the clan goes to fetch water from the clan’s sacred water-well. He goes to the water-well without being seen or greeted by anybody. He fetches the sacred water in a bamboo container and places the sacred water at the debu ‘buffalo-corral’ and then carries the water to the sacred house after the ritual
24 event at the debu. The males of the clan then cut the bamboo – bamboo that is only cut once in a year during this particular ritual – at the debu as it was observed in the Muta-asa-palu ritual. Then the water is mixed with chicken blood and certain traditional substances and is sprinkled over buffaloes at the old corral during the ritual.
The next ritual after the arabau-bane is the keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivate’ ritual. The ritual is held inside the sacred house and at the rice-field a few months prior to the sowing of rice. The clan members who play important roles during the ritual go into the rice-field bringing rehate ‘long bamboo’, ta’a ‘axe’, oro ‘spear’ and other traditional tools. They symbolically start measuring the rice-field, using the bamboo stick, from the west side to the east side and back again. Every two metres, they post the spear or digging stick, and every two times five metres they place a small bamboo stick called seheka. At the end of the practice, they place the rehate ‘bamboo stick’ at the casuarina tree which is a sacred tree and its branches are only cut once a year during this particular ritual. The ritual is intended to ensure the soil in the rice- field is fertile for the rice and for there will be an abundance in crops.
The last seasonal ritual is the koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual. The annual prohibition on eating rice begins from July and runs through to September when the ritual is held. The ritual is usually held inside sacred houses and at the rice-fields. However, during fieldwork, the Muta- asa-palu clan was the only clan that conducted the ritual at both the sacred house and rice- field: other clans had it at the sacred houses and their sacred places such as hills and mountains respectively. The ritual is intended to break the fasting of rice. At the rice-field, the ritual is held at the keta-buna ‘rice-field-stone-platform’ in the middle of the rice-field. The only food taboo in this ritual is koi ‘rice’. It is important to note that the prohibition applies only to the rice which has not been harvested. Once the ritual has been held, the clan members can consume the rice fresh from the rice-field.
The order of the rituals reflects the way the clan members across the Makasae speech community celebrate their traditional rituals. Ritual practices also reflect the seasons and harvest times as well as the life cycle of the Makasae people. All the rituals include taboo observances associated with ancestors, sacred houses, ritual objects and communicative behaviour. Such ritual practices and sacred houses were founded by the forefathers and have been passed from one generation to the next since ancestral times. According to the speech community belief, such customs must continue to be practised out of respect for the ancestors
25 and for the wellbeing of the living descendants. Individuals belonging to a clan that has revived their ancestral ritual house are required to take part in the ritual celebrations and observe taboos. Reviving sacred houses and ritual practices symbolizes respect for the ancestors and clan members will receive protection, healing, wellbeing and long life.
During the Indonesian occupation from 1975 through to 1999, the right to freely practise their rituals was denied. The Timorese were not at all free to practise their traditional belief through ritual events due to security and the political situation on the ground. All activities and population movements, including movement of the population to their ancestral lands and also to participate in ritual practices, were restricted and controlled by the Indonesian military (Traube & McWilliam, 2011). Several community members tried to revive their sacred ancestral houses shortly after the 1999 referendum on the country’s self-determination. During the period of the occupation, sacred houses and ritual customs that were practised for generations were abandoned. However in 2002, following recognition by the State in the country’s Constitution, many clans, especially in remote areas, began to rebuild their cultural heritage. The Constitution of the country provides the right of every citizen to “cultural enjoyment and creativity and the duty to preserve, protect and value cultural heritage” (Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor, 2002, p. 28).
This recognition by the State has motivated many clans, especially in remote areas, to return to their ancestral places and revive their ancestral houses and ritual practices as an element of their cultural heritage and to reshape their cultural identity (Fox, 2011). Barnes (2011) also notes in reference to Naueti-speaking community of Babulo village of Uatolari of Viqueque district that the revival of the culture is associated with the rebuilding of the sacred ancestral houses that were destroyed and abandoned during the time of occupation. She further points out that along with the rebuilding of the sacred houses, the community members have returned and resettled their ancestral lands. Moreover, the Naueti community members have revived the traditional rituals that associated with the agricultural calendar and, importantly, and so reaffirmed their cultural identity as a people (see also Bovensiepen, 2015). Bovensiepen (2015) describes the sacred lands of the Idate people of Manatuto of Timor- Leste, who abandoned their ancestral lands during the Indonesian occupation and returned to them following independence in 2002. Since independence, then, a number of communities have resettled their lands and revived their ritual practices. The Makasae community is one of them.
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2.7. Taboo in Makasae context
This section provides a brief description of the notion of taboo in the Makasae context. Taboo is discussed in the contexts of ritual places, objects, food, and ritual behaviour patterns.
Taboo has been a cornerstone of the traditional rituals of the Makasae. The notion of taboo, from the Polynesian word tabu in Tonga, refers to things that are not touched or said, and certain foods that are not eaten (Allan & Burridge, 2006). In Makasae, taboo is intertwined with ritual events and observing taboo within rituals is an important cultural value. Taboo in Makasae is palunu. Palunu signifies respect in the Makasae context. It is a respect that is expressed in behaviour towards things that are considered to be sacred and have potency. Hence, palunu ‘taboo’ in Makasae is expressed in response to da’ana ‘sacred’. Palunu is more about taboo but also it is associated with respect.
In Makasae, da’ana ‘sacred’ is associated with persons, places and objects: for example, oma- da’a (da’a from da’ana) ‘house-sacred’ or si-da’a ‘sword-sacred’. Oma-da’ana tends to be associated with the physical structure of the house, while oma-da’a constitutes or is associated with a living being that lives in the house. This notion is similar to mu’a-da’ana and mu’a-da’a. Mu’a-dana means land is sacred, while mu’a-da’a refers to a living being or spirit of the land or who lives on the land (see also McWilliam, 2011). Interchangeably, in everyday conversations oma-da’a ‘house-sacred’ can also be referred to as oma-palu ‘house- taboo’ and si-da’a ‘sword-sacred’ as si-palu ‘sword-taboo’ meaning a house cannot be entered or a sword not be touched or any behaviour considered to be disrespectful to the house or sword. The word da’ana is a verb in Makasae. When it is used with a noun it can either be shortened or used as a full word: the two have slightly different meanings. For example, oma-da’ana means the house is sacred, while oma-da’a means sacred house. When the word da’ana is broken into da’a and na, neither means anything on its own. The syntactic structure of oma-da’ana is oma ‘noun’ and da’ana ‘verb’.
While palunu ‘taboo’ is associated with behaviour that people express in response to sacred things, for example depa-palu or depa-palunu ‘dog-taboo’ refers to the act of not eating dog meat. The word palunu is a verb. Similarly, when it is used with a noun, the word can be either shortened or used as a full word. As in the example given above, they all have the same meaning, that is taboo of dog meat. When the word palunu is broken into palu and nu, neither
27 means anything on its own. Thus, taboo in the Makasae context is respect and fear, and it refers to behaviour that must not be expressed towards the sacred persons and things.
2.7.1. Sacred house and hill and mountain
2.7.1.1. Sacred house
Houses used for rituals in the Makasae speech community are sacred and are the main places for ancestor worship and ritual events in the Makasae traditional belief. They are houses where all sacred ritual objects are stored and they unify clan members because they are places where clan members find protection, healing and peace. Each clan in the Makasae community has its own sacred house. A sacred house is where the spirits of the ancestors present themselves and clan members conduct interactions with them. It is a house of worship and veneration and sacrifices are offered to the ancestors. It is a house where the clan’s ancestors and descendants are rooted and reside. Sacred houses give a sense of identity to the Makasae clans of who they are and where they come from.
A sacred house is a two-level house: the underneath is empty, the first level has a space for a ritual event and a fireplace for cooking ritual food, and the second level has a small built-in section close to the roof called lolika ‘attic’ specifically designed for the storage of sacred objects. Traditionally, each clan across the Makasae speech community has three distinct sacred houses namely: oma-asukai ‘male-house’, oma-tupurae ‘female-house’, and oma- umurae or oma-malu-asa ‘the spirits of the ancestors’ house’. However, during fieldwork, it was observed that not all of the clans included in the study had reinstalled all of their sacred house complexes. The Leki-kabora and Lia-luku clans have reinstalled all three of their sacred house complex, Tuda-naha-buti clan has two, Muta-asa-palu, Latu-mutu, and Ula-buti each have one, while the Aradiga clan is still planning to rebuild theirs. Even though the Ara-diga clan have not rebuilt their sacred house complex yet, they have revived their ritual practices while learning from the ritual experts of the Muta-asa-palu clan. Most of them were still in the process of making efforts to entirely reinstall their ancestral house complex. Each sacred house is a complex comprised of three sacred houses that have different functions associated with ancestors.
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Oma-asukai ‘male-house’ is a symbol of males and power. The male-related sacred ritual objects such as besi ‘metal’, rota ‘leadership baton’ - a symbol of lord’s leadership, oro ‘spear’, and si ‘sword’ are stored in the male sacred houses. These objects are believed to hold magical powers, being warrior paraphernalia, and are stored in male sacred houses in recognition of their powerful status (Barrkman, 2008). In view of this, the oma-asukai ‘male- house’ is sometimes referred to as Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ in the Muta-asa-palu clan (discussed in detail in section 7.3.2.2.1). The male-house is also referred to as oma-taru or ‘the house of the leadership baton’ in Leki-kabora clan, and oma-loro in Tuda-naha-buti clan. The oma-taru and oma-loro are associated with leadership batons. For example, the Tuda- naha-buti clan members believe that the taru ‘leadership baton’ in their sacred house was the one used by the lord in the past to rule the village of Uagia. The male house is often named after the male ritual objects; for instance, after the metal and leadership baton as described above as they are objects that symbolize the power of males. In Makasae culture, the oma- asukai is built in a slightly higher location, or it is fenced, unlike the female-houses and the spirits of the ancestors’ houses. Females-in-law or females who are married to the males of a clan are forbidden to enter or walk under the male-houses. The invocation of curses against enemies of a clan is performed inside the male-house since males are the ones who have the power to act and fight. Thus, oma-asukai represents power, war and leadership.
Figure 2: The sacred house complex (Leki-kabora clan)
The oma-tupurae ‘female-house’ represents obedience and peace. The female-house is normally built in a lower location than the male-house as was observed in Leki-kabora and Lia-luku clans. It may be built on the same level but not fenced, unlike the male-house as was observed in the Tuda-naha-buti clan. The female sacred house is a house where the female
29 ritual objects, for example earings and necklace, associated with the female ancestors are stored.
The oma-umurae is the house of the spirits of the ancestors. Oma-umurae is the sacred house where the spirits of the ancestors are believed to be present. It is a house where ritual objects associated with the ancestors, for example, na’a or lode ‘bag’ as was observed in the Tuda- naha-buti clan, are stored. The ancestors are represented by sacred objects including lode ‘bag’ or lode-malu ‘personal bag’ belonging to the ancestors (see section 7.3.2.2.5). Every clan has lode as sacred objects and they are stored in lolika ‘attic’ (see section 7.3.1.1.2) inside sacred houses. As was observed in the Tuda-naha-buti clan, there were several lode ‘bags’ and each lode had an ancestor’s name written on it. It is also called oma-malu-asa ‘house-betel-leaf’ where the spirits of ancestors are present and work. It is a house where a dai ‘powerful ancestor’ (see section 2.5.2) reads or tells a fortune through reading the betel leaves. According to one of the consultants from Leki-kabora, the spirits of the ancestors in the oma- umurae watch over their descendants and keep an eye on clan members in day-to-day life.
2.7.1.2. Sacred places
The sacred places outside the sacred houses vary from clan to clan. Most of the clans’ sacred places are associated with hills or mountains. During fieldwork, it was observed that rituals were celebrated in different sacred places such as hills (Lia-luku and Tuda-naha-buti), mountains (Leki-kabora and Latu-mutu), buffalo corrals, farms and rice-fields (Muta-asa- palu). The Muta-asa-palu clan’s sacred place is associated with the hill called Dasi-naha, where their sacred houses, farms and rice-fields are located. The ritual events are held both inside the sacred house and at sacred places every year (see section 2.6). Some of the sacred places are gender specific. For example, the Tuda-naha-buti clan has two different hills: one for males called Tuda-bere ‘male hill or big hill’ and the other for females called Tuda-mata ‘female hill or small hill’. The male hill is only entered by males while the female hill can be entered by both males and females. The sacred hills and other sacred places of the respective clans are offered chickens during rituals. The names of the sacred hills and mountains are uttered in the ritual prayers and are used in invocations in the form of curses against people having bad intentions against clan members.
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The lands where the forefathers used to live and conduct rituals belong to the clans. These lands are called oma-ra’a-wai ‘house-place’ in Makasae meaning the place or land where the first or previous house of a clan stood. The lands are owned by clans and have cultural and historical significance for them. The lands are inherited from the forefathers from one generation to the next. According to the Makasae people’s belief, the ancestral lands are the places where their souls or spirits will reside in the after life; thus, the spirits settle and become the guardians of the lands. This is the reason why the clans need to preserve and protect the ancestral lands and spaces where the family houses used to stand and in which the forefathers used to live. Settling and living near the ancestral lands provides the community members protection. However, cultivating or building houses on the exact spots is believed to be disrespectful to the spirits of the ancestors. As a result, such behaviour makes the ancestors angry and they manifest their anger through punishment in the form of dangerous animals, diseases, suffering and even death.
2.7.2. Sacred objects
Sacred objects are important in traditional ritual events. They are believed to represent the bodies of the ancestors inside the sacred houses. Thus, they are venerated and stored on higher places inside the sacred house. Sacred objects vary from one sacred house to another and some are similar. The types of sacred objects displayed across the clans during ritual events are seen in the following table. Table 1 lists several of the most sacred objects of Makasae clans. The list includes the ordinary and sacred names of the objects and the English gloss.
Table 1: List of sacred objects in Makasae rituals No Ordinary Sacred Gloss 1 lode na’a, lode-rou traditional bag 2 besi mau-besi metal 3 apa-lebe buna flat-stone or stone-platform 4 apa-boku maka round stone 5 apa-mata lu’u-wai-wawaka small stones 6 oro oro spear 7 si da’e-bira, traditional sword parlamentu 8 taru rota or taru leadership baton 9 tu’u toka bamboo container 10 nuru teru traditional basket or ritual plate 11 tinani seka ritual food
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12 ira ira-benu sacred water 13 bu’a takana or koba traditional basket 14 gaba gaba coral necklace 15 maheri-lolo rehate a long bamboo stick 16 lawa lawa-tomak ancient coin 17 boubakasa Bere-loi, Liurai drum Noko-sahe 18 wata-lubu lubu coconut shoots 19 arabau-soru bau-soru buffalo horn 20 dadili dadili gong 21 malu malu betel leaf
For example, besi ‘metal’ (see section 7.3.2.2.1) is only used in the Muta-asa-palu sacred house and dadili ‘gong’ is in Latu-mutu sacred house. The common shared ritual objects used across all sacred houses are malu ‘betel leaf’ (see section 7.3.2.2.3), maka ‘round stone’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4), na’a or lode ‘bag’ (see section 7.3.2.2.5), teru ‘ritual plate’ (see section 7.3.2.2.6), and pataka ‘ancient coins’. Pataka are coins considered ancient and inherited from the ancestors. They are sacred objects and stored inside sacred houses. Such objects are sacred and so can only be touched by persons who are designated to be in charge or assume positions inside sacred houses. Their names are sacred and must not be uttered in day-to-day interactions and not used in cursing against children at home (see section 7.3.4.4.1). For this reason, the objects are referred to by one term when used in an everyday context, and another when used in a ritual context.
2.7.3. Sacred and taboo food
In the Makasae culture and tradition, there are certain foods that are considered sacred and taboo as part of the traditional belief. In the Makasae context, foods are not only taboo, but also constitute a sense of sacredness. Because they are sacred, the associated taboo is an expression of respect. For example, seka ‘ritual food’, which must be eaten during rituals, is considered sacred Therefore, participants are required to handle it with two hands or the right hand, and it is eaten using the hands and not wasted. Other types of foods are taboo too; for example foods in the category of data ‘custom’ associated with the origin of ancestors must never be eaten (see section 7.3.2.3.1). When a food is taboo for a clan as their data, clan members are not only forbidden from eating it, but even touching it and using parts of it are forbidden. There are certain foods that must never be eaten by certain clans and there are foods that are forbidden to be eaten for certain periods of time (see section 7.3.3.3).
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There are certain foods that are forbidden to be eaten at certain seasons such as kaisou ‘corn’ and koi ‘rice’ by all clans, wasu ‘eel’ by the Muta-asa-palu, Ula-buti and Ara-diga clans, waiasi ‘shrimp’, upa ‘sugar cane’, siakui ‘yam’, and uta-tali ‘bean’ by the Muta-asa-palu clan, kuda-seu ‘horse-meat’, seu-meti ‘fish’ and bibi-seu ‘goat-meat’ by the Lia-luku clan, and duruku ‘lemon’ and uta-bai ‘bitter-melon’ by the Ara-diga clan. The prohibition on foods, particularly those that are associated with the farm or rice-field, is only applicable to foods that are being sown and planted in the farm at that certain season. Such prohibition does not apply to the food stores from previous harvests.
In addition, there is ritual food, that must be eaten during ritual events. This is a sacred food called seka ‘ritual food’ (see section 7.3.2.3.2). The seka that is cooked inside the sacred house must only be prepared by the female servant (see section 5.2). The way seka is cooked and prepared and consumed is subject to taboo. It must be cooked in the sacred clay-pot and on the sacred fireplace inside sacred houses. It must be served in traditional ritual plates called teru ‘ritual plate’ (see section 7.3.2.2.6), eaten using the hands, held with great care, not wasted and eaten inside the sacred house. Every participant in the rituals is required to eat the seka because it is a symbol of the ancestors’ bodies and healing. Another ritual food that is cooked at the sacred hills must only be prepared and cooked by males (see sections 5.2.1; 5.2.2; and 5.2.4). It must be cooked in bamboo containers, served on banana leaves and eaten using the hands. The food cooked in bamboo at the sacred hills must be eaten there, and not brought back to the sacred house.
2.7.4. Taboo behaviour
Traditional ritual events in the Makasae speech community include certain behaviour patterns that are proscribed during ritual events. The behaviour patterns encompass both verbal and nonverbal behaviour. These behaviour patterns must be observed as part of the rituals. The verbal behaviour patterns that are proscribed include the prohibition on cursing, avoidance of the names of ancestors and sacred objects and the use of certain address terms. The nonverbal behaviour patterns include the prescribed actions of kissing hands, bowing, kneeling, removing things from the head and feet (hats, shoes, flip-flops), walking on bended knees, silence, no turning back, no touching sacred objects, using two hands or the right hand. These behaviour patterns must be observed as a sign of respect for the ancestors during ritual events.
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2.7.4.1. Females and taboo
In rituals, taboo observance is applicable to all ritual participants (see section 5.2). However, there are certain exceptions for females with regard to the sacred places, objects, and food. Females can only be allowed to touch the sacred objects associated with females in the female sacred houses (see section 2.7.1.1). Sacred objects, for example besi ‘metal’, a symbol of ancestors, males and war in the Muta-asa-palu sacred house, must not be touched by females. Females are also forbidden from eating food cooked at sacred places, for example at the sacred hills. The females-in-law, in particular, are strictly forbidden from entering the husband’s sacred houses, unless the bura ‘bride-wealth’ and luku-data ‘mark-custom’ have been settled between tupu-mata ‘wife-taking’ and oma-rahe ‘wife-giving’ families. When the bride-wealth is settled and luku-data have been returned to the woman’s original clan, she becomes a full member of her husband’s family and is allowed into the sacred house and embrace the luku-data of her husband. If these are not settled, the wife will never enter the husband’s sacred house and embrace his luku-data.
Luku-data in the Makasae custom and tradition is associated with inherited cultural properties that are attached to a person of a clan from birth. The term has two words luku ‘mark or symbol’ and data ‘custom’. Luku refers to things that symbolize the identity of a clan. They are things that other people can identify them with. For example, data refers to food that a clan is forbidden to eat. As an example, I take the name of the Lia-luku clan. Lia ‘wild-taro’ is the data ‘custom’ or food taboo of the Lia-luku clan, and luku is as explained above. Thus, lia ‘wild-taro’ becomes the luku ‘mark or symbol’ of the Lia-luku clan by which other people in the community can identify the clan members. When a woman gets married to a son of a clan, the luku-data ‘mark-custom’ which is attached to her since birth must be returned to her original clan before she can embrace her husband’s luku-data and enter the sacred house. When the luku-data has been settled between the wife-giving and wife-taking families, the wife is entitled to every aspect of the husband’s custom. When the bride-wealth has been settled, the ritual for the return the luku-data follows suit. Hence, females and marriage and sacred houses are intertwined as a custom and tradition that must be heeded in the Makasae speech community. It must be heeded so that the females and their children can prosper in the clan.
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The taboo behaviour associated with females-in-law was observed across all the ritual events and in all sacred houses. During the ritual events, they were not only forbidden to enter the male sacred house, but even forbidden to come close to the doorway of a sacred house or to walk under it. The wives or females-in-law in such situations continue to embrace the values, for example the food taboo of the sacred house, from their original clan until their bride- wealth and luku-data ‘mark-custom’ has been finalised.
2.8. Makasae - The Language
Timor-Leste is a small nation, but it is multilingual and has great cultural diversity. It is a place where two major language groups are found; the Austronesian and non-Austronesian languages, and they are quite distinct from each other (Therik, Grimes, Grimes, & Jacob, 1997). The non-Austronesian languages spoken in Timor-Leste are classified as Trans-New Guinea Phylum: there are three main non-Austronesian languages spoken in Timor-Leste namely Makasae [mkz], Fataluku [ddg], and Bunak [bfn]. Makasae is spoken in the two main districts of Baucau and Viqueque in the eastern part of Timor-Leste. Fataluku is spoken in the district of Lautem also in the eastern part of the country, while Bunak is spoken in the district of Maliana inland to the center of the country.
Apart from the Trans-New Guinea Phylum language spoken across the territory, there are Austronesian languages spoken across Timor-Leste, for example Mambae in Ermera, Kemak in Maliana, and Tokodede in Liquica (see Map 2 below).
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Map 2: Languages of Timor-Leste; Source: SIL International (Lewis, 2009).
Of the two major language groups spoken in Timor-Leste, there are about sixteen languages and thirty three dialects spoken widely across the country. Tetun and Portuguese are defined in the Constitution as the official languages of Timor-Leste (Article 13.1), while English and Indonesian are defined as working languages (Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor, 2002). Other national languages are given special treatment in the country’s Constitution, which says that they are valued and developed by the state (Article 13.2). It is important to note that the majority of Timorese are bilingual or multilingual. Apart from speaking their own dialect, several within a speech community are able to speak other dialects or the local languages of nearby communities, and the majority of Timorese are able to speak Tetun as their second language. An increasing number of the population, particularly the younger generation, has started to be exposed to both English and Portuguese. The latter two are needed for study abroad and employment in the country.
Makasae [mkz] is the second most widely spoken language in the country after Tetun, the national and co-official language of the country (Brotherson, 2008). According to the 2010 Census of Timor-Leste, it has 102,000 speakers. Makasae is spoken widely in two districts in the eastern part of Timor-Leste, Baucau and Viqueque across various sub-districts such as Baucau, Venilale, Quelikai, Laga, Baguia, Ossú, Viqueque, and Uatolari (Brotherson, 2008; Hull, 2005). Each sub-district speaks a distinct Makasae dialect. The Makasae Ossú dialect, the focus of this study, is widely spoken in the Ossú sub-district which has nine villages.
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Seven out of the nine villages speak Makasae and the other two villages speak the Kairui language which is an Austronesian language. Makasae Ossú is used as a lingua franca by the community members in their daily social and cultural lives.
Makasae follows the sentence pattern of Subject – Object – Verb (Huber, 2008; Hull, 2005; Sudiarta, 1998). Huber (2008) explains that Makasae although a non-Austronesian language, states that grammatically, Makasae in many respects has assimilated many features of the Austronesian languages; however, its vocabulary and sentence pattern of Subject – Object – Verb is non-Austronesian. Even though the different Makasae dialects share a common sentence pattern, there are significant differences. Hull (2005) notes the differences between the Makasae dialects of Baucau and Ossú: Makasae Ossú speakers are associated with using /p/ consonant and no /f/ consonant; in contrast, the consonant /f/ is used widely in other Makasae dialects, but no consonant /p/. For example, apa ‘stone’ in Makasae Ossú, but afa ‘stone’ in Makasae Baucau. The Makasae alphabet has: vowels: a, e, i, o, and u; consonants: b, d, g, h, k, l, m, n, p/f, r, s, t, and w.
The majority of native languages, including Makasae, have yet to have standard orthography. In this regard, an institution named Instituto Nacional de Linguística (INL) has been established by the Timor-Leste Government to work on the standardization of orthography of Tetun and other national languages in the country. Tetun, the national and co-official language, has a standard orthography proposed by INL in 2006; however, it is still new and not entirely known to the society in general, so people write Tetun words with different spellings. It is important to have a standardized orthography for Makasae and other national languages, since the government has a policy of implementing mother tongue education in early grades.
2.9. Conclusion
Timor-Leste went through difficult times during Portuguese colonization for almost five centuries and Indonesian occupation for a quarter century. These hardships posed challenges not only to the Timorese people but also to their way of life. Such hardships affected the Makasae speech community and their culture. As a consequence, many community members abandoned their ancestral houses and places and also lost their heirlooms. Even though they abandoned their customs during the hard times, the Makasae people have finally revived their
37 ancestral houses and ritual practices. They have also revived the landscapes or places of origin and worship that are connected with their ancestors. Even though the Makasae people encountered challenges to their cultural practices during the difficult times, today they continue to maintain their social organization, their belief system, and taboo practices particularly food taboo associated with data ‘custom’ and they also speak Makasae as their native language. Such a way of life of the Makasae people has some similarities and differences with other cultures around the globe. Similar belief systems and cultural practices across cultures around the world are discussed in the next chapter.
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CHAPTER THREE LITERATURE REVIEW: TABOO ACROSS CULTURES
3.1. Introduction
This chapter reviews the literature on cultural identity, ethnography and taboos associated with sacred spaces, objects and food as well as taboo behaviour and language. The chapter begins with the concept of cultural identity (section 3.2) followed by consideration of the ethnography including ethnography of communication and the ethnographic framework of S- P-E-A-K-I-N-G (Hymes, 1972) (section 3.3); and speech community (section 3.4). The chapter also reviews the concept of taboo (section 3.5) and types of taboo (section 3.6) in association with sacred spaces (3.6.1), sacred objects (3.6.2), food taboos (3.6.3) and taboo behavior and language (section 3.6.4).
Studies on these topics are reviewed here because they are relevant and related to the current study. This study is an attempt to understand the belief system of ancestor worship and ritual practices of which taboo observance is a part, in association with the cultural identity of the Makasae speech community. Ancestor worship is a religious belief which leads people to venerate houses, landscapes, objects and foods as sacred and these then become resources for the expression of taboo and the medium for connecting living descendants with the spirit beings (Allerton, 2009a; E. Leach, 1989). Allerton (2009) and Leach (1989) discussed the importance of sacred spaces, objects and food in connection with deities in traditional belief. Sacred houses and landscapes are venerated and considered to be the residences of spirit beings, and sacred objects and foods are representations of the bodies of the ancestors. These resources are important in the rituals and taboo practices which demonstrate respect and fear of the ancestors. Thus, a review of related studies across cultures on these topics and resources is important to better understand the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae culture.
3.2. The concept of cultural identity
Culture and identity have been used in diverse contexts and across different disciplines for different purposes. This section provides insight into the concepts of culture (3.2.1) and
39 identity (section 3.2.2) in an attempt to show the basic meaning of the terms as commonly used and as used in this research, thus providing an overall understanding of the notion of cultural identity (section 3.2.3).
3.2.1. Culture
Culture is a term that has been difficult to define and still today has no set standard definition and in fact has a different meaning in different contexts (Kidd & Teagle, 2012; Smith & Riley, 2009; Spencer-Oatey, 2008; Van Meijl, 2008). According to Smith and Riley (2009), the term culture is surprisingly difficult to define as it is an important concept in various disciplines and the disciplines employ the term for their own purposes. Van Meijl (2008), in reference to the field of anthropology, explains that the term culture is used in association with traditional societies; however, in the era of globalization it has become a part of popular discourse all over the world. In the fields of anthropology and cultural theory, culture is defined as a system of beliefs, values, symbols, signs and discourses (Smith & Riley, 2009). Ferraro (2006), an anthropologist, defines culture as a concept that refers to all things that people own, think, and do as members of a community or society. He specifically includes material objects, values, ideas, attitudes and behaviour patterns that members of a community have, and further argues that every culture comprises these components. In the sense of anthropology, culture means “the way of life of a group of people, something people have and live” (Austin, 2005a, p. 2).
In the discipline of sociology, Kidd and Teagle (2012) define culture as the way of life of an individual, a group of people or community in terms of how they live their lives or, in other words, how an individual behaves as a member of a group in a community. They explain that the patterns of social organization require members of a society to behave in certain ways that affect every aspect of human life. It is argued that even though culture comprises the customs, beliefs, traditions and rituals that a society practices, it cannot be assumed that all cultures are the same. “Culture is seen as the cement that bonds individuals together. It is made up of shared or collective symbols and it shapes our lives. It gives us the rules by which to live our lives” (Kidd & Teagle, 2012, p. 10). Therefore, according to Kidd and Teagle (2012), culture plays an important role in social life and is part of everything people do in everyday life. Kittler and Sucher (2004), in reference to cultural nutrition and food science, define culture as the values, behaviour, beliefs, attitudes and practices that members of a community share and
40 accept, and all the other things that people learn that shape the way of life of their community or society in a given time and space. Regardless of the various meanings of culture in different contexts, according to Samovar, Porter, and McDaniel (2007), in their discussion of communication between cultures, there is common agreement that culture refers to a shared set of elements of belief and values as well as characteristics that influence the way people communicate and behave in everyday social interactions.
Culture is dynamic: it changes from time to time and place to place, and is a learned behaviour rather than inherited (Kittler & Sucher, 2004; Milnes, 2008). It changes and develops as social interactions take place in everyday life. According to Kittler and Sucher (2004), culture is transmitted from one generation to another through the process of communication and socialization. It is through interaction, either intentionally or unintentionally, that children learn from their forefathers how to behave and live their lives (Kidd & Teagle, 2012). Every person not only communicates and passes the culture on to their descendants, but also plays an essential and distinct role in transmitting it to the next generation (Chiu & Chen, 2004). People are not the passive recipients of cultural influences; rather, they play active roles in defining their culture in the way they experience and practise it in their lives. For example, a taboo on a type of animal or food, which is associated with the origin of the mythical ancestors (Bonnem`ere, 2005; Wegener, 2013) and must never be eaten in a lifetime, must be observed in practice in everyday life and also passed on to their children as a behaviour pattern and belief (Monin & Szczurek, 2014). Such behaviour leads to the transmission of the culture and at the same time the practising of it is a means of strengthening the identity of the group of people who observe it.
3.2.2. Identity
Identity has long been an important topic that has attracted a considerable amount of attention from scholars across disciplines. It has gained a central position in various fields of study, particularly in the fields of social science and humanities such as linguistics, sociology, anthropology, philosophy, and psychology (Austin, 2005a; Van Meijl, 2008). According to Austin (2005a), identity is about who a person is, and it carries all the elements that reflect the person at a particular point in time. In the discipline of anthropology, the study of who an individual or a group of people is, is reflected in the concept of identity (Van Meijl, 2008). For Van Meijl (2008), identity is understood as the historically and culturally rooted self-
41 image of a group of people that is known to others by way of being in contact with other groups of peoples in society. Van Meijl further notes that people who share the same identity share the same history. From the perspective of sociologists, identity refers to both how an individual or group of people define themselves, and how other people in society see and define them (Kidd & Teagle, 2012). According to Kidd and Teagle (2012), identity is expressed through culture. The awareness of our identity is only through learning about other people’s identities and coming to realize the differences between us and others in society (Nunan & Choi, 2010). According to Shi, Fan, and Lê (2011), even though identity is studied in various fields and defined differently in different contexts, a shared assumption is that identity is essentially concerned with the creation of meaning. As it is defined in the discipline of intercultural communication, identity is a system of symbolic resources shared by a group of people in society that represents meaning to human beings (Klyukanov, 2005).
Like culture, identity is dynamic; it is learned and constructed and constantly changing as long as there is social interaction (Fong, 2004; He, 2004). Identity is also formed through socialization and interactions with others in society: an individual or group of people can be identified in terms of differences from other people in society. It is the differences that uniquely shape the identity of an individual or group, or even a community. Identity is defined by such matters as the way a person talks, or the type of food they eat or do not eat or the way they eat (Kittler & Sucher, 2004). Without interaction with others, an individual or a group of people would remain unknown to others. Samovar, Porter, McDaniel, and Roy (2012), in reference to communication between cultures, note that identity is not something innate but, through interaction with other people, it can help people define who they are and where they belong.
3.2.3. Cultural identity
In general, cultural identity refers to one’s sense of belonging to a particular culture or ethnic group which is formed as a result of social interactions with other people in the society (Liu & Lê, 2004). Both culture and identity are subject to mutual influences and share the assumption of sameness in which identity is considered to be the result of the internalization of culture, whereas culture is considered as the projection of identity (Van Meijl, 2008). Culture and identity are formed through interaction and socialization with others in a society (Nunan & Choi, 2010; Van Meijl, 2008). Nunan and Choi (2010) explain that the culture of an
42 individual is constructed externally, while identity is constructed internally and so provides recognition of cultural belonging or cultural identity. Culture, is associated with artifacts, ways of doing, learning and other societal things that are shared by a group of people of a specific community in a given place and time, whereas identity is the recognition and internalization of the cultural artifacts and ways of doing by a member of a society (Nunan & Choi, 2010). The cultural identity of a group of people in a society is only constructed once they are in contact with other people. It is thought this is because people are not aware of their cultures and identities until people are in contact with other cultures and identities in everyday interactions. Thus, Nunan & Choi (2010) further explain, regardless of the number of languages spoken, everyone encounters the challenges of how language and culture affect identity in social interactions.
The cultural identity of the Makasae speech community is reflected shared belief and ritual practices in which have expressions of taboo as an integral part. It is a culture of worshipping ancestors through veneration sacred objects and these reflect the identity of the Makasae people.
3.3. Ethnography
This section first defines ethnography as an approach in research that is widely used to understand the culture of a group of people. It then describes the ethnography of communication and the ethnographic framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G (Hymes, 1972) to describe communicative events. It presents samples of the application of the framework in several studies.
3.3.1. Ethnography is a method
Ethnography is a method used in research to understand the culture of a particular group of people or a community that relies profoundly on participant observation in natural settings (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005). According to Brewer (2005), ethnography aims to understand the people and their culture through expressive behaviours that are culturally significant in their natural setting, with special reference to the symbolic world associated with those behaviours. In order to observe and collect detailed information to provide a rich and holistic insight into people’s perspectives (Reeves, Kuper, & Hodges, 2008), researchers play an overt role in the
43 community, are regularly present and are involved fully in the principal activities of the community (Bryman, 2012). The participant observation method enables an ethnographer to observe and participate as a means of understanding the subjects that he/she wants to observe, see and hear (Esterberg, 2002), and to notice the form and content of communicative events for the purpose of recording them as data (Lindlof & Taylor, 2011). Observing and engaging actively in the cultural activities of a particular community enables an ethnographer to understand the lived experiences of community members in their natural setting (Brewer, 2005; Emerson, Fretz, & Shaw, 2001; Reeves et al., 2008; Saville-Troike, 2003). The ethnographic approach requires the researcher to engage and participate actively in activities in the community in order to understand the social and cultural context of the speech community (Brewer, 2005; Emerson et al., 2001; Reeves et al., 2008; Saville-Troike, 2003).
The semi-structured interview is a method that enables a researcher to address and gain understanding of the specific issues being studied (Bryman, 2012; Richards & Morse, 2007). It is an effective method to understand what the community members believe, and how they behave and think of the things they believe as these affect their everyday lives. The questions for the interviews are open-ended and formulated so that the meanings can be easily understood by informants (Saville-Troike, 2003), and they allow the consultants to provide rich qualitative information (O’Reilly, 2012; Richards & Morse, 2007). In such open-ended questions, enough length of time for an interview is important in order to develop a comfortable relationship between the interviewer and interviewee in order for them to be able to understand how culture shapes and influences the life of each participant (Ortiz, 2003). In addition to the type of questions and time duration, it is important to create a friendly environment as if participating in a conversation between friends (Liamputtong, 2009; Marshall & Rossman, 2006; Mason, 2006; Spradley, 1979). In Makasae context, the clan members could not mention the names of their ancestors, sacred spaces and objects in public without excusing themselves by saying, ate-gutu-wou ‘wood trunk-block-put’, apa-gutu-daru ‘rock-block-put’, ini na’u wai ma le lolo hisi ‘we simply say it here and without having any intention to harm you’. Clan members used trunks and rocks as symbols of respect prior to mentioning their names in their conversations.
In order to record and document data, other supporting methods were employed in the research. Taking fieldnotes based on observations, including a detailed summary of events, and initial reflections on each of them is essential in ethnographic research (Bryman, 2012).
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Fieldnotes were important for describing people, situations, settings, behaviour, interactions among ritual participants as well as personal experiences and reactions (Emerson et al., 2001). While conducting observations, the researcher was able to record what occurred by way of taking notes, photographs and audiotapes as part of the effort to learn the meanings the behaviour holds for participants (Brewer, 2005; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005). In addition, videotape was used to document the ritual events to capture the behaviour that naturally occurred during the rituals (DuFon, 2002; Jorgensen, 1989). Recording a language using audio or video- recording is a typical method for language documentation and preservation (Woodbury, 2011), and thus serves as a resource for the researcher to further analyze the behavior in order to better understand them (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005).
3.3.2. Ethnography of communication
Ethnography of communication was developed as a research approach in the 1960s by Dell Hymes and is used to describe and analyze as well as understand the communicative behaviour shared by members of a community (Atkinson, Okada, & Talmy, 2011; Hall, 2012; Hymes, 1972; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005; Ray & Biswas, 2011). Dell Hymes, an anthropologist, sociolinguist and linguist, first introduced the ‘ethnography of speaking’, which was later broadened to the ‘ethnography of communication’ to include language in use in a particular context and in a given community (Keating, 2001; Salzmann, 2004). Hymes’s main goal was to have a theory that helps researchers investigate directly the use of language in a specific context and setting “so as to discern patterns proper to speech activity, patterns that escape separate studies of grammar, of personality, of social structure, religion, and the like, each abstracting from the patterning of speech activity into some other frame of reference” (Hymes, 1974, pp. 3-4). According to Hymes (1974), ethnography of communication is to indicate the necessary scope, and encourage the doing, of studies that have an ethnographic base, and encompass a communicative range that is patterned and complex. Ethnography of communication does not study language in isolation but, rather, studies language in connection with other sociocultural factors.
In the 1960s, Saville-Troike (2003) explained that, despite the close relationships between language and culture, ethnographers and linguists had largely failed to address the matter of description and analysis of the interrelationship. Even though anthropologists had studied actual interaction, speech had generally been ignored; linguists, meanwhile, had focused on
45 language structure, ignoring the actual significance of utterances (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005). This gap led Hymes to develop his ethnography of communication to address the interrelationship between language and culture in sociocultural contexts (Hall, 2012; Saville-Troike, 2003). Keating (2001) hailed this as a major development seeing it as an “expansion of the analytical unit to the speech event actually goes beyond the sentence and is a shift from an emphasis on text or an individual speaker to an emphasis on interaction, and this is a significant departure from traditional analyses of language" (p. 289). Matei (2009) added: “[I]t is clear, judging from the various theoretical frameworks of analysis that exist, that the ethnography of speech is a science that can assist the researcher in finding valuable information on the social- linguistic behaviour of people within the speech community” (p. 162).
In order to study the communication of a particular culture, Hymes (1972) proposed six basic units: speech community, speech situation, communicative event, communicative act, communicative style and ways of speaking.
In the current study, the ethnography of communication is used to describe and understand the taboo behaviour expressed in ritual events which is shared by members of the Makasae community.
3.3.3. Ethnographic framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G
The ethnographic framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G (Hymes, 1972) allowed me to describe ritual events and identify the cultural and linguistic resources used in expression of taboo during such events. The components of the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model are: Setting (S), Participants (P), Ends (E), Act of sequence (A), Keys (K), Instrumentalities (I), Norms (N) and Genre (G). Each letter of the framework represents one of the components of a communicative event and they are related to one another. Hall (2012) explains that the framework was developed as a guide for researchers to use to systematically describe communicative events in order to discover and understand the participants’ worldviews that are embedded in their ritual practices (pp. 150-151). The setting and identities of participants in terms of age, gender, social status and the roles they play can influence the way ritual participants behave during rituals (Hymes, 1972; Keating, 2001; Matei, 2009; Saville-Troike, 2003). According to Matei (2009), the type of setting used for communicative events can determine the topic and verbal behaviour and expectations of participants. The purpose of the
46 model is to describe and analyze the cultural practices in order to discover the belief system and worldview that are embedded in ritual practices (Matei, 2009).
The S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework (Hymes, 1972) has been used to study various communicative events across various cultures. For example, Agyekum (1999) applied the framework to describe and analyze rituals in Akan of Ghana in West Africa. In the ritual event, Agyekum focused on the verbal taboos in which deities became the addressee. The study of the Akan of Ghana is similar to the current study; however, Agyekum’s (1999) study was mainly about verbal taboos with the focus on several verbs that are forbidden to be used in rituals. Unlike other studies, the current study on the Makasae taboo focuses on nonverbal aspects of the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework as a means of understanding taboo in ritual events. The framework has also been applied in an academic department in a university, where the participants were all academic staff. The head of department requested every staff member to express their opinions (Ray & Biswas, 2011). In their speech, the head of the department was addressed with respect. Ray and Biswas concluded that social status and occupational status are influenced by the use of language or mode of speaking. Similarly, Fox (2005) describes the priestly registers among the Austronesians where community members are forbidden from either mentioning the names of the dead ancestors or making public utterances of the names of community leaders.
Names of ancestors, sacred spaces and objects are also forbidden in Makasae culture. Makasae people are forbidden to mention the names of sacred persons and objects in their everyday interactions. Instead, people use respectful terms to refer to the sacredness.
3.4. The speech community
This section defines the speech community in the ethnographic context in this study. It presents the Makasae speech community and also studies that have been conducted to investigate the culture and language of the Makasae people. There have not previously been any studies which focused specifically on the speech community in which the current study took place; however, there have been several studies about Makasae in general. There have also been a few studies focusing on neighbouring villages in the Ossú sub-district.
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A speech community is “a community sharing rules for the conduct and interpretation of speech, and rules for the interpretation of at least one linguistic variety” (Hymes, 1972, p. 54). He explains that in order for a person to be a member of a speech community, he or she must share the same way of communicating with others in the community. He also defines speech events: they are “aspects of activities, that are directly governed by rules of norms for the use of speech” (Hymes, 1972, p. 56).
The Makasae speech community is a community that speaks Makasae [mkz] as a common language as their means of communication. The language is used in social and cultural activities across the community. Speakers share the same rules of communication and social organization (Hymes, 1972). Makasae [mkz] as a language has been studied by a few scholars with the focus on grammar (Huber, 2008; Hull, 2005; Sudiarta, 1998). Also, there are several ethnographic studies that focus on the Makasae Ossú dialect and its culture. For instance, da Silva (2003) from his observation of the bride-wealth negotiations describes the marriage system of the Makasae with particular focus on the bride-wealth between the wife-giving and wife-taking families across the Makasae speaking speech communities in Ossú. He explains the exchanges of different types of materials and cattle which are used as bride-wealth between the families, and their significance. Another ethnographic study focuses on the customs of two villages who speak two different languages. One village is a Makasae speaking and the other is a Kairui speaking community in Ossú town (Lazarowitz, 1980). Lazarowitz observed ritual events (see section 2.6) inside the sacred houses of the Borala people and interviewed participants. In his research, he describes rituals in which he touched on the data ‘custom’ or food taboo, social order and kinship terminologies of the villages. In regard to food taboo, he explains that data ‘custom’ (see section 7.3.2.3) is an important part of the speech community therefore clan members must live up to it in order to receive wellbeing and long life.
There has also been a study that focused on the Makasae genres of riddles, folktales and sayings (Carr, 2004). This study covered the genres of Makasae Baucau and Ossú. In her report, Carr (2004) discusses the sociocultural and linguistic aspects of each genre. She also points out a few honorific terms for instance, anu-mata ‘person-child’ (see section 6.1.3) used by the Makasae people to refer to oneself when interacting with a respectful person. As well, she touches on data ‘custom’ or a food taboo which according to the belief of the Makasae people is associated with the origin of ancestors (see section 7.3.2.3.1). The current study
48 focuses on the details of taboos in ritual events that are expressed as a response to sacred settings, objects and food (see sections 2.7 and 7.3).
3.5. The concept of taboo
This section presents the concept of taboo and the origin and meanings of the term taboo in association with religious beliefs across cultures. Taboo exists across cultures and is defined differently in different contexts. In general, however, it is associated with prohibitions on behaviour as a response to things that are considered sacred in the context of religious beliefs.
Taboo is associated with the prohibition of performing certain behaviours in certain communities across cultures. According to Allan and Burridge (2006), the term ‘taboo’ originated from the Pacific islands. When Europeans first visited these islands, it was observed that certain people, females in particular, were forbidden to perform certain actions such as being in contact with certain things and people. Since then, the notion of taboo has been used widely across cultures mainly in describing and understanding traditional cultural beliefs and behaviours out of respect for and fear of supernatural powers (Allan & Burridge, 2006). The term taboo in English is derived from the Polynesian word tabu in Tonga. The term taboo was not commonly used as an English word until the third voyage of Captain Cook in 1777 when it started to be used widely in European languages (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Holden, 2001). Holden (2001) notes that the term taboo was first introduced and mentioned in a journal outlining James Cook’s third voyage around the world. Captain Cook used the term to describe the behaviour of Polynesian people with regard to things that were not to be done, places considered sacred that could not be entered, sacred objects that could not be seen or touched by the public, but only by certain persons (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Radcliffe-Brown, 1969).
Taboos are arguably part of every culture across the globe and vary from culture to culture (Wardhaugh, 2006); what is considered taboo in one culture might not be considered taboo in other cultures (Saville-Troike, 2003). However, there are some common taboos across cultures including taboos associated with human bodies, sex, death, diseases, names, address terms, touching sacred objects, entering sacred places, and food gathering, preparation and consumption (Agyekum, 1999; Allan & Burridge, 2006; Wardhaugh, 2006). Hoeksema and Napoli (2008 ) categorize taboos as arising from three main sources, namely those associated
49 with religious beliefs, sexual acts and bodily excretions. Fowles (2008) explains that taboos are an inseparable part of, and play an important role in, religious beliefs. Since religious belief and rituals are practised in sacred settings, the sacredness of religious spaces has a great effect on behavior including name avoidance in many speech communities across cultures (Saville-Troike, 2003). According to Fox (2005) the term taboo encompasses a variety of usages. For example, taboo refers to the prohibition on mentioning the names of kin members, relatives or affines who have passed away as in the Oceanic languages of New Guinea, New Britain, New Ireland, the Solomons, Vanuatu and Micronesia. In other cultures, taboo refers to the prohibition on mentioning the names of chiefs or high status persons in the community whether they are alive or dead, for instance in New Britain, Fiji and Polynesia. As mentioning the names of the dead or chiefs is forbidden, the community members use acceptable lexical or respectful terms as substitutes for the personal names. A similar pattern of prohibition associated with names is practiced across the Makasae community. The names of ancestors are sacred and taboo, therefore Makasae people are forbidden to mention their names in rituals or everyday life (see section 7.3.2.4). Taboos across cultures are similar to taboos in Makasae where the community members are forbidden to perform certain behaviours in the presence of sacred persons, spaces and objects.
3.5.1. Taboo and sacredness
Taboo has been defined and interpreted differently in different contexts across cultures since its inception. According to Wardhaugh (2006), taboo refers to the prohibition on behaviour: the taboo is believed to cause harm, anxiety and embarrassment to others when it is expressed. A similar notion is held by Allan and Burridge (2006) who refer to taboo as a prohibition on behaviour; taboo is behaviour that must not be expressed because to behave so is believed to cause discomfort, harm or injury for a group of people of a community or society in a given time and in specific contexts. They further explain that in order for a behaviour to be considered taboo, it must be perceived to be harmful in some way to people in the community.
Taboo also encompasses the notion of uncleanness and thus this has become the reason for the prohibition in rituals particularly with regard to ritual places, objects and food (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999). Taboo as response to sacredness is presented in detail in the sections about spaces as sacred (see section 3.6.1), objects as sacred (3.6.2) and food as sacred and taboo (section 3.6.3). In traditional belief, females are
50 considered ritually impure across many cultures particularly in association with ritual events (Allan & Burridge, 2006). For example, such a belief associated with females exists in India where females are forbidden from entering the sacred places of Hindus or touching sacred objects because they are considered ritually unclean (Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999). Metzgar (2004) in discussing sacred spaces in Micronesia, without clarifying the reasons explains that females are forbidden from entering the male sacred places. A similar ritual practice also exists in the Kwaio culture where males and females are separated when it comes to rituals held inside the sacred male’s house called tau in the Kwaio language. The Kwaio apply strict taboo rules when they are in close contact with the sacred (Keesing, 1970). Indigenous Australian also have taboo associated with their sacred places: for example, certain sites at Kakadu National Park in the Northern Territory is only entered by elders of the community (Hind, 2007). Bovensiepen (2015) in her ethnographic study of the Idate community of Manatuto, Timor-Leste, observes that certain places are not entered by the community members due to their sacredness associated with ancestors. She says that people are scared of the lands because if they enter them without showing respect, they will be punished, for example their souls can be imprisoned by the spirits who own the lands. Therefore, the sacred spaces belonging to the Idate community are avoided and they can only be entered during ritual events (Bovensiepen, 2014a). A similar prohibition also exists in the Makasae context where the sacred places associated with ancestors can only be visited during ritual events.
The basis of the taboo is said to be deeply rooted in the traditional belief of people in ancestors in the past (Douglas, 2003 [1966]) and is still present in some parts of the modern world (Agyekum, 1999). Agyekum (1999) explains, as he refers to the speech community of the Akan of Ghana, Africa, that taboo practice is still strong as part of their conservative and traditional beliefs in deities. By observing taboo, people believe that the deities or ancestors are living among them and come to their support and help when needed in their lives. They also believe that it is not something in imagination but reality. According to the community members’ beliefs, people who uphold and respect taboo, will receive blessings if taboo is observed, but they will receive consequences such as illness and even death, should taboo not be observed in rituals and even in ordinary everyday living (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Fowles, 2008; Napoli & Hoeksema, 2009). Allan and Burridge (2006) explain that people could be at physical risk from powerful persons, dangerous creatures and diseases if they breach a taboo. Fowles (2008) in discussing archaeology and taboos as well as consequences of breaching
51 taboos indicates that failure to obey the prohibitions in rituals will cause physical harm or trigger supernatural punishment. Such taboo practices stem from religious beliefs where religious-based profanities can be exceptionally strong among believers (Napoli & Hoeksema, 2009), and they are supported by feelings of sin and fear of being the recipient of supernatural wrath and punishment (E. Leach, 1989).
In summary, there is general agreement that taboo shares a common significance, namely that it is expressed in response to sacredness associated with religious beliefs. Taboo is also associated with cultural as well as religious beliefs and a belief that, if not heeded, there will be negative consequences for the believers. Even though the notion of taboo is shared widely, it is defined differently in different cultures, so taboo in one culture might not be the same in another culture.
3.6. Types of taboo
This section reviews various types of taboo in response to sacred ritual places, objects and foods as well as taboo behaviour and language across cultures. Taboos associated with sacred spaces are discussed in section 3.6.1, taboos associated with sacred objects are in section 3.6.2, taboos associated with food are in section 3.6.3, and taboos associated with behaviour and language are in section 3.6.4.
3.6.1. Spaces as sacred
The purpose of this section is to give an overview of taboos associated with sacred spaces across cultures in the following sections: spaces as residence of ancestors (sub-section 3.6.1.1), places to find god (section 3.6.1.2), places in which people trace their ancestry (section 3.6.1.3), and taboo and sacredness (section 3.6.1.4). Spaces are sacred because they are associated with religious beliefs where deities or spirits reside. They are the places in which community members worship ancestors, conduct rituals and offer sacrifices. Since they are sacred, people express taboo to show respect for them. The types of taboo include not abandoning, cultivating and building on the sacred spaces, they are only entered by certain persons, removing hats before entering, observing silence when entering, and not standing upright inside sacred spaces.
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Places of worship are important for people’s lives. Mazumdar and Mazumdar (2004) point out that religion is important and can affect people’s lives in matters such as choosing the type of place of worship, the food to eat or not, and the dress to be worn; it also affects people’s relations with places. They explain that places of worship can be either houses or open spaces and have distinctive structures and characteristics that reflect the beliefs of the believers.
3.6.1.1. Residences of ancestors
Historically and culturally, the landscapes are not only the places in which the forefathers lived and conducted rituals (Fowler, 2003), but also the places in which the spirits beings reside after life (Allerton, 2009a; Bowen, 2002; Eves, 2006; Fowler, 2003; Grimes, 2006; Hind, 2007; Pannell, 2006; Sakai, 2006; Thomas, 2006; Todd, 2010; Waterson, 2006). Landscapes are the residences of the ancestors or the unseen spirits and are found in many communities across cultures including in Southeast Asia (Allerton, 2009a). Allerton (2009a) refers to mountains, hills and valleys across Southeast Asia as spiritual landscapes. She says that the spiritual landscapes strengthen the connection between the ancestors and particular sites. As Bowen (2002) points out, they are places where unseen spirits reside or places where ritual events used to and may continue to take place. These kinds of landscapes are natural shrines for the ancestors: they are the places in which the historical events occurred and so connect people to their ancestors (Fowler, 2003). According to Fowler (2003) as she explains the sacred landscapes in the Karendi of Sumba, Indonesia, “certain aspects of the physical landscape embody local history” and “are memorials to legendary figures, events, and places” (p. 310). Such a belief is also found in New Ireland of Papua New Guinea where the community members believe that certain places are inhabited by the spirit beings (Eves, 2006). Sakai (2006), referring to the Gumai of South Sumatra, Indonesia, the mountains and forests are believed to be controlled by supernatural spirits. They are the place of origin of the Gumai clans and are where the rituals of the clans need to happen in order to maintain affiliation with ancestral places.
3.6.1.2. Places to find god
The landscapes are the places in which people find god. Hind (2007) explains that indigenous people tend to choose places such as mountains, hills, big trees and rocks as places of worship
53 because they are the places in which deities reside. Hind further explains that the sites where the faithful express their beliefs are only attached to certain people that harbour memories of a time or person. Gulliford (2000), referring to the belief of indigenous native Americans, asserts that the landscapes are not only the physical world of mountains, rocks, trees and plains that is visible, but they are also the spirit world. Moreover, the sacred places are places that lift the spirit and/or are also devotional places of prayer for the worshippers throughout the generations. Allerton (2009b) explains, in reference to the community of the southern Manggarai of Indonesia, that there is a connection between the landscape and spirit beings.
Sacred spaces are venerated across cultures. Australian indigenous people have a similar belief in ancestor worship and venerate the lands. For example, the Uluru in the Northern Territory is owned by the Anangu Aboriginal people. Hind (2007) explains that the Anangu community is believed to be one of an ancient society and its belief system is linked to Uluru. The Anangu people believe that the spirits of their ancestors reside on this place and have provided them protection. Another sacred and culturally significant site of the indigenous people is Kakadu National Park (Hind, 2007). The Jawoyn people are the custodians of Kakadu. Since the site is sacred, certain areas may be visited by the public, but certain other areas are forbidden to the visiting public. Daniel (1990) documented several sacred places that are culturally important for the Aboriginal people of West Pilbara, Western Australia. He noted for example, the Sun Thalu - a mound of stone on a hill, limestone rock, and Pelican Thalu. These sacred sites are the places in which rituals are held each year in order to keep the land alive and increase the quantity and quality of the crops. Berndt (1969) notes that the outstanding feature of the Aboriginal people’s sociocultural life is the intimate and meaningful relationship to the lands and specific sites across Australia. According to Berndt (1969), all Aborigines, regardless of their sociocultural perspective, are directly dependent on the land and their attachment to the land is strong. The colonial settlement of Australia on had devastating consequences for the indigenous people and their culture. Colley (2002) explains that there were attempts to convert the indigenous people to Christianity and this destroyed much of their culture and language. However, they survive today and maintain their belief system that links to their lands and their cultural identity.
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3.6.1.3. Places in which people trace their ancestry
The landscapes are also the places to which community members trace their ancestors. For example, in Tana Toraja of Sulawesi, Waterson (2006) explains that mountains and rivers are linked to the community’s myths about where the ancestors originated from and the landscapes are linked to the origin of the sacred houses of the community. Waterson (2006) notes that the mythical ancestor descended on the mountain from the sky and married a woman who rose from a river pool.
Landscapes of the people of Temanambondro of Madagascar are also culturally significant: the river as ritual place is associated with the beginning and end of life, while sacred water from the river is used in rituals for blessing and purification (Thomas, 2006). Similarly, Todd (2010) notes that in Southern Appalachia in the United States of America, community members consider mountains as sacred and culturally meaningful as they are evidence of creation and ritual places. Todd further explains that mountains are often considered to be powerful places that provide inspiration, while water features are often associated with healing. Fox (2006), referring to ritual places in Roti of Indonesia, notes that there is an interconnection between the Rotinese and their places of living. He believes the place names are useful as a starting point in the study of proper names.
Spaces are important and embedded with traditions. In Timor-Leste, traditions are embedded with the lands and specific places link the roots of the people (Fox, 2011). Fox refers to the strong attachment of the Timorese to the lands as their places of origin. The sacred sites including mountains, forests, rivers, and even caves across the territory of Timor-Leste are associated with the origins of the ancestors (Molnar, 2010). Molnar (2010) discusses the links between the politics, history and culture of Timor-Leste. Wars and conflicts have brought about tragedies for the Timorese people in which they were forcefully removed from their ancestral lands and houses as well as being absent from practising their rituals (Barnes, 2011; Bovensiepen, 2015; Fox, 2011; Traube & McWilliam, 2011). Barnes (2011) explains, in regard to the culture of a speech community in Babulo of Uatulari in the Viqueque district of Timor-Leste, that people have been able to reaffirm their identity by returning to their original places, resettling the places, and reconstructing their sacred ancestral houses after decades of abandonment.
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The relationship of the Timorese to their ancestral lands is strong. For example, Bovensiepen (2015) in her ethnographic study of the Funar community in Matatuto of Timor-Leste examined the significance of sacred lands in the life of the community members. She explains in her report that the ancestral lands or houses are imbued with a potency that gives life. Resettling the ancestral lands and reviving ancestral houses and ritual practices gives the community members wealth, prosperity and life. The ancestral lands are sacred, thus the community members are scared to enter them in ordinary situations and children are forbidden to behave in a way that invokes the ancestors’ anger. For example, children are forbidden to enter the sacred sites, otherwise the ancestors will punish them. In support of her arguments about the sacred and taboo in association with the ancestral lands, Bovensiepen (2014a) gives an example where the soul of a girl was believed to be imprisoned by spirit beings when she was fetching water near the cemetery. In order to release her soul from imprisonment, a ritual was held and animals were offered as sacrifices to the spirit beings.
3.6.1.4. Taboo and sacred spaces
Sacred spaces in association with traditional belief are landscapes, traditional houses, hills, mountains and rivers. As the ancestral houses and landscapes are sacred, the believers express taboo to show respect. According to Eves (2006) in reference to the sacred landscapes of the New Ireland community, Papua New Guinea, people need to show respect to the places in which the spirits of ancestors reside in order to avoid punishment. The spiritual landscapes, according to Allerton (2009a), are intended to draw the attention of the resident communities to the spiritual power that is attached to the landscapes, and also ensure that the community members behave respectfully towards the unseen spirits. People demonstrate their respect for sacred places through their attitudes and behaviour when they visit for ritual purposes (Allerton, 2009b).
Keane (1997) argues that behaviours that are expressed in everyday spaces are different from behaviours that are expressed in religious spaces where a ritual participant is required to perform a behaviour in accordance with quite specific rules. When walking past a sacred place, clan members must show respectful behaviour, for example they must not shout or swear. Grimes (2006) describes similar in the Buru culture in which people keep silent when hunting in the jungles. Metzgar (2004) referring to Micronesian culture explains that the community members must show respect when walking past the male sacred places. In this
56 community, people walk by lowering their heads and bowing from the waist down and placing one hand behind their back with palm up when walking past sacred places. Standing upright in the centre of a sacred place is also forbidden in the Micronesian culture. In the Makasae context, people walk on bended knees when passing sacred objects and seated persons (see sections 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.3; 5.2.6; and 7.3.2.4.2.1).
Sacred landscapes must not be cultivated or settled. Austin (2005b) describes sacred places across cultures where there is a particular location within a designated land in which rituals are held but which cannot be cultivated or built upon. Austin notes that since the landscapes that are associated with ancestors are culturally significant, they are not left abandoned by the owners. There is a tendency for people who venerate the landscapes to live near them because, in terms of religious belief, a place that a group of people is attached to can provide protection and security for clan members and constitute considerable power towards its inhabitants (Allerton, 2009a). Allerton refers to sacred landscapes across Southeast Asia that are not cultivated or built on. Fowler (2003), referring to the Karendi community of Sumba, Indonesia explains that since certain places are sacred and the residence of ancestors, any type of construction or cultivation is forbidden within or near them because the community members believe that the ancestors reside in them and thus have the power to protect and punish. Fowler notes that construction or cultivation on the sacred landscapes is forbidden because they are the residences of the forefathers. In the Gumai community in South Sumatra, belief in the ancestors prevents people from entering and destroying lands unless they conduct a ritual to ask permission prior to entering, and, thus, can avoid anger and punishment from the spirit beings can be avoided (Sakai, 2006). According to Sakai (2006), the Gumai people are identified with the places associated with the ancestors, so that community members have an obligation to visit and remember their places of origin, and to conduct rituals and offer sacrifices to the ancestors. The Gumai people have a strong attachment to the place of origin and rituals must be performed and sacrifices offered at these places in order to maintain their affiliation to the ancestral places. A similar taboo is associated with sacred places in Funar of Manatuto, Timor-Leste; as Bovensiepen (2011) describes it, “during everyday activities, lulik sites must be avoided because they are considered dangerous, and walking too close to lulik sites is said to risk madness, confusion and death” (p. 49). Sacred sites in which the ancestral houses stood and rituals are conducted are fenced, are not cultivated or not settled in the Makasae culture (see sections 5.2 and 7.3.1.2).
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In many parts of the world, females are forbidden from entering certain sacred spaces particularly male sacred spaces (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999; Metzgar, 2004). For example, Allan and Burridge (2006) explain in regard to taboos across cultures, females are forbidden to enter many places considered sacred because, according to traditional beliefs, the holy sites will be defiled if entered by them. Such prohibition for females also applies to male sacred houses and sacred hills in the Makasae context. Metzgar (2004) explains that females are not allowed to enter and are even forbidden from passing through the male sacred places, thus they need to bypass the sacred place in order to reach the other side. A similar taboo associated with females is also found n Makasae rituals. Females are forbidden to enter sacred hills. During rituals, females stay outside the places where rituals are held. They are also forbidden to eat ritual food cooked at the sacred hills.
Metzgar (2004) discusses, in reference to the sacred spaces and taboo places in the Micronesia community, how the sacred sites play a significant role in traditional ritual events. In his ethnographic research, he observed three different ritual events, namely the resurrection of prohibitions relating to a sacred area of land, the traditional massage healing, and the traditional navigator initiation and schooling ritual. These ritual events were observed in sacred space or a taboo place where only things associated with sacred affairs are performed. Metzgar (2004) explains that persons demonstrate respectful behaviour “when walking past Lametag by placing one hand behind their back with palm up. Many of the more traditionally devout would walk past Lametag stooped with both hands placed behind their back with one hand holding the other, both palms up” (p. 5). He adds that participants are also required to lower their heads and bow from the waist down with at least one hand placed behind their back as they walk past by the Lametag area. The ritual participants who enter the sacred space are also forbidden to stand upright in the centre of the sacred taboo space. He further explains that the ultimate objective of observing the prohibition is for ritual participants to lower themselves before the sanctity of the sacred taboo place. In Makasae, females-in-law are forbidden to enter male sacred houses and all females are forbidden walking on sacred hills or mountains associated with males (section 2.7 and 7.3.1.3). In addition, the type of sacred house (see section 7.3.1.1), which is higher than the community’s ordinary houses, symbolizes humility of the community members towards the ancestors.
Another respectful behaviour towards sacred spaces is to remove hats and observe silence when entering the sacred spaces. Grimes (2006), in discussing the traditional belief of sacred
58 places and taboos in Buru in the eastern island of Indonesia, notes that people need to avoid undesirable behaviour when entering places considered to be sacred to prevent punishments. For example, when crossing the sacred Wae Fakal stream in Buru one must remove hats, otherwise their lives will be endangered, and children are forbidden to play in the stream.
In summary, there seems to be common agreement that designated landscapes, spaces, and places are associated with religious beliefs, and thus they become place of worship. They are also places which are believed to have ancestors residing in them, thus they are places that are associated with the mythical ancestors and in which spirit beings reside. This association is historical and is a link to the ancestors and thus provides a cultural connection for community members. Since places and landscapes are recognized and used for these purposes, they become sacred places for those who own them and are valuable and significant to the believers. Therefore, community members need to observe taboo to show the places and landscapes respect. The people’s attachment and ownership of places and lands strengthens the cultural identity of community members. Not only are these places sacred, but so are objects that are used in these sacred places and the landscapes. In view of this, the next section discusses the sacred objects associated with sacred places and landscapes.
3.6.2. Objects as sacred
The purpose of this section is to present literature that discusses the use of sacred objects as part of religious belief (section 3.6.2.1), inheritance of ancestors (section 3.6.2.2), a means of communication (section 3.6.2.3), symbol of protection (section 3.6.2.4), and taboo and sacred objects (section 3.6.2.5). Objects that are the heirlooms of forefathers, and are venerated and used in religious rituals become sacred. Since the objects are sacred, people who use them express taboo towards them in ritual practices. Taboo associated with sacred objects includes storing them on high platforms, not allowing the public to touch them, and carrying and handling them with great care.
3.6.2.1. Objects as part of religious belief
The use of objects in ritual events is frequently an important part of religious beliefs. Objects become sacred and then are used in rituals (Rappaport, 1992), so they become religious
59 symbols (Kindt, 2009). According to Morgan (2010), religious belief is rooted in material practice and thus, religious study is always connected to the traces of materials of the past. The use of sacred objects in rituals and religious belief, as E. Leach (1989) explains, establishes a connection between the living human beings in this world and the spirit beings in the other world. Leach refers to the statue of Mary in the Catholic Church. Mary is believed to be the mother of all Christians, and Christians believe that venerating the statue will connect them to the next world. Whatever the sacred objects, the believers across religious faiths always find a way, perhaps through objects, to be connected to the divine (Hind, 2007).
3.6.2.2. Objects as inheritance of ancestors
Sacred objects are the heirlooms of the ancestors, and thus they are believed to represent the ancestors. In traditional beliefs, many sacred objects are considered to be an inheritance received from the ancestors, that is sacred objects are heirlooms left by the ancestors (Barker, 2001; Barrkman, 2008; Sakai, 2006). For example, in South Sumatra, where the Gumai community members continue to practise their rituals associated with the ancestors, they, at the same time, venerate the objects inherited from their ancestors (Sakai, 2006). Barker (2001) discusses a similar situation occurring with regard to the artifacts of the Maisin people of Oro Province in Papua New Guinea: sacred artifacts are considered heirlooms that link the people to their ancestral past. Most of the objects belonging to the community are made of fairly hard materials such as wood, metal, shell and stone and are protected by males in the community. Barker (2001) explains how the Maisin people believe that the objects are linked to their ancestors and are imbued with the power of the ancestors. The males from the community use the objects to communicate with the ancestors when seeking an abundance of crops and luck in hunting or, to harm enemies of the clans. In the Anga community of Papua New Guinea, the sacred objects are considered to be symbolic representations of the ancestors and are significant as a means of communication conveying meaning and messages nonverbally (Lemonnier, 2012). In the Karendi community of Sumba, Indonesia, objects are used in rituals and are associated with the sacred or holy, and community members observe taboos or ritual prohibitions to show respect (Fowler, 2003). Sacred objects belonging to the Karendi are associated with events in the life histories of the ancestors and have been inherited from the times of the ancestors. The community members also believe that the generations of their ancestors are embodied in the sacred objects and sacred places.
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3.6.2.3. Objects as means of communication
Objects are used in traditional belief as a means of communication. Fowler (2003) notes that the sacred objects in this particular community symbolize the life of the ancestors and establish a relationship or communication channel between the living descendants and their ancestors. Since the objects are passed from one generation to another and are used in the context of ceremonial performance, they create biographies or life histories (Gosden & Marshall, 1999). Gosden and Marshall (1999) observed such creation of cultural meaning on the Pacific Northwest coast of Canada where the objects were central to the creation of meaning in ritual performances. According to Kroger and Adair (2008), an object holds meaning for the owners and provides them with attachment, identity and wellbeing. They further state that an object creates a link between people from one generation to another and so provides a society’s links between people. An object is a concrete thing and gives a physical reminder of people and how they are connected across time and place to the past, present and future generations. The study of material objects aims to understand the meanings of a particular culture in terms of its artifacts and of the beliefs, values, ideas, and attitudes of a particular community at a particular place and time (Prown, 1982).
3.6.2.4. Objects as symbol of protection
Sacred objects also serve as symbols of protection and healing. Not only do they convey meanings, but also provide protection and healing to the owners (Barrkman, 2008; Gazin- Schwartz, 2001; Lemonnier, 2012; Radcliffe-Brown, 1977). Gazin-Schwartz (2001), for example, found that where ritual objects have significant meanings they are separated from everyday ones that appear similar. Gazin-Schwartz (2001) notes in reference to such objects, rituals and everyday life in Scotland, that several materials, for instance metal objects and stones, have been used in rituals for the purpose of protection, healing and good fortune. Metal objects in particular, play an important role and are used against evil spirits. She explains that since metal objects are used in this regard, metal itself is taboo, as well as the other taboos or restrictions to activities because of the sacredness of the objects. In fact, a similar sacredness of metal objects has been observed in other cultures: the objects are used for a similar purpose and have qualities that mean the observance of ritual prohibitions in order to receive self-protection (Radcliffe-Brown, 1977). The sacred objects associated with
61 males in rituals in Ankave and Baruya of Papua New Guinea constitute warfare and bravery (Lemonnier, 2012).
Sacred objects in Timor-Leste are also believed to have been inherited from ancestors (Barrkman, 2008). Barrkman (2008) in reference to the heirlooms notes that sacred objects are believed to be imbued with extraordinary powers that assist the warriors to survive warfare between clans across Timor-Leste. According to Molnar (2010), “sacred objects tend to be ancestral heirlooms, especially significant objects from oral history that describe interactions with sacred spiritual beings” (pp. 21-22). The community members also believe that the generation of the ancestors is embodied in the sacred objects and sacred places.
3.6.2.5. Taboo and sacred objects
Since the objects are sacred in religious beliefs and are associated with ancestors, people in the communities that hold such beliefs show respect for them in observing taboo. For example, the sacred objects must not be touched. Shreen (2010) in explaining the sociocultural dimensions of ritual objects used in the Nagarathar (India) rites of passage, points out how certain ritual objects are only touched by certain persons such as elders of a clan or a person who is assigned to guard the sacred house; there would be serious consequences if touched by a person who is not supposed to touch them. She explains that the ritual objects include food, coins, festive decorations and traditional attire. Ceremonial music and songs also play an essential role in traditional rituals in the community. Even though the ritual objects are man- made, as Shreen (2010) argues, they are meaningful and have symbolic value when used in rituals. She points out that the objects give sanctity to the ritual and form part of the identity of members of the ethnic group. In Hindu rituals, particularly in the pooja area, Mazumdar and Mazumdar (1993) explain that females are not only forbidden from entering sacred places, but they also are forbidden from touching sacred objects. Across cultures, objects that are sacred cannot be touched because, according to Allan and Burridge (2006), if people who are forbidden from touching them do touch them, they will be at metaphysical risk. Such practice is similar to the practice of the Makasae people towards their sacred objects in ritual events. For example, only the male servants or elders of the Makasae clan can touch them (see sections 6.1.3 and 7.3.3.4.1).
Sacred objects are treated with the greatest care and kept in good condition and are only taken
62 out for ceremonial use (Barker, 2001; Metzgar, 2004; Wardhaugh, 2006). According to Barker (2001), sacred objects are treated with great care in the Maisin community of Papua New Guinea. Sacred objects are handled with great care, with two hands or the right hand as a sign of respect for them during rituals in the Makasae community. As Metzgar (2004) explains referring to the sacred objects in Micronesia, during a healing ritual, objects such as loads of coconuts, bananas, or baskets of food as well as other objects must not be carried on the shoulders. Instead, the objects must be carried under the carrier’s arms or transported using a wheelbarrow.
Furthermore, mentioning the names of sacred objects at sacred sites is forbidden in many cultures. In addition to not being touched, Grimes (2006) explains, in reference to the Buru, that it is taboo to say the word emhein ‘wave’ when people are at the lake because, according to their beliefs, waves will come up and anyone on the lake in a canoe will drown. Instead of saying emhein, people should say ahut in the local language in order to refer to waves. Using ordinary names of objects to refer to sacred objects in rituals is forbidden in the Makasae culture too (see sections 5.2; 6.1.3; and 7.3.2.4.1).
Sacred objects must be stored on high platforms (Fowler, 2003; Sakai, 2006; Tule, 2004). According to Fowler (2003), for the Karendi people in Sumba, since sacred objects are the heirlooms from the ancestors, the most sacred objects such as gold ornaments, ceramic pots, and weapons are stored in lofts or attics or spaces built directly under the roof and must be accessed only by designated persons. For the Gumai community of Sumatra, sacred objects such as ancestral heirlooms, are stored in special spaces on high platforms inside sacred houses and community members offer animals to the sacred objects as sacrifices (Sakai, 2006). The objects are only brought down during ritual events. A similar treatment of sacred objects is also found in the Makasae community where the most sacred objects are stored in special spaces which are built high up close to the roof of the sacred houses (see section 7.3.1.1.2).
In summary, it is evident that rituals objects used in the expression of many cultural and religious beliefs are important and significant for the users. The objects are inherited from one generation to the next and link people of the past, present and future generations. The objects are sacred, are venerated and are symbols of the ancestors and provide protection. They also establish a connection between the living generations with unseen spirit beings. Since the
63 objects are sacred and are symbols of the ancestors, they are treated with great care; they are not touched by the public and are stored in special spaces that are high up close the roof of a sacred house and brought down only during ritual events.
3.6.3. Food as sacred and taboo
The purpose of this section is to present a review of literature with regard to food taboos across cultures. Taboos relating to food is common across cultures, although different cultures have different taboo food. Most taboo food are associated with religious beliefs. Foods that are associated with religious beliefs and are sacred and taboo require the believers to express taboo to show respect. Taboo that is expressed in response to food is mainly associated with eating.
Monin and Szczurek (2014) explain the relationship between food and culture, pointing out that food cultures, including kinds of food eaten or not eaten, have a strong ancestral involvement and have become a tradition that has been transmitted from one generation to another. In this regard, E. Leach (1989), reporting on his anthropological study of taboo, noted that foods that are prohibited from being eaten under particular ritual conditions are “consciously tabooed”, while food substances that are not recognized as food by culture and language are “unconsciously tabooed” (E. Leach, 1989, p. 154). He explains, for instance, the prohibition for Jews against pork due to ritual conditions, and the attitude of Christians towards sacramental bread and wine. Similarly, Fessler and Navarrete (2003) in their cross- cultural food taboos study found that meat is a common target of taboo across cultures. They explain that certain foods are proscribed due to a belief that they have a particular power or high position in the cosmology. The prohibition on consuming a particular food or meat, otherwise known as food taboo, according to Fowles (2008), who was discussing animals in particular, is classified into types of animals that are eatable, those which must never be consumed, and those that are eatable but only in a certain period of time in the context of rituals.
Overall, then, food plays an essential role and has a unique place in rituals. Food taboo varies across cultures and is associated with religious beliefs. Certain types of foods are forbidden from being eaten due to ritual constraints, while others are forbidden due to their association with the cultural beliefs of certain speech communities. There are foods that are taboo for
64 certain periods of time and foods that must never be eaten by certain communities because of their beliefs. Food is important in terms of the construction of people’s identity, so that the type of food a particular group of people eats and does not eat is an affirmation of their cultural identity.
3.6.4. Behaviour and language as taboo
This section presents a review of the relevant studies on behaviour and language that are considered taboo across cultures. The review covers address and kinship terms, kinship terms, address terms, name prohibitions, language in interactions with ancestors, names as part of a person’s identity, reflecting personalities of forefathers, pleasing the forefathers, names and the senses.
According to Wardhaugh (2006), kinship terms used to refer to kin members, relatives by blood and marriage vary across cultures. He explains that kinship systems are a universal feature of languages, and kinship itself is greatly important in social organization as part of culture. Even though some systems are much richer than others, they all use factors such as gender, age, generation, blood, and marriage in their organization. He gives an example of kinship terminology in English such as uncle which is used to refer to FB, MB, FZH, and MZH. This system is different from the Makasae address terms. In the Makasae culture, uncle is reference to MB, while FB, and MZH are in reference to father (see section 2.5.2).
Across cultures people address one another differently in social interactions; for example, people with equal status will be reciprocal, while a junior and senior will be non-reciprocal (Laver, 2010). As a polite norm in British English, the address term used by a sub-ordinate to refer to a manager will include his title or sex-specific with last name, but in return, the manager will address the junior by his name. The selection of language forms in addressing one another in American English is also governed by the relationship between speaker and addressee (Brown & Ford, 1964). A similar norm is also used for the choice of formulaic terms of greeting and parting. In this case, Laver (2010) explains that the choice of formulaic terms of greeting often depends on the status of speaker and listener. Evans-Pritchard (1964) points out that names and address terms are important in a community because they symbolize the social position of an individual in relation to other people in the society. In Nuer of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, for example, addressing a much senior person by his
65 name is regarded as disrespectful. Wegener (2013) notes a similar practice in Savosavo, a Papuan language spoken in the Solomon Islands: since the family relationship is highly valued, the community members address one another with respect and tend to address one another without referring to one’s personal name. According to Bonnem`ere (2005), in the Ankave tradition of Papua New Guinea, kin terms are used between the kinship members to address one another, while personal names are used between people who do not have kinship ties. Also, the elders use kin terms to address the younger people when they gather for a common activity.
Williams-van Klinken and Hajek (2006) in reference to the patterns of address used among the Tetun of Timor-Leste explain that there are a number of factors that play important roles and influence the choice of address terms in interactions such as status, distance and age. The interlocutors refer to one another using kinship terms or professional status by omitting personal names and pronouns in their everyday interactions. They further explain that the use of the kinship terms is common among the Tetun speakers both within the family members and other people in the community. Calling a senior family member using his or her personal name is disrespectful in the Makasae culture. Instead, address terms are used to refer to one another in their interactions (see section 7.3.5.4).
In addition, married spouses are addressed with respectful terms. For instance, a respectful term used in reference to married spouses is always the name of the eldest surviving child. This is similar to the address terms used to address married persons in the Makasae culture where a married person is addressed with his or her first-born child’s name (see section 6.1.4). Such a cultural practice also exists amongst the Nuer of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan; there, as Evans-Pritchard (1964) explains, a married woman with children is not addressed by her personal name. Rajah (2008) explains, referring to the address terms used by the Sgaw Karen of Palokhi in northern Thailand.
Certain terms are associated with sacred objects or names associated with powerful forefathers are forbidden in many cultures (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Fox, 2005). Fox (2005) explains in reference to the Austronesian languages, that in certain communities the names of certain persons whether they are alive or dead are forbidden mentioning in everyday interactions. In support of his claims about name prohibitions, Fox gives examples of such prohibition in the Oceanic languages of New Britain, Fiji and Polynesian, New Guinea, New
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Ireland, Solomon, Vanuatu and Micronesia. Instead of uttering the names, the descendants use alternative names that are acceptable and respectful for their forefathers. He adds that the ritual spaces (see section 3.6.1) for offering sacrifices and the burial places of the ancestors are also tabooed.
Hoskins (1988) explains that language use in the interactions with ancestors must always conform to the communication norms and that the prescribed language of the ancestors must be used. In addition, it is forbidden to mention the names or address the powerful ancestors directly by name (see section 7.3.2.4). This prohibition on uttering the ancestors’ names must be observed during ritual events (Hoskins, 1988). Fox (1988) notes that specific words have been used by the ancestors in rituals in the past are passed on to the descendants from one generation to the next. These specific ritual language forms are seen as the words of the ancestors and must continue to be used to show respect for the ancestors (Bovensiepen, 2014b; Fox, 1988; Hoskins, 1988). The use of specific words in ritual events is a key aspect of traditional knowledge practices (Bovensiepen, 2014b) and reflects the sociocultural features of the community in which the ritual language is used (Fox, 2005). They are a part of the complex cultural identity.
According to Allan and Burridge (2006), the name of a person is part of a person’s identity, thus an attack on one’s name is equivalent to a physical attack on the person. An alternative is, instead of calling a person’s name directly, a more respectful term may be used, a term that may be a euphemism. For example, the authors point out that for females amongst the Nguni people of southern Africa, the community members use hlonipha to show respect by avoiding the personal names of their fathers-in-law and lineal males. Furthermore, children are forbidden to call their parents by their names, and wives do not refer to their husbands by their names. Mühleisen (2011) conducted a study to examine forms of address used in the Caribbean and found that avoiding using a person’s name in interaction is a key politeness strategy. Mühleisen further notes that terms of address are not only indicative of the social position and identity of a person in a community, but are also often used strategically in situations of potential conflict.
Allan and Burridge (2006) explain that having taboo connected with the names of deities or gods is to show respect to the deities, and thus avoid the wrath and punishment of a metaphysical power. Keesing and Fifiˀi (1969) explain in reference to word taboos of the
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Kwaio culture that a name reflects the personality of the person who owns the name. Further, the powerful ancestors and their names continue to be revered and honoured by the living generations in rituals to show respect for them. In Timor-Leste certain local animals, for instance, the crocodile’s name which is associated with the Timorese ancestors, is forbidden to be mentioned when local people go near water. Kehi and Palmer (2012) explain in reference to the Cova-Lima district of Timor-Leste that the community members address crocodiles Nai Bei ‘Great Ancestors’ instead of using the actual term for crocodile. These examples show that avoidance of animal names and taboos associated with respect forms, including avoidance of the persons’ names, is connected to religious belief across the cultures (Saville-Troike, 2003).
Wegener (2013) notes in regard to the Savosavo culture of the Solomon Islands that a person often, in certain circumstances, has a particular name that is linked to their ancestors and which is known only to certain people in the family, particularly the parents. In some cultures, a personal name is given to remember and please their forefathers. For the Savu of Eastern Indonesia, the choice of a personal name is essential as it reflects social position and male genealogies and is a means of remembering their ancestors (Duggan, 2009). For the Jahai, the sense of smell plays a central role in both the culture and language: taboo practices in the Jahai culture revolve around hearing, vision, and sense of smell. In the Jahai culture in the mountain rainforests of the northern Peninsular Malaysia and southernmost Thailand, personal names are given after a fragrant plant in order to please the deities’ senses (Burenhult & Majid, 2011). This is the case because, according to Burenhult and Majid, the community believes that being named after the fragrant smell of a particular plant can scare off unwelcome deities and avoid their anger. If the clan members breach the cultural taboos, the ancestors will manifest themselves through thunder, lightning and the release of distinctive or bad smell to express their anger. Thus, Burenhult and Majid (2011) explain, in order to redress one’s sins, the descendants must appeal to the ancestors’ senses, for example, songs are sung to please their ears and human blood is offered to please their noses. Even the newborn children are named after fragrant plants or flowers in order to please the ancestors.
In summary, name taboos exist in almost all cultures. Persons are often given names that are significant and these are often associated with their parents. Even names are significant but addressing persons or parents or elders by their personal names is taboo too across many cultures. There is a tendency for people in a particular community and people who are close
68 to one another as kin members to refer to one another using kinship terms. Such use of kinship terms in everyday interactions shows respect and provides a cohesion among the community members. As well, the names of ancestors are forbidden from being uttered in daily interactions although the language of the ancestors must continue to be used during ritual events to show respect for ancestors.
3.6.5. Conclusion
The survey of the literature presented in this chapter shows that taboo practices across cultures are widespread. Taboo is expressed as a response to sacred places, sacred objects and taboo foods that are believed to have been imbued with special powers. The sacredness of these ritual objects is associated with ancestors who have become the centre of traditional religious beliefs. As the ancestors are sacred, the believers observe taboo including behaviours and languages to show respect for and fear of them.
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CHAPTER FOUR RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
4.1. Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to present a justification of the research methodology, methods and data analysis used in this study. The chapter explains the ethnographic methodology, data collection methods of participant observation and semi-structured interview and other supporting methods (section 4.2). The ethnography of communication approach and the ethnographic framework for data description and analysis are presented (section 4.3). The chapter also addresses ethical issues related to the research process such as the initial survey conducted in the field, contacts with local authorities and the selection of key consultants (section 4.4).
4.2. Ethnography
This section presents the justification of the research methodology used in this study. The fieldwork for this study was carried out for ten months in the speech community. The section describes the ethnographic methods of participant observation and semi-structured interviews used in the data collection. The section also describes additional methods used as backup in the data collection process such as video and audio recordings, fieldnotes and photographs as well as the use of ELAN ‘EUDICO Linguistic Annotator’ for data transcription.
Ethnography attempts to describe and understand the culture of a particular group of people or community (Brewer, 2005; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005; Spradley, 1980). Using an ethnographic approach in this study helped me to understand the purpose of taboos in the rituals of the Makasae culture. It also helped me to purposefully observe the kinds of resources such as spaces, objects and foods that were part of the rituals. Moreover, it allowed me to observe the way participants behaved in relation to these resources: for example, how participants entered sacred houses and hills by bowing down and kneeling (see sections 6.1.3 and 7.3.2.4.2.3) and removing their hats and shoes prior to entering the sacred houses and sacred hills (see sections 6.1.3 and 7.3.2.4.2.5); how participants behaved towards sacred objects during ritual events which they could see but not touch (sections 6.1.3 and 7.3.3.4.1), carrying them out from their
71 storage places with great care in two hands or the right hand and carrying them under their arms, in front of their chests and on their heads (see sections 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.3; and 7.3.2.4.2.2); how they behaved towards taboo foods by handling the foods with two hands or the right hand during ritual events (section 7.3.2.3.2) (Research Question 3). Interviews are also part of the ethnographic approach and they were particularly important in helping me to understand the purpose of taboos and how identity is strengthened through the taboo practices of the rituals.
The ethnographic approach enables researchers to actively participate in a community daily life (Brewer, 2005; Emerson et al., 2001; Reeves et al., 2008; Saville-Troike, 2003). The ethnographic approach was suitable for this study because it allowed me to actively participate and observe the community’s cultural and social activities in the place where they Makasae community live and conduct their day-to-day lives. Being part of the community and understanding the language facilitated my engagement with community members and assisted me in understanding the ritual practices (Spradley, 1979). The ethnographic approach also allowed, even encouraged me to take part in the ritual events of each clan. For instance, I took part by eating their sacred ritual foods and chewing betel leaves, which are believed to be the symbols of healing and protection. The consumption of such sacred foods and the sacred betel leaves is something that can only be practised during ritual events.
My research aimed to understand the belief system, customs, behavioural patterns, cultural practices, norms and social organization of the speech community in a natural setting (Atkinson et al., 2011; Bryman, 2012; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005; Saville-Troike, 2003). And my role as an ethnographer was to observe, understand and interpret the Makasae people’s way of life with regard to their belief system and taboo practices to others. The ethnographic approach meant that community members could share their lived experiences freely. In order to understand the culture of Makasae people, it was important for me to observe the ritual practices and talk to community members about their beliefs and ritual practices. My participation in the ritual events and engagement with the clan members were important for my relations with the people.
The research for this study was carried out from January through October 2014 for a period of ten months. The fieldwork was conducted in the villages of Uagia, Uabubo and Ossorua in Ossú of Viqueque district. The main research participants were the community members who
72 have revived their sacred ancestral houses and play key roles in sacred houses of each clan across the three villages. In addition a few speech community members who had not revived their ritual practices but had knowledge about Makasae culture were reruited for this study.
During my stay in the field, I participated in ritual events and observed the behaviour and lived experiences of the community members. While participating and observing, I also documented what occurred by video- and audio-recording, taking fieldnotes and photographs (DuFon, 2002; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005; Woodbury, 2011).
Even though I belong to the speech community, I needed to get involved in the community activities and have in-depth interactions with members of the clans celebrating the rituals in order to better understand their belief system with regard to taboos. I had never experienced a ritual practice before undertaking this research having been away from my village since I started my pre-secondary school in 1986, and returning to the village only occasionally until now. Being away from my community and returning to it as a researcher challenged me in terms of doing an ethnographic study in my own community. Becoming immersed into the community once again and observing and interviewing the culturally knowledgeable persons in the community enabled me to improve my understanding of the belief system and cultural practices. Reporting this ethnographic study gives voice to the Makasae people and their belief system and cultural practices.
In order to access the ritual events, observe taboo behaviour, and work closely with the clan members and consultants in particular, participant observation and semi-structured interview methods were employed in the study. These methods are essential in ethnographic research because they enable an ethnographer to collect detailed information and provide a rich, holistic and comprehensive insight into people’s perspectives (Reeves et al., 2008).
4.2.1. Participant observation
This section describes the participant observation method used in this study. It helped me to observe resources such as sacred settings, sacred objects and food taboo used to express taboos and how taboos were expressed in rituals. Observing community members and their practices and behaviour during rituals allowed me to describe and understand their belief system.
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Participant observation enabled me to participate actively in ritual activities and observe the ritual events where taboo was practised. In this method, an overt role was employed (Bryman, 2012). I became a regular in the vicinity and was involved fully in the principal activities. It also meant that I avoided suspicion from the community members. Such an overt role was employed in order to be respectful of the local culture of the Makasae people who are culturally sensitive towards the presence of an outsider in the clan’s ritual events. This role helped me to engage with the community members, participate and observe the clan’s rituals, listen and ask questions in order to understand their belief system and ritual practices. In an ethnographic study the important thing in observing and participating is to understand the subjects that the researcher wants to observe, see and hear (Esterberg, 2002), and to notice the form and content of the communicative events for the purpose of recording them as data (Lindlof & Taylor, 2011). During ritual events, I participated in activities both inside sacred houses and sacred places. Being actively involved in cultural activities enables an ethnographer to understand the lived experiences of community members in a natural setting (Brewer, 2005; Emerson et al., 2001; Reeves et al., 2008; Saville-Troike, 2003).
Through the participant observation method, I was able to identify the resources for taboos, the potential consultants for interviews and how taboo behaviours were expressed in response to sacred objects in sacred spaces. I was allowed into the sacred houses and sacred places to observe the space settings and watch how participants behaved during ritual events. Inside sacred houses, participant observation enabled me to observe the setting of the spaces. In each sacred house there was a space for rituals, a sacred fireplace for cooking ritual food, and a high platform for sacred objects. I was able to observe that sacred objects were stored on a high platform inside sacred houses and the sacred fireplace at one of the corners. My observations also focused on who should enter and how they behaved when entering the sacred houses (Research Question 3). The outside part of the sacred houses in terms of the structures and characteristics of the house was also observed. I also observed the positions of each sacred house, learning that the male sacred houses stood on a higher level or fenced off with stones, compared to both female and the spirits of the ancestors’ houses (Research Question 3).
Participant observation allowed me to identify artifacts and practices that have become resources in the Makasae rituals as a means of expressing taboo. I observed that taboos were observed inside sacred houses and sacred places, towards sacred objects and foods, towards
74 the unseen spirits of the ancestors, and this was done in behaviour and language (Research Question 2). The method also enabled me to observe how taboos were expressed during ritual events. As an observer, I saw that females were not allowed into male sacred houses and hills (see sections 2.7.4.1), participants sat with their faces towards sacred objects (7.3.2.4.2.4), foods were apportioned for ancestors and sacred things (section 7.3.5.4.2.4), and participants kissed the hands of the dai ‘ancestors (representatives’ (Research Question 3).
Objects play an important role in ritual events. During my observations, I tried to observe and determine the types of sacred objects the Makasae clans owned. I found that each clan owned some unique sacred objects and at the same time had several similar sacred objects (see sections 2.7.2 and 5.2). I observed how the participants behaved towards the sacred objects during ritual events. For example, how the sacred objects were brought down from the high platform inside the sacred houses, how the sacred objects were handled, how they were placed or displayed during ritual events and how they were returned to their storage spaces (Research Question 3). It was found that the male and female servants were the ones taking care of the sacred objects. The sacred objects were handled with great care and in order to put them back to their places, sacred objects in small sizes were wrapped in red cloths and placed in a traditional basket before they were stored on high platforms inside the sacred houses (Research Question 3). I also observed how the Makasae people behaved towards the sacred objects in terms of their sitting positions, handling, carrying or touching them. Another important aspect of the rituals was ritual food. The aim was to observe who prepared and cooked the ritual food, how it was prepared, by whom and of what types of substances (see sections 5.2.1; 5.2.2; and 7.3.2.3.2). The observation was also about how the ritual food was served and handled and eaten.
I also observed that ritual foods were only prepared, cooked and served by female servants. The ritual foods were served in a traditional basket, received using either two hands or the right hand and eaten using hands (Research Questions 3 and 4). Participants addressed one another with respect without using personal names; instead they used kinship terms (see sections 5.2.1; 5.2.2; 5.2.3; 5.2.4; 5.2.6; and 7.3.5.4.1.1) (Research Question 3). Specific languages or words were also used to refer to sacred objects and foods, for example, the sacred drum is named after a powerful ancestor of the Leki-kabora clan (see section 7.3.2.2.7) (Research Question 3). Participant observation allowed me to observe the ritual settings and how they are set out during ritual events as well as in what kinds of the situations the rituals
75 are held. It helped me to identify people who participated in the rituals and to identify the kinds of ritual objects and foods used in rituals that become resources for expressing taboo. It also allowed me to observe how taboo was expressed as response to the ancestors, sacred houses and sacred places, sacred objects and foods. The data obtained from my observations contribute to the analysis of the components of the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework (Hymes, 1972).
4.2.2. Semi-structured interviews
This section describes the semi-structured interview method that was used to obtain responses to research questions. Following the observations and the recording of each of the ritual events, interviews were conducted with selected ritual participants to obtain a deeper understanding of taboos that were expressed towards sacred places, objects, and foods during the ritual events (Research Question 2). Through the interviews I obtained information and understood the community’s belief in ancestor worship and how taboo practices strengthen their identity, information I could not obtain through observations. The description of this methodology includes ways of conducting the interviews, the language used, the types of interviewing questions, research consultants, and places where each interview was conducted. Prior to conducting the fieldwork and interviews, I conducted an initial survey to talk to the community members in regard to the belief system and ritual practices in which taboo is practised. This survey helped me organize my interview questions and prepare some appropriate wording of questions.
Interviewing is an important method in the ethnographic approach. The semi-structured interview is a method that guides a researcher to address and understand specific issues (Bryman, 2012; Richards & Morse, 2007). It is an effective method to understand what the community members believe, how they behave and think of things they believe in that affect their everyday lives. The interview was used with the aim of obtaining the meaning of certain communicative behaviours and understanding the ritual and taboo practices of the Makasae people. During the fieldwork I observed several unique behaviours and taboo practices during ritual events which I did not fully understand until I interviewed my consultants. For example, females were forbidden from entering male sacred houses and sacred hills (see section 2.7.4.1). Such prohibition relating to females-in-law and females in general was something that I did not expect prior to fieldwork. I observed this prohibition and I was told about it
76 during ritual events; however, I obtained a full understanding about the prohibition and the reasons associated with it from my consultants during the interviews. The method helped me obtain valuable information in regard to the Makasae belief system and ritual practices. It helped me to understand the purpose of taboo practices in rituals and how the taboo practices strengthen the identity of the Makasae people (Research Question 4).
Despite being an integral part of the speech community (see section 4.2.1), it was important to confirm the meanings of behaviours with community members and particularly with those said to be experts in traditional rituals. In order to obtain such information, specific participants believed to have cultural knowledge with regard to the traditional rituals and belief system were recruited for interviews.
Several of the key players in the rituals, with whom I worked closely during fieldwork, were Ricardo da Silva (male servant and ritual performer), Rofina Freitas da Silva (female servant), Elvino da Silva (kuda ‘horse’ see section 5.2.1.1) of the Muta-asa-palu clan, Armindo da Silva Guterres (next-in-line kin) and Pascoal da Silva (guardian) of the Leki-kabora clan, and Patricio Guterres Lobo and João Guterres da Silva (elders and ritual performers) of the Lia- luku clan, Raimundo da Silva (male servant) of Tuda-naha-buti clan, and Thomas da Silva (next-in-line kin) of the Latu-mutu clan. These consultants played active roles in the rituals and have knowledge about traditional practices in their respective clans. During fieldwork, I had regular contact with them and they shared and provided me with much information about their clan, ancestors and ritual practices. Each of them told myths and history of their clans, for example, about where their places of origin were, where their ancestors used to live, the history of their sacred houses and sacred objects, and the power of houses and sacred objects.
At the end of each ritual, I approached each potential consultant and individually requested their availability for an interview. Those who played key roles in the rituals agreed, and a few others declined for certain reasons which I understood perfectly and their decisions were respected. Several potential consultants agreed but needed approval from the elders or mahesuk ‘guardians’ - people who are assigned to safeguard the sacred houses across the speech community. Each potential interviewee voluntarily agreed prior to participating in the research (see Appendix B). Then the times and places were set with those who accepted the requests. Due to taboo in reference to the ancestors, where clan members were forbidden to mention the ancestors’ or sacred objects’ names outside the sacred houses, most of them
77 decided to have the interviews at their respective sacred house where the ritual event had previously occurred.
For the purpose of obtaining reliable data for the study, thirty consultants were interviewed from the three villages (see section 2.4). Nineteen of the interviewees were selected from the clans whose ritual events were recorded for the study, seven were from clans whose rituals were not recorded but who played key roles in the sacred houses and rituals, and four were selected based on their traditional knowledge about the rituals even though they had not revived their sacred houses by the time the fieldwork was conducted. They were purposefully selected for this study based on the roles they played during the ritual events and most importantly their traditional knowledge with regard to the rituals and custom (Bryman, 2012). The questions for the interviews were open-ended and were formulated so that their meanings were easily understood by informants (see Appendix H) (Saville-Troike, 2003).
The open-ended questions allowed the consultants to provide rich qualitative information (O’Reilly, 2012; Richards & Morse, 2007). The interview questions were tailored to encourage my consultants to talk as much as they could to each question and were questions intended to elicit a meaningful answer to the taboo behaviours in traditional rituals. Examples of interview questions are: (1) Can you mention some of the things that are sacred in rituals? (2) What kinds of things are forbidden to do during rituals? (3) Can you give an example of how you express a taboo during ritual events? (4) How do you hold or carry a sacred object? (4) Why are you forbidden to eat the food that you call data ‘custom’? (See section 6.1.4 and transcription of interviews in Appendix H). The length of interview with each consultant ranged between eight to twenty-five minutes with the average being fifteen minutes. In such a study with an interview, there needs to be enough time to develop a comfortable relationship between interviewer and interviewee in order to be confident of obtaining a good understanding how culture shapes and influences the life of each participant (Ortiz, 2003).
There were four research questions for this study (see section 1.3). Asking the research questions directly would not help the consultants provide the responses required for the study. So, I tried to make each question as easy and clear as possible in order to allow the consultants to understand the questions before they provided their responses. In order to facilitate their understanding, I asked them questions in plain language in Makasae. Also, the practical questions asked of all participants in the field were not asked in the same order
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(Richards & Morse, 2007). Importantly, I used every effort to try to explain each interview question, so that consultants could provide appropriate responses.
Prior to interviewing, it was important to create a better environment in order to make each of the interviewees feel comfortable. This was done by initiating informal talk about another topic that interested them. Such talk was meant to create a friendly environment such as a conversation between friends (Liamputtong, 2009; Marshall & Rossman, 2006; Mason, 2006; Spradley, 1979). Then, each of the interviewees was briefed with regard to the purpose of the study and the confidentiality of the information. The objective of the briefing was to make each of the interviewees understand the issues to be discussed. Each question was explained in Makasae (see section 2.8), the language familiar to the interviewer and interviewees. Using the language that we all understood and spoke made the interviewees feel comfortable to talk (see interviewing transcription in Appendix H).
As mentioned, most of the interviews were conducted at a sacred house, and others were at a neutral place or a private house. These options were considered for several reasons. The consultants explained that the ancestors might not be content with what they shared in the interviews, for instance mentioning their names or sacred objects names (see section 7.3.2). They were also afraid because they or their children might get sick as a consequence of mentioning their names if the interviews were conducted at their houses; they therefore chose the sacred house or a neutral place, for instance under a shady tree a distance from their houses. This was the case because during my interviews, I chanced upon three outstanding situations with three of the interviewees at their houses respectively. A wall lizard was making sounds over the bamboo wall during our talk. At that time, each of them felt that their respective ancestors were not happy about what they shared. Each of them mimicked the sounds of the lizard three times and started to lower their voices if they mentioned the names of ancestors or sacred objects. Such a problem of the ancestors hearing the coversations was not found in other interviews because they were conducted at the sacred spaces.
4.2.3. Data recording and transcription instruments
This section presents the supporting methods used in data recording during the research fieldwork. These include fieldnotes, still photographs, video and audio recordings. Research data recorded using these instruments can become the main data for ethnography of
79 communication (Hall, 2012, pp. 151-152).
4.2.3.1. Video and audio recordings
An ethnographic approach can be enhanced by audio and video recordings of participants’ naturally occurring behaviours in naturalistic settings. Videotape was used to document the ritual events in order to capture the behaviours that naturally occur during the rituals (DuFon, 2002; Jorgensen, 1989). The video recording was used to record the ritual events and taboo behaviour expressed during ritual events. For instance, recording the taboo behaviour of not looking back while walking towards the sacred farms and rice-fields was observed in the corn- and rice-eating rituals of the Muta-asa-palu clan (see Figure 14 section 5.2.2).
In every recording that involved video, it was important to get approval from the owners or elders of each clan. The equipment used to record the ritual events was a Digital HD Video, SONY, Model No. HDR-PJ230E. Clans included in the study were excited to have their ritual events video-recorded. Following discussions with and approval from the elders of each clan, preparations including preparing recording devices were made prior to the actual recording of ritual events. A few days before the ritual events, an informal meeting with each clan representative was initiated to obtain overall information with regard to their respective rituals. The video recording was used in both settings to document the rituals alongside behaviours. The number of rituals recorded was ten in total. The overall length of the video-recordings for all rituals was more than five hours.
Initially, following the video recording of each ritual event, audio recording was also used in interviews with the consultants conducted with regard to the research questions. The recording data was used as proof of the fieldwork having been carried out and for further analysis of overall results of the research. Even though some interviewees were not comfortable with the use of the audio recording device during interviews, each of them was convinced and managed it well. The length of the interviews with all the consultants was 463.7 minutes or over seven hours. The audio recording device used in the interviews was a Zoom H4N portable digital recorder. Recording language using audio or video-recording is a typical method for language documentation and preservation (Woodbury, 2011), and thus this serves as a resource for the researcher to further analyze the behaviour in order to better understand the culture (Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005).
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4.2.3.2. Fieldnotes and photographs
While conducting observations in ethnographic research, a researcher is able to record what occurs by way of taking notes, photographs and audiotapes as part of the effort to learn the meanings the behavior holds for participants (Brewer, 2005; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005). Taking fieldnotes based on observations, including a detailed summary of events, and initial reflections on each of them is essential (Bryman, 2012). In this study, while doing observation as a participant and video recording the ritual events, notes were frequently taken of what I saw and heard to during the rituals. I also used my Nikon Digital Camera – KCC-REI-NKR- D5100, to take still photographs. The photographs covered nonverbal behaviour, artifacts or objects, foods, sacred houses or sacred places and participants and they became important backup research data as evidence. I took notes about what I saw, what participants said, how participants behaved inside sacred houses and sacred places and towards sacred objects. I also watched their language and words that were used to refer to sacred objects and the ways that participants addressed one another during ritual events. The aim of the fieldnotes was to describe people, situations, settings, behaviour, interactions among ritual participants as well as personal experiences and reactions (Emerson et al., 2001).
During fieldwork, I always brought with me my notebook and Nikon camera for the purpose of taking notes and photographs. Many things that occurred and that were said during ritual events that I might not be able to capture using video, I noted down. For example, if a ritual participant said something interesting or I saw something with regard to taboos, I wrote it down. This helped me remember things that happened and to further elaborate shortly after. I used my notes as the basis of discussing utterances or behaviour with consultants, and I confirmed the meanings of utterances and behaviour with clan members during rituals and consultants during interviews.
In ethnographic research, various forms of photographs can be used for data collection, for organizing, interpreting and validating data (Marshall & Rossman, 2006). Still photographs of the landscapes, ritual participants, sacred houses and other sacred places, ritual objects, food, and people performing and attending rituals, were taken frequently to serve as supporting data for the purposes of data analysis. The types of sacred houses of each clan were also photographed. Most of the ritual objects including the storage places in each sacred house that were accessible were also photographed. The type of ritual foods, objects on which food was
81 served, and how the food were consumed by ritual participants were photographed.
4.2.3.3. ELAN
The research data that were captured and recorded on video and audio recordings were then transcribed using ELAN. ELAN stands for ‘EUDICO Linguistic Annotator’. Both video and audio data were entered into ELAN separately and were transcribed. After the data was transcribed in ELAN, then it was translated into English from Makasae. The manual for using the ELAN can be accessed through this site: http://www.mpi.nl/corpus/manuals/manual- elan_ug.pdf (Tacchetti, 2013).
The recorded data of the Makasae ritual practices will be conserved digitally in PARADISEC. PARADISEC is the ‘Pacific and Regional Archive for Digital Sources in Endangered Cultures’. It is a facility to digitally archive and preserve endangered cultures across the globe. The documentation is available online and is accessable by the researcher and others. Site: http://www.paradisec.org.au/home.html.
During fieldwork and interviews with consultants, the confidentiality and privacy of consultants and their details were discussed prior to interviews. The privacy and confidentiality remain protected and are not available to other people except for conferences purposes and data analysis (see Appendix B). However, ritual events can be made available for public viewing as long as references are attributed to the author. The clan members particularly elders and those who played key roles in rituals agreed to share their rituals.
4.3. Ethnography of Communication
This section presents the methodology of the ethnography of communication approach and its objective in research. The section also discusses the important elements such as speech community and communicative events that are an important part of this approach. It then explains the conceptual framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G (Hymes, 1972) which is used to describe ritual events.
While ethnography is concerned with the description of data or an in-depth written account of the culture of a particular group of people under study (Brewer, 2005; Leeds-Hurwitz, 2005),
82 ethnography of communication focuses on analysing the communication in social and cultural practices or the use of language in a specific context and setting of a group of people or speech community (Hymes, 1974). The ethnography of communication approach studies the language of a speech community in relation to some non-linguistic factors such as sociocultural factors. Various cultural and linguistic factors such as sacred houses and sacred places, sacred objects and foods, behaviour and languages affect the way the Makasae people communicate in ritual events. These resources contribute to effective communication, such as behaving appropriately towards sacredness and choosing culturally appropriate terms during rituals (Research Question 3). Behaving in a way that does not conform to the taboo rules or the patterns of behaviour or using sacred terms appropriate for ritual participation is considered disrespectful to the ancestors in the Makasae culture which is linked to the purpose of taboo in Makasae (Research Question 1).
Ethnography of communication is applicable to Makasae because different behaviour and words are used in sacred and ordinary events. The sacred events in sacred settings influence the ritual participants’ behaviour and selection of sacred terms in rituals. This is the case because in Makasae there are certain terms that are only used in rituals, for example, seka refers to ritual food and sapu’u to eat ritual food (see sections 5.2 and 7.3.2). Instead of saying tinani nawa ‘food eat’ which is an ordinary term in everyday interactions, people would say seka sapu’u ‘ritual food eat’ (Research Question 3).
The Makasae speech community (see section 2.4) was chosen as the location for this study. It is a speech community that speaks Makasae (see section 2.8) as their common language of communication in both rituals and everyday activities. In Hymes’s (1972) terms, a speech community shares common “rules” of communication (p. 54). The community members who speak Makasae share the same belief system and cultural practices. Such a community whose members share rules and the same way of speaking is appropriate for an ethnographic study of communication (Hymes, 1962, 1972; Philipsen & Coutu, 2005; Saville-Troike, 2003).
Traditional Makasae ritual events (see section 2.6) in which taboo behaviours were present were the focus of this study. The rituals were mostly seasonal events held every year by the Makasae speech community who had revived their ancestral houses and ritual practices. In addition, there were a few occasional ritual events that were recorded for the study. The clan members who have a common ancestor gathered to honour their ancestors by offering foods
83 and animals as sacrifices, observing taboos and paying homage to the ancestors. Each ritual event has speech acts such as opening, carrying down sacred objects, reciting ritual prayers, offering and consuming foods, and closing (see section 5.2). However, the speech acts of the rituals are beyond the discussion of the current study. The study is limited to a discussion of the communicative event with a focus on the taboo practices. All ritual events in this speech community include taboo observances as an essential part of the rituals. Such events where communicative behaviour occurs have been used as the central unit of analysis for ethnography of communication (Hall, 2012; Hymes, 1962; Keating, 2001; Saville-Troike, 2003). According to Hymes (1962), the communicative events of a speech community in which the communicative behaviour occurs are central to the ethnography of communication.
4.3.1. Hymes’s S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model
In order to facilitate the analysis of a communicative event within a cultural context, Hymes (1972) constructed a S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model. Hall (2012) explains that the framework was developed as a guide to researchers so they could systematically describe communicative events in order to discover and understand the participants’ worldviews that are embedded in their ritual practices (pp. 150-151). The purpose of the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model is “to connect linguistic forms to cultural practices and to discover what ideologies about the world may be hidden behind the practices of individuals” (Matei, 2009, p. 160). Each letter of the framework represents one of the components of a communicative event and is related to one another.
In the current study, I decided to choose the communicative events or ritual events with the focus on taboo practices in the Makasae speech community. The ritual events in Makasae are where taboos are practised to show respect for the ancestors. The ritual events recorded for this study were ten traditional rituals in which eight were seasonal and two occasional (see sections 2.6 and 5.2). The rituals were recorded during fieldwork in the period of ten months from January through to October 2014. Four ritual events were associated with the corn- eating ritual in which the clans began to eat corn after being forbidden from eating it for a certain period of time. Two were rituals associated with the rice-eating ritual in which clan members ate rice following their prohibition from eating it prior to the ritual event. One was a ritual associated with washing buffaloes in which clan members prepared buffaloes to plough the clan’s rice-fields, and another was cultivating rice-field in which clan members prepared
84 the rice-field for sowing rice. The other two rituals were occasional ritual events namely healing and initiation rituals. The healing ritual was performed in order to heal a sick person and the initiation ritual was held to initiate a person to serve the ancestors inside the sacred houses (see section 5.2).
The S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework allowed me to describe each of the ritual events and identify ritual settings, participants, communication channels and objectives of rituals. The description shows the importance of resources within the Makasae culture and language by which taboo is expressed (Research Question 2). It also tells us that because the resources are sacred, clan members express taboo to show respect and fear of them (Research Question 1). Clan members express taboo by not touching sacred objects, not mentioning the ancestors’ or the sacred objects’ names in their interactions and not turning their backs on the sacred objects (Research Question 3). Ritual food is served in traditional baskets and eaten using hands, and sacred languages or words of the ancestors are used during rituals and participants address one another with respect, for example using kinship terms (Research Question 4).
In the Makasae belief system, sacred houses and sacred places are the places where ancestors reside, sacred objects and foods represent the bodies of ancestors, ancestors are believed to have potency and specific terms are associated with the ancestors (see section 7.3.6). These resources are all embedded in the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework (Hymes, 1972). As Wardhaugh (2006) explains, Hymes proposed “an ethnographic framework which takes into account the various factors that are involved in speaking. An ethnography of a communicative event is a description of all the factors that are relevant in understanding how that particular communicative event achieves its objectives” (p. 247).
The description and analysis of the ritual events based on the ethnographic framework is as follows:
S – Setting The setting of the speech is important for the communicative event (Hymes, 1972). The setting of a communicative event refers to the time and space, that is when and where the event takes place. The setting, according to Saville-Troike (2003, p. 110) and Keating (2001, pp. 290-291) includes time of day, season of the year, location, spatial features, physical aspects of situation and the social values of the aspects of setting. The settings for this study
85 varied depending on where a ritual was held. All the seasonal ritual events were held in two different settings across the speech community, such as inside sacred houses and in other sacred places in open areas. A typical sacred house of each clan was small, thus only a few persons entered. The ritual participants sat in a half circle on mats inside the sacred houses and there was not a single chair inside the house. The sacred objects were placed at one corner, a kitchen was at another, and they seated with their faces towards the addresser and sacred objects. Other sacred places were hills, mountainsides, farms, and rice-fields. The participants stood up around the altar during the ritual event. At sacred places, there were stone-platforms and big trees. These settings have cultural significances and can influence the behaviour of the participants and also the meanings of greetings (Saville-Troike, 2003, p. 112); for example ritual participants kissed the hands of the person representing the ancestors inside the sacred house, however at outside rituals people will not do that.
P – Participants The participants in traditional ritual events in the Makasae speech community vary. They are from every age and gender and all are descendants of a common ancestor (Hymes, 1972; Saville-Troike, 2003), except for other participants who may seek healing from a particular sacred house. They include male descendants of the clan and females who have been married out to other clans along with their children. Several persons in each clan are assigned specific roles to play in the sacred house during a ritual event. Because each has an important role to play, all are required to be present during the ritual event. Matei (2009) explains, the several participants play important roles and responsibilities in ritual events and have their identities in terms of age, gender, and social status in the community (p. 160). One or two males played roles as addresser, the ancestors as addressee, and ritual participants as audiences in each ritual event (Hymes, 1972). The addresser is a traditional priest who recites ritual prayers and performs the rituals. The addressee is the ancestors or the spirits of deceased ancestors to whom most of the ritual prayers and food are dedicated and offered. In terms of the roles of participants, Matei (2009) further elaborates that the roles can include the one who performs the rituals, who addresses the messages, the target of the messages, who receive them.
E – Ends The goals of the rituals vary according to the type of the traditional event where different ritual events have different goals (Hymes, 1972). For example, the main goal of the corn- eating rituals was to break the fasting of corn. The clan members presented the new crops to
86 the ancestors prior to consuming it and gave thanks to the ancestors for the food. There were also other goals, including healing for those who sought it and renewing of their betel leaves as a protection in everyday life. Thus, the goals of those participating in ritual events in this speech community were both collective and individual. The goals of the communicative event may be for the participants as a whole group and for individual participants (Matei, 2009, p. 160).
A - Act sequences Every ritual event has a significant beginning and ending (Hymes, 1972). It all starts with the preparation of the essential things needed for a ritual event, for instance chickens, betel leaf, rice and other essentials. A formal ritual event begins with getting the most sacred ritual objects out of their storage place and placing them on a mat and red cloth at one corner inside the sacred house (see section 7.3.3). Then, the kuda ‘horse’ (see section 5.2.1.1) symbolically transforms himself into the ancestors and are present inside the sacred houses for a face-to- face interaction with his descendants. The interaction occurs between the ancestors and the clan members on various issues regarding the wellbeing of the living descendants. The dai ‘ancestor’ is the one who does most of the talking and explains things without being interrupted by the participants. The participants are given chances to present their case to the ancestor and in return the ancestor provides solutions. Ritual prayers and invocations follow. Ritual foods are cooked and chickens are offered as sacrifices and the food consumption follows. The presence of ancestors and sacred ritual objects influence the behaviour of each individual participant. Participants address ancestors as dai or abo ‘ancestor or grandfather’ without mentioning their names (sections 7.3.2 and 7.3.5). At the end of every ritual event, every participant receives betel leaves and areca nuts to chew and take home (section 7.3.2). The act sequence is about the communicative order within an event including turn-taking (Saville-Troike, 2003, p. 122).
K – Key According to Saville-Troike (2003), key refers to the tone, manner or spirit in which a speech act is performed, or the emotional tone of the communicative event indicated by choice of language, gesture or paralinguistic information (Hymes, 1972; Keating, 2001; Saville-Troike, 2003). Every traditional ritual event recorded for this study involved respect behaviour and sometimes emotion. It was respectful because they were interacting with ancestors who were believed to have supernatural power over their descendants. According to the community
87 beliefs, if a person is not serious in attending the ritual and laughs or jokes, it is disrespectful. As a result, the person will pay the price by getting sick, or other unfortunate things may happen to him or her. It is also sometimes emotional especially during a ritual prayer, when the priest or ritual performer recalls the clan’s suffering and death and remembers their forefathers.
I – Instrumentalities Instrumentalities refer to the means to construct the communicative event and include language (Hymes, 1972; Keating, 2001; Matei, 2009; Saville-Troike, 2003). According to Saville-Troike (2003), the instrumentalities component includes both verbal and nonverbal behaviour which are significant in the message form and content (pp. 115-116). The communicative events in Makasae involve several different languages or dialects and nonverbal behaviour. Each ancestor who transforms himself speaks a variety of languages or dialects and engages in code switching, for instance Tetun, Portuguese, or other Makasae dialects. One or two dai are mute – they simply gesture from the beginning to the end of a ritual event. Some of the languages and gestures performed by dai cannot be understood by ritual participants, therefore the male assistant is required to interpret them.
N – Norms Saville-Troike (2003) refers to norms of interaction as communicative behaviour that needs to be observed in a communicative event, while norms of interpretation refer to understanding the culture of the speech community in order to understand the communicative event (pp. 123-124). Norms of interactions during ritual events are varied and constitute verbal and nonverbal behaviours and Makasae (section 2.8) was the main language of interaction. Every norm requires every ritual participant to observe it. If the norms are breached, the consequences will be dire for the norm-breakers. For instance, when walking from a sacred house to another sacred place and back again, one must not look back (see section 7.3.2); sacred objects must not be touched (see section 7.3.3); one should address and call one another with respect (see section 7.3.5).
G - Genre The genre of communicative events can be a story, greeting or conversation (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972; Saville-Troike, 2003). The genre of the Makasae communicative events is ritual prayers, conversations and ritual song. A ritual prayer constitutes acknowledging
88 ancestors, and also a prayer of blessing and cursing; also there are times for conversations between the descendants and ancestors. Conversations or interactions include talking to the ancestors who are represented inside the sacred house, and ritual songs that involve the reverence of the ancestors, ritual places and objects.
4.4. Research ethics
This section provides an overview of the steps that were essential prior to conducting my research. They involve a preliminary survey of the research site, a research ethics approval from the University of Canberra, an initial meeting with local authorities, and a visit to the intended research location. Finally, one important feature in my fieldwork was using the key consultants in the research.
4.4.1. Initial survey and ethics
An initial survey was conducted at the proposed research site in May 2013. The survey was for the purpose of getting a general view of the subjects being studied, the location, and also to obtain approval from the local authorities for the research and to explain the type of activities that would be undertaken for data collection. In the survey, several community members were consulted with regard to taboos in traditional rituals across the Makasae speech community. In addition, a meeting was conducted with the sub-district administrator, who is the highest authority at the sub-district level, to inform him about the fieldwork and explain about timing, duration, and what was needed from him for my research. As a result of the meeting, a formal approval letter was issued to give permission for my fieldwork to go ahead (see Appendix F).
4.4.2. Ethics application
At the same time, the research ethics application was developed. Since the research dealt with humans, it was essential to obtain ethics approval prior to the actual research (see Appendix A). This process provided guidance for me as a researcher in the collection of data during fieldwork, and ensured I had regard for community members and research consultants in particular. It also gave guidance on how to while living among the community members and behave towards my research participants during observation and interviews. A formal
89 agreement with the university was made that my actions and behaviour would be in accordance with the research ethics standards issued by the university and the values and principles of the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research 2007. Therefore, research ethics approval included the research information sheets, consent forms for ritual documentation (see Appendix C), and a consent form for consultants (see Appendix B). Once the research ethics process was finalized, I departed to the speech community for the fieldwork.
4.4.3. Meeting local authorities
Informing the local authorities about the research was essential prior to data collection in the field. Several days after my arrival, a meeting with the sub-district administration was initiated to advise the administrator about the commencement of my research having received an approval letter from him previously. Then meetings were conducted with each of the village chiefs or their secretaries during which guidance and detailed information about each village was provided. The information included the community members having sacred houses alongside ritual events, culturally knowledgeable persons, potential key consultants, and their locations. In our meetings, each of the village chiefs or assistants was informed about my presence in the village and the objective of conducting the research and was provided with some details regarding the purpose of the research. Each was receptive and happy with my research project: they were happy to have me document and study their cultural practices. During the fieldwork, each village chief or sometimes assistant was regularly updated about the progress of the research. Based on their guidance and directions, direct meetings with community members were initiated and followed by observations.
4.4.4. Key consultants identified and introduced
In order to facilitate my data collection process in the field, I recruited three persons from the speech community as key consultants during my fieldwork. The key persons were Domingos da Cruz, Guido, and José. They were persons who had knowledge about sacred houses and ritual practices, who knew where the sacred houses were, and when and where the ritual events would occur, and where people resided. They were ordinary people who as Spradley (1979) explained about ethnographic research in general that such people have knowledge about the community and culture. They advised me about the would-be potential consultants
90 to sit in for interviews. Overall, the key consultants knew the speech community and its residences well and provided me with useful directions about where to go to find potential consultants. Key consultants are important in ethnographic research where they can direct an ethnographer to places, events, or people who are helpful to research (Bryman, 2012). According to Spradley (1979), an ethnographer needs to work with such a group of people in order to produce the description of a culture. He explains that the success of ethnography study to a great extent depends on the relationship between an ethnographer and informants. In order to understand a culture and to obtain reliable information, the key informants become “a source of information” (Spradley, 1979, p. 25).
As explained in section 4.2 that I am an integral part of the speech community and am from Loime Manolari clan of Uagia village which was not part of the research. As a member of the speech community, I was able to approach them for such a purpose. Members of the community were also receptive and happy because such a study was the first of its kind to document their rituals.
Speaking Makasae was also an asset for me to have an access and contact the consultants and understand the interactions. I was born in that village and am fluent in Makasae. Makasae is the major communication means in social and cultural interactions for Makasae people.
When I had grown up, I went away to pursue my study in other districts such as in Baucau for pre-secondary school and then secondary school and university in Dili district. My negotiation with the clan members for such an open access was to document and understand their ritual practices. Since then I went back to the speech community occasionally during school holidays. I am familiar with their social and cultural lives except ritual practices which could not have access to them.
During the fieldwork, I went there as an ethnographer. I approached those clans who have revived their ritual practices and talked with them about my purposes of going there. As explained, the clan members were pleased with my presence because they understood that such a study had an advantage for them and culture. They understood that such a documentation of their rituals would have an important moment for them because at least their rituals would have them documented.
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In each village, guided by information provided by village chiefs, secretaries, or their assistants, meetings with the potential key informants were realized. Then, with the direction of the key informants, I visited and talked with the culturally knowledgeable persons across the speech community at their houses. In addition, I identified some of the potential consultants during ritual events. They were the ones who were recruited as consultants to sit in for interviews because they were said to be able to provide information with regard to the research questions.
4.5. Conclusion
Ethnography is an approach that helped me to understand the Makasae culture and taboo practices in particular. The research methodology of participant observation enabled me to observe ritual events and identify the resources such as settings for rituals, objects and foods that were used to express taboo in rituals. In addition, the interviews as part of an ethnographic approach helped me to obtain and understand taboo practices and how they strengthen the Makasae people’s identity. Using this methodology helped me identify resources that are embedded in the Makasae culture. In general, this methodology allowed for the collection of the data for the ethnographic framework through observation and interviews which I used to identify kinds of ritual spaces, people participating in rituals, purposes of each ritual, acts of sequence and key for each ritual, kinds of instrumentalities used in rituals, how participants behaved during rituals and kinds of genres of the rituals. This information is important for each component of the framework which is described in the next chapter.
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CHAPTER FIVE DESCRIPTION OF RITUAL EVENTS USING S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G FRAMEWORK
5.1. Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to describe and analyse the ethnographic data collected during fieldwork in the course of a ten-month period from January through to October 2014. A total of ten traditional ritual events were video-recorded for the study. These ritual events consist of two main seasonal rituals, the kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ and koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ and two other rituals associated with them including arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ and keta- base ‘rice-field-cultivation’ (see section 2.5). Four rituals associated with kaisou-sauku ‘corn- eating’, two with koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’, one with arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ and one with keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivation’ were recorded. In addition, two other occasional rituals, the dai-rai-waara ‘initiation’ and sisi(ri) kura ‘healing’ were recorded for the study. Each of the rituals is described using the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework (Hymes, 1972) (section 4.3).
Entities that are sacred in the context of Makasae rituals are persons4, houses, landscapes, including hills, mountains, farms, rice-fields and buffalo corrals, objects and foods (see sections 2.7). During each of these ritual events, taboo was expressed in response to the sacredness of these entities or resources which are associated with the ancestors. This chapter describes the ritual events in which taboo is observed as response to the sacred. The rituals include kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ (section 5.2.1), koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ (section 5.2.2), keta-base ‘rice-field cultivation’ (section 5.2.3), arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ (section 5.2.4), dai-rai-waara ‘initiation’ (section 5.2.5) and sisi(ri)-kura ‘healing’ (section 5.2.6).
The ethnographic data presented here provide responses to the four research questions that guided me in the fieldwork. These are:
(1) What is the purpose of taboos in rituals? (2) What are the resources within the culture and language to express taboos in Makasae? (3) How is taboo behaviour expressed in rituals?
4 In Makasae culture, persons who are closely linked to their respective sacred houses and whose houses are believed to be powerful in healing and in certain cases be harmful through curses against ill-intent people are said to be sacred and taboo. In addition, ancestors are sacred and their names must be avoided in everyday conversations and avoid ill-intent against them.
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(4) How does taboo in rituals strengthen the identity of the speech community?
5.2. Descriptions of the ritual events
The purpose of this section is to describe the traditional rituals documented during the fieldwork in the Makasae speech community of Ossú in Viqueque district of Timor-Leste from January to October 2014. The rituals were recorded in the sacred houses and sacred places of seven clans namely the Muta-asa-palu, Tuda-naha-buti, and Ula-buti clans of Uagia village; Lia-luku of Uabubo; and Leki-kabora, Latu-mutu, and Ara-diga clans of Ossorua (see section 2.4). Each of the rituals discussed in the research findings is described according to Hymes’s S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model (Hymes, 1972) (see section 4.3). A few samples of the transcriptions of video recordings can be found in Appendix G and the actual videos can be seen in the attached USB Drive.
The ritual events consist of four kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ (section 5.2.1), two koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ (5.2.2), one keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivation’ (5.2.3), one arabau-bane ‘wash- buffalo’ (5.2.4), one dai-rai-waara ‘initiation’ (5.2.5) of Ula-buti clan, who had just rebuilt their sacred house and revived their ritual practices when I was doing the fieldwork, and one sisi(ri) kura ‘healing’ (5.2.6). The first four rituals kaisou-sauku, koi-sauku, keta-base, and arabau-bane are held every year, while the others are by special arrangement; for example, an initiation ritual is only held before a sacred house is (re)built, or a healing ritual is initiated when a patient is seeking help from a sacred house.
The sacred houses and sacred places were the places where the ritual objects were displayed and taboo behaviours were expressed. An exception was the healing ritual which was held in an ordinary house of the Ara-diga clan. At the time I was there doing the fieldwork, the Ara- diga clan had not yet rebuilt their sacred house; however, they had revived the ritual practices. Thus, they conducted the ritual event in an ordinary house. It was a house that resembled the typical sacred house of the clan. This house was built to store the sacred objects while waiting for the real sacred house to be rebuilt.
The section presents a descriptive analysis of ten ritual events in response to the four research questions of this study as mentioned in section 5.1.
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5.2.1. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual
This section describes the kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ rituals. The rituals were conducted by each of four different clans namely the Muta-asa-palu, Tuda-naha-buti, Leki-kabora, and Latu-mutu. Kaisou-sauku rituals are held in the first quarter of each year within the months of February and March (see section 2.6). The rituals are held by each clan in their respective sacred house and place in order to break the fast relating to corn. A bunch of corn was brought and hung high up on a wooden stick in front of the sacred house during the ritual events. Once the kaisou-sauku ritual had been held, the clan members started eating corn. Prior to the rituals, the clan members were forbidden to eat the kaisou-gi-du’u ‘corn-POSS- young’ or young corn.
The kaisou-sauku rituals were held almost coincidentally across the four clans. It was observed that the rituals were conducted quite distinctly by the four clans, although they shared many things in common. The starting places were different, the Muta-asa-palu and Latu-mutu clans started the rituals inside the sacred houses and then moved to the sacred places, while the Tuda-naha-buti and Leki-kabora clans started first at their sacred places such as hill and mountain respectively and then moved to their sacred houses. The Muta-asa-palu conducted the ritual at the sacred farm, the Leki-kabora had it at the sacred hill, the Latu-mutu had it on the mountainside and the Leki-kabora had it on the mountain or cliff. The Latu-mutu clans had ritual songs that accompanied the ritual events, whereas the Muta-asa-palu and Tuda-naha-buti clans did not have any ritual songs.
The corn-eating rituals shared many similarities. All clans conducted the rituals inside sacred houses. All the clans played instruments to inform the clan members prior to starting the rituals. The Muta-asa-palu played an abitu ‘whistle’, Tuda-naha-buti played both boubakasa ‘drum’ and bau-soru ‘buffalo-horn’, the Leki-kabora played boubakasa ‘drum’ and the Latu- mutu played dadili ‘gong’ to inform the clan members of the need to gather for the rituals. Ritual objects used in the ritual events across the clans also varied. Each clan had different objects, but they shared a few similar objects (see section 2.7.2). For instance, besi ‘metal’ was only used in the Muta-asa-palu clan (see section 7.3.2.2.1) and dadili ‘gong’ was used in the Latu-mutu clan. The clans shared similar objects such as malu5 ‘betel leaves’ (see section
5 The terms bua ‘areca nuts’ malu ‘betel leaves’ and besi ‘metal’ are Makasae words. They are the same words as Tetun, however, Tetun word for betel leaves is malus.
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7.3.2.2.3 and teru ‘ritual plate’ (see section 7.3.2.2.6). The ritual objects were displayed during the ritual event and ritual food was cooked for consumption. All the clans shared a common food taboo for the kaisou-sauku rituals: with this taboo the clan members were forbidden to consume new corn until the ritual was held. They also had a common ritual food called seka (see section 7.3.2.3.2). Ritual food was served in teru ‘ritual plate’ (section 7.3.2.2.6) in all ritual events. The Leki-kabora and Latu-mutu served the ritual foods in a large teru ‘basket’, whereas the Muta-asa-palu and Tuda-naha-buti served them in small teru ‘ritual plate’. The purpose of all the corn-eating rituals was to consume corn that was forbidden to be eaten for a few months before the rituals were held. At the end of each ritual, malu ‘betel leaves’ (see section 7.3.2.2.3) were distributed to all participants.
The sacred houses of all four clans have a similar structure (see sections 2.7.1.1 and 7.3.1.1). They are all two level houses; however, the Muta-asa-palu sacred house has six poles, while the Leki-kabora, Tuda-naha-buti and Latu-mutu sacred houses each have four poles. The Leki-kabora clan have rebuilt all three parts of the sacred house complex. The male house stands higher than the other two houses, which stand next to each other on a lower level (see Figure 2 in section 2.7.1.1; sections 5.2.1.2 and 5.2.2.2). The Tuda-naha-buti clan have rebuilt two of the three ancestral sacred houses, namely the male and female houses. While the two houses stand next to one another on the same level, the male house is fenced off using rocks, whereas the female house has no fencing (see Figure 8 section 5.2.1.3). The Muta-asa-palu have also rebuilt two of their houses, namely the male house and the spirits of the ancestor house. The Latu-mutu clan have rebuilt just one of their sacred houses, the male house. While I was there they were starting the process of rebuilding the other two houses. The Muta-asa- palu and Tuda-naha-buti sacred houses could be entered, while the Leki-kabora and Latu- mutu sacred houses applied a stricter rule so that no one was allowed to enter except the priest, the guardian, and male and female servants and assistants.
The description of the rituals reflects the way the traditional events associated with corn- eating ritual is conducted in these clans in the Makasae speech community. The corn-eating ritual of the Muta-asa-palu clan is described in sub-section 5.2.1.1; Leki-kabora clan in 5.2.1.2; the Tuda-naha-buti clan in 5.2.1.3; and the Latu-mutu clan in 5.2.1.4. Each ritual event is described based on the ethnographic framework of S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G (Hymes, 1972).
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5.2.1.1. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Muta-asa-palu)
Setting The sacred spaces for the Muta-asa-palu clan was in Uagia village of Ossú sub-district. The ritual was conducted both inside the sacred house and at the farm6. However, the farm was the principal setting for the kaisou-sauku ritual of the clan. The sacred house was standing on a hill called Dasi-naha-bu’u ‘Dasi-naha-hill’ the place where the clan’s original sacred house used to stand. The sacred farm was near and about a hundred meter away from the sacred house. The event took place over two days during beautiful weather and sunny days.
Figure 3: The male sacred house
The setting on the first day ritual was the clan’s sacred house. The sacred house was a two- level traditional house. It had six pillars or poles and one door for entry and exit. A ladder was used to enter and exit the sacred house. The inside part of the sacred house was an open area where participants sat during rituals. A fireplace was at one corner along with all traditional cooking utensils such as busu-naku ‘pot-clay’, esekai ‘big spoon made from bamboo handle and coconut-shell’ and nuru ‘basket’. The female servant sat near the fireplace. The sacred ritual objects were placed in another corner inside the sacred house. The dai ‘powerful ancestor’ (see section 2.5.2) was sitting close to the doorway and leaning with his back against the bamboo wall. The few participants who were allowed in were sitting in a half circle facing the dai and sacred ritual objects.
6 A farm in Makasae context is a field in which the community grows corn, cassava, sweet potato, yam and others.
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As in Karendi, Sumba (Fowler, 2003) and Gumai, South Sumatra (Sakai, 2006), inside the sacred house there was an attic a level further up, close to the thatched roof (see section 7.3.1.1.2). It was high above a man’s head and the place where the sacred ritual objects are normally stored. A ladder led up to this small unit so in order to reach the sacred objects for the ritual, the male or female servant7 needed to climb up the ladder.
The next day the ritual event moved to the farm, a sacred farm called ama-buna ‘farm-stone- platform’ or an old farm in which the stone-platform used as an altar was located. The farm was located on the hillside just near the sacred house. The buna ‘stone-platform’ (see section 7.3.2) was located in the centre of the farm and was used as an altar for the ceremony. The farm was surrounded by a wooden fence: the area inside the wooden fence was sacred. While there I saw corn, sweet potatoes, cassava, and coconuts, mangoes and other trees growing on the farm. There was a traditional hut at the farm and all the sacred ritual objects brought from the sacred house were hung up on an upright stick and others were placed on the stone- platform. The male and female servants sat next to the stone-platform while the dai ‘powerful ancestor’ (section 2.5.2) stood on one side, and all the participants surrounded the stone- platform.
Participants The people who participated in this ritual were males, females, children, both old and young. An estimated number of participants were about fifty people. They were members of the clan, the sub-clans, and lineages who belonged to one common ancestor and also there were a few sick people who sought healing and protection from this particular sacred house. Several clan members played essential roles during the ritual such as addresser, addressee, and audience (Hymes, 1972). People in these roles are permanent until they retire or die and will be replaceable by the next-in-line kin8. Dai ‘powerful ancestors’ play a central role in rituals. Every case encountered by the clan members is communicated to dai. In order for the powerful ancestors to communicate with the clan members, they have to transform themselves through a kuda ‘horse’. Kuda refers to a person who acts as a mediator or kuda for ancestors literally to ride on it in order to be able to interact face-to-face with their
7 A servant is a person chosen to serve dai ‘ancestors’ inside a sacred house. A priest is a male who performs rituals. Prayer is invocation cited by a priest during rituals. 8 The next-in-line kin is selected by the spirits of ancestors based on values and quality such as obedience and other good behaviour that the person or son possesses. Makasae people believe that the ancestors will gua-gamu ‘on-touch’ or put their hands on one of the sons whom they favour to assume the roles.
98 descendants. During rituals, the red cloths around their heads and arms and the swords in their hands were symbols of the presence of the powerful ancestors on the men who wore them. Thus, the men who wore these red cloths were called dai because the powerful ancestors are said to have transformed themselves into the men.
The addresser was the traditional priest who performed the ritual. The addressee referred to the unseen spirits of the ancestors while the audience included members of the clan, children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren, and lineages. There were also patients who sought healing and protection from the sacred house. Furthermore, there were members from other clans from nearby sacred houses who participated in the ritual.
The male servant is always a kin member, who has knowledge about traditional rituals and is normally the first born son in the clan. When the first born son is not knowledgeable about ritual practices and values of obedience and other good behaviour that please the ancestors, then the second in line kin assumes the position. In this case, the male servant was the son of the clan in the patrilineal line and chosen to serve inside the sacred house. The female servant was a female-in-law. She was the wife of one of the males: she had had her bride-wealth and luku-data settled so she was eligible to serve inside the sacred house (see section 2.7.4.1). The male servant’s assistant was a male and one of the sons of the clan to assume a position inside the sacred house. While he provided assistance to the male servant inside the sacred house and during rituals, the assistant learned and prepared himself for the future taking over the responsibilities. The elders were the males from the patrilineal line and they were senior members of the clan.
Ends The main goal of the ritual event was to break the corn fast. In addition, the participants wanted to renew their betel leaves for good health and protection, as well as present their queries in regard to their everyday lives to the ancestors inside the sacred house. When the betel leaves dry out after being used for a few months between one ritual and another, clan members need to receive new and fresh betel leaves to carry. The patients wanted to recover from their illnesses.
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Act sequences The ritual event started inside the sacred house. The sacred objects were taken down from the high platform. The male servant prepared a mat covered with red cloths and then placed the sacred objects on it (see sections 6.1.3 and 7.3.3.4.2). The female servant prepared for things associated with ritual food in another corner. When everything was set, the people who played key roles, as noted above, entered the sacred house followed by several clan members. Inside the sacred house, the kuda9 ‘horse’ lifted up the betel leaves as a symbol of calling an ancestor to come in the form of a dai ‘powerful ancestor’. The first night the priest, male and female servants and assistants stayed up in the house of the spirits of the ancestors and moved to the oma-asukai ‘male house’ next morning where all the ritual participants were gathering around and waiting. The priest and other key players then entered the sacred house followed by several participants. Then every participant present inside the sacred house kissed or shook hands with the dai (sections 7.3.5.4.2.1). This was followed by a face-to-face interaction between dai and the gathered clan members inside the sacred house. The clan members presented their cases regarding diseases or problems encountered in life to the dai; the dai explained the causes and provided solutions for them. Males who wore red clothes around their heads and arms during rituals were kuda ‘horse’. However, since they had already worn red clothes meaning the ancestors had transformed themselves into them, so by that time they were called dai. Red clothes symbolized the presence of dai on kuda.
The next day, the event moved to the sacred farm belonging to the clan. The farm or landscape, an open field, is also used as a place for ritual events (Hymes, 1972). Prior to departing for the farm, the male servant secretly went to a specific place in the early morning to pick some essential things for the ritual at the farm. It was said to be secret so his departure to the place could not be noticed, and on his way to and from the place he could not be greeted by anybody. He had to reach the farm with all the objects before the sun rose and remain there until everybody arrived. Then, a few hours later, when the sun had already risen, the participants all went to the farm carrying the sacred objects (see section 7.3.2.4.2.2).
When the participants arrived at the sacred farm, the male servant had already prepared things for the ritual. The sacred objects were hung high up on the stick at the stone-platform. The
9 Kuda ‘horse’ is the person who is initiated through initiation ritual in order to serve dai ‘ancestor’ inside sacred houses. He acts as a mediator through whom an ancestor is able to transform himself in order to have a face-to-face interaction with their descendants.
100 event began with the recitation of ritual prayers. In the ritual prayers, the names of powerful ancestors and sacred objects were mentioned and chickens were offered as sacrifices. The chickens were slaughtered and roasted and added to rice to become ritual food which was eaten by all participants. At the end of the ritual event, the malu ‘betel leaf’ (see section 7.3.2.2.3) was distributed to all participants to chew and carry. Each participant received several leaves of betel leaves. Each chewed some of his or her betel leaves to rub his or her bodies, whereas a few betel leaves were not chewed so that they could be carried in their wallets. Then they all walked back to the sacred house and went home.
Figure 4: Sacred objects hung up at the stone-platform
Key The ritual event was a solemn and emotional event. The ritual participants observed silence during the ritual inside the sacred house; only the dai ‘powerful ancestor’ spoke and male and female servants helped facilitate the communication. There was no talking among the participants and no jokes were made, nor was there any noise. They talked when they asked questions or presented their cases to the dai (see section 2.5.2). Otherwise, they sat quietly and were attentive listening to the dai. The only persons who were free to talk were the male and female servants alongside the dai. If anyone needed to ask for something, all they did was whisper to someone next to him or her or give signs. At the sacred farm, while reciting the ritual payers, the traditional priest or ritual performer was shedding tears and weeping as he remembered his ancestors and their difficult times in the past. The priest made utterances about the sufferings the clan members had been through in their lives. Every participant stood there attentively and with respect. The rhythm of the recitation made every participant
101 emotional too. The priest was expert at reciting the prayers with high and low tones and with a flow of the recitation which touched everybody’s heart and feelings.
Instrumentalities The communication during the ritual event involved both verbal and nonverbal channels (Hymes, 1972, pp. 62-63). The main language used was Makasae. However, the dai ‘ancestors’ of the Muta-asa-palu clan spoke a variety of languages. Each spoke a different language when they were present in the sacred house. The powerful ancestors took turns or shifted every few hours one after the other and spoke different languages. During fieldwork, it was observed that some dai spoke Tetun, several spoke Portuguese mixed with other foreign languages, and Makasae. The dai ‘powerful ancestors’ who were able to speak Portuguese and a language other than Makasae were believed to be the first, highest and powerful ancestors who have turned into moe ‘dew’, and those who spoke Makasae were those at a level under the moe ‘dew’ (see section 2.5.2). The male servant sometimes interrupted and was always on standby to interpret both ways as needed. An instrument such as a plastic whistle was used to call and remind clan members to let them know that the ritual event was about to begin. The speech also involved nonverbal behaviours including gesturing with betel leaves, chickens, candles, swords, foods and drinks. Ritual objects were lifted several times upwards. The dai also performed a variety of gestures using hands, eyes and body.
Norms This section describes the norms in terms of the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G framework. Norms are the standard rules shared by members of a speech community (Saville-Troike, 2003). Norms in this regard relate to the taboo rules that regulate the Makasae people’s behaviour in the ritual practices. Taboos as norms control the behaviour of the Makasae people as they show respect and fear of the ancestors and establish unity among the clan and community members.
The interactions inside the sacred house and sacred place were governed by a variety of rules of interaction (Hymes, 1972, pp. 63-64). The ritual participants observed their words and behaviours during the ritual event. They addressed one another and referred to each other with respect during the ritual event (see section 7.3.5.4.1.1) (Keane, 1997); the ancestors’ and objects’ names were not uttered, except by the priest during the prayers (7.3.2.4.1) (Allan & Burridge, 2006). The sacred ritual objects were placed on a big mat with a red cloth covering it (see section 7.3.3.4.2). The sacred objects were handled carefully by the clan members. No
102 one turned their back on the sacred objects inside the sacred house (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4) and everyone was required to walk on bended knees when walking past the sacred objects or sitting inside the sacred house (see section 7.3.2.4.2.1) (Metzgar, 2004). The sacred objects were only touched by certain persons particularly males who are considered to be next-in-line kin of the clan during the ritual event. The males and younger members of the clan were called and asked to see and place their right hands on the sacred objects that were displayed during the ritual. Sneezing was not allowed during the ritual. Thus, participants who sneezed were called to sip the dai’s wine from his cup.
While walking from the sacred house towards the sacred place and back again, participants were not allowed to look back (7.3.2.4.2.4). The ritual participants were required to keep silent while walking from the sacred house until they reached the farm. The sacred ritual objects were carried by the male assistants and female servant. One male carried the sacred spear in his right arm, the toka ‘bamboo container’ hanging under his left arm, a bag with sacred objects hanging under his right arm, while his left hand held a hen (see Figure 5 below). Another male carried the sacred sword under his right arm with the string that hung around on his neck, a bag with sacred objects that hung under his left arm, and his right hand held a rooster. The spear was held up to avoid its tip touching the ground. The female servant carried the sacred objects in dabu10 ‘basket’ on her head, a bag that hung under her right arm and another under her left arm. Another female carried a bag on her head (see section 7.3.2) (Metzgar, 2004). The sacred ritual objects were carried at the front of the procession. Every participant was warned to mind their step in order to not stumble while walking. At the sacred place, the ritual objects were hung up on a stick standing upright at the buna (see Figure 4 above).
10 Dabu is a large traditional basket and has a lid and is used to store small to medium size sacred objects. In everyday use, it is used to store clothes and other objects.
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Figure 5: Sacred objects carried to the farm
All patients were led around the buna ‘stone-platform’ and sacred objects several times (see Figure 6 below). While walking, they bowed down and moved with bent knees. Every participant then followed around the stone-platform and sacred objects. Towards the end of the event, all the sick people and other participants, lined up facing the stone-platform or ritual altar and sacred objects towards the priest. The priest performed a healing ritual using the betel leaves and sprinkling sacred water onto the patients’ bodies. Every participant received betel leaves at the end of the ritual event (see section 6.1.2 and 7.3.2.2.3).
Figure 6: Walking on bended knees around the buna ‘stone-platform’
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Ritual food was prepared and cooked by the female servant. This ritual food was served and eaten in teru ‘ritual plate’ (see section 7.3.2.2.6). The ancestors and sacred objects and places were served and apportioned food first and then the participants. The ritual food was received with two hands or the right hand and then was eaten using the hands. The ritual food that was served and apportioned for each participant must be eaten and handled with care to avoid from dropping it.
Genre The genres for the ritual were conversation and ritual prayers (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). The conversation started inside the sacred house. It was a face-to-face interaction between the dai ‘ancestor’ with clan members inside the sacred house. It was a question and answer session between clan members and the ancestors about their everyday lives. Inside the sacred house and at the sacred place, the ritual prayers were recited. At this time there was a one way communication by the traditional priest to the ancestors. The content of the prayers covered a prayer for blessings on the clan members and a prayer of cursing against enemies.
5.2.1.2. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Leki-kabora)
Setting The ritual event took place on March 15th, 2014 in the morning and lasted until late evening. The ritual was held on a cliff known as Uaturui wasa ‘Uaturui cliff’ on the Mount of Builo, one of the mountains in Ossú. The cliff is the place where the original sacred house belonging to the Leki-kabora clan used to stand and their ancestors used to conduct rituals. The place is located at a distance of a few kilometres from the community centre. It is on a small cliff overlooking the villages down the valleys. It is windy and fresh up there. No one lives nearby, but the place is owned by the clan. The clan and sacred house are all referred to as Leki- kabora: the Leki-kabora has three different houses: oma-loro or oma-asukai ‘male-house’, oma-tupurae ‘female-house, and oma-malu-asa ‘the spirit of the ancestors’ house’. Around the sacred house complex are rocks and trees (see Figure 2 section 2.7).
Participants The participants were males, females and children, that is, the old and the young (Hymes, 1972, pp. 58-59). Several clan members played important roles such as the traditional priest as the addresser, ancestors as addressee, and the audience comprised male and female
105 servants, the children and grandchildren of the Leki-kabora clan, and other participants from a nearby sacred house. There were also participants with special roles such as the mahesuk ‘guardian’ of the sacred house, and elders of the clan some of whom had previously played important roles in the rituals. The male servant was one of the sons of the clan in the patrilineal line who had the appropriate qualities and values (see section 5.2.1.1) to have been chosen to serve the dai ‘ancestors’ inside the sacred house. The female servant was the wife of one of the sons whose bride-wealth and luku-data ‘mark-custom’ had been settled so she was able to serve inside the sacred house (see section 2.7.4.1). The elders were the males from the patrilineal line and senior members of the clan. The male servant’s assistant was a male who was the first in line in the clan to assume a position inside the sacred house.
Ends As with the Muta-asa-palu ritual, the main goal of the ritual event was to break the corn fast. The corn which clan members had been forbidden to eat for several months prior. In addition, the participants wanted to renew their betel leaves to maintain good health and protection. When the betel leaves dry out after being used for a few months between one ritual and another, clan members need to receive new and fresh betel leaves to carry. Those who were sick wanted to recover from their illnesses.
Act Sequences The clan members who played important roles in the ritual went up to the sacred house one day prior to the main ritual event. The rest of the ritual participants went there the next day in the early morning. First, the sacred boubakasa ‘drum’ was taken out from the sacred house and played by an elder who had been designated to play it (see section 7.3.2.2.7). It was played to remind or call out to the clan members that the ritual event was going to occur. Then, the elders and other males belonging to the clan of Leki-kabora went to an old farm a few dozens metres away from the sacred house to conduct the ritual event. On their return, the ritual objects, foods and drinks were taken out from the sacred house and placed on a traditional altar. The mahesuk ‘guardian of the sacred house’ and the traditional priest exited and walked down from the male-house towards the altar. The ritual then started with the priest reciting the ritual prayer for the purpose of requesting the ancestors to bless the ritual objects, foods and drinks. This was followed by a ritual song, which is normally sung by the choir of the clan.
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Key The ritual event was serious and one where participants were required to observe silence and also observe other kinds of taboos regarding what could be expressed during the ritual event (see section 7.3.3.4.3). The participants stood at the stone-platform with hands crossed while listening attentively to the ritual prayers recited by the priest.
Instrumentalities The sacred drum was played as a symbol of calling clan members to gather for the ritual event. The interaction during the ritual event was conducted in Makasae. The recitation of the ritual prayers was also conducted in Makasae. It involved gestures with ritual foods and drinks. The priest lifted the food and water upwards several times and looked upwards.
Figure 7: Sacred drum placed on high platform (Leki-kabora)
Norms Participants were always advised to mind their step while heading towards the sacred house. Upon entering the compound of the sacred house, the mahesuk ‘guardian’ of the sacred house and the elders and the next in line males bowed down and kneeled at the gate of the compound and kissed the ground (see section 7.3.2.4.2.3). Other ritual participants did not necessarily kneel or kiss the ground, but they were required to remove their shoes, flip-flops, and hats upon entering the gate, and then they used or wore them again once in the compound (see section 7.3.2.4.2.5). Nobody could curse or swear during their stay in the sacred compound on the mountain or cliff (see section 7.3.4.4.1.1) (Agyekum, 1999; Broadhusrt, 2004; Kitz, 2007). The ritual participants were advised to use the provided toilets and were forbidden from randomly going into the bush for toileting. Young participants were warned
107 off any unwanted behaviours that were forbidden on the mountain. Females were forbidden to enter and walk under the male house (see section 2.7.4.1). The male sacred house was only entered by the mahesuk ‘guardian of the house’, male and female servants and other elders and next in line males. The sacred ritual objects were always placed on a high position whether inside the sacred house or sacred place (see section 7.3.3.4.2) (Fowler, 2003; Sakai, 2006). The sacred ritual objects were handed down from inside the sacred house to males outside. The ritual objects were received with two hands, in silence, and then carried carefully towards the altar. Next, the traditional priest recited the ritual prayers. He addressed the ancestors respectfully. For example, the priest addressed the ancestors as asi da’ana ‘my sacred’ and asi palunu ‘my taboo’ without referring to their names (see section 7.3.6). After reciting the prayer, the objects and food were each lifted upwards seven times respectively.
Genre The genre of the ritual was ritual prayer (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). In the prayer, the priest recited requests for the ancestors to sanctify and empower the sacred objects, foods and drinks. In addition, the priest requested ancestors to protect the clan members in order for them to keep healthy. In the prayer, the priest requested the ancestors to accompany them always, and also pledged that members of clan would live in peace among themselves and that they would not create any conflicts.
5.2.1.3. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Tuda-naha-buti)
Setting As with the previous two cases of traditional ritual, this corn-eating ritual is always conducted by the Tuda-naha-buti clan in two different settings. What I recorded was a two-day ritual event held from February 22nd to 23rd, 2014. The ritual started at the sacred hill and then moved to the sacred house. It rained for the whole afternoon at the sacred hill. The sacred hill was quite distant, some five to seven kilometres from the clan’s sacred house. The place was ancestral land, where the sacred house belonging to the clan used to stand and where rituals used to be conducted. The sacred place is called Tuda-bere ‘big hill’ or ‘male-hill’. The sacred place was at the hillside and surrounded by trees, bamboo, and many other types of vegetation. During fieldwork, it was observed that the place was not cultivated and nobody lived near it. Near the hill, there was the sacred well where they normally fetch water for
108 ritual and maka ‘round-stone’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4). The clan members returned to the sacred house late in the afternoon.
Figure 8: Male sacred house is fenced (Tuda-naha-buti)
The clan members stayed at the sacred house until morning. The clan has a complex of three sacred houses, but they had revived only two of them namely, the oma-asukai ‘house-male’ and oma-tupurae ‘house-female’ (see section 2.7.1.1). These were located in the centre of the Uagia village. The compound of the sacred houses was fenced with bamboo all around. The two sacred houses stood side by side. Ladders were used to go up into each sacred house. Inside each sacred house, an attic was built and there was a sacred oven or fireplace with all the traditional cooking utensils. A sacred fireplace consists of three stones in which the clay pot filled with rice is placed on it. During the ritual event the sacred na’a or lode ‘bags’ (see section 7.3.2.2.5) were taken down from their storage place and displayed.
Figure 9: Lolika ‘attic’ inside sacred house
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Participants The people who participated in the ritual ceremony were males, females and children, the old and young (Hymes, 1972). Since they had just started reviving their sacred house along with their ritual practices, they did not have an expert amongst their own clan members to perform the rituals. Thus, they hired an expert to perform the rituals for them, and they assigned a young male to learn from the expert. There were several males who had been assigned to play roles during the ritual events. The hired person acted as the traditional priest and performed the ritual as addresser, the ancestors were addressee, and the audience were members of the clan including the male and female servants, the lineages and distant relatives, children and grandchildren of the extended family of the clan. The male servant was the son of the clan in the patrilineal line and he was the one chosen to serve inside the sacred house. The female servant was the wife of one of the sons; her bride-wealth and luku-data had been settled thus she was serving inside the sacred house (see section 2.7.4.1). The elders were the males from the patrilineal line and were senior members of the clan. The male servant’s assistant was a male of the clan to assume a position inside the sacred house. On the platform, the priest put his hands on the chickens while performing a prayer. The priest was accompanied by the male servant and the eldest son of the clan. The chickens were then slaughtered by the male servant and their livers were examined.
Ends The goal of the ritual was to break the corn fast during which the clan had been forbidden to eat corn for a certain period of time prior. They also wanted to renew their betel leaves, a symbol of protection in their day-to-day lives. Renewal of betel leaves means that clan members replace the old or dried betel leaves with new or fresh betel leaves to carry in their wallets for protection (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Act Sequences The members of the clan travelled to the sacred hill. The drum and bau-soru ‘buffalo horn’ were played to call the clan members to gather prior to their departure to the sacred hill. These instruments were then played all the way to the sacred hill. Animals such as pigs, chickens and other traditional foods were carried to the sacred hill to offer as sacrifices during the ritual event. Once they arrived, the clan members cleaned the stone-platform and surrounding area for the ritual event. They prepared a specific high platform made from wood and bamboo for the ritual objects (see section 7.3.3.4.2). The male servant fetched water from the sacred well,
110 collecting it in a bamboo container and placing it on the stone-platform or altar with other sacred objects. The males started preparing bamboo containers to cook rice for ritual foods (see section 2.7.3). At the hill, the food was only cooked in bamboo containers and was only eaten by males. Then the priest mentioned the names of the ancestors, lifted up chickens and recited the ritual prayers (see Appendix G: 1, 2, and 4 or video on attached USB Drive).
At the sacred house, early in the morning, all that was needed for the ritual was prepared. A bunch of corn from the new crops was hung up on a stick in front of the sacred house. Then all clan members who had brought chickens presented the chickens to the priest inside the sacred house for the ritual event to begin. The lode ‘bags’ were taken down from the high platform (see section 7.3.1.1.2). The priest then picked a chicken and a lode with the name of each of the ancestors written on it, and called out the name in ritual prayer or invocation. The priest repeated this recitation for all the lode and chickens until none were left. Then, the chickens were slaughtered and had their livers examined to check if everything was alright with the clan members. At the same time, the female servant prepared and cooked the ritual food at the sacred oven inside the sacred house. Then the ritual food was consumed. At the end of the ritual event, every participant received betel leaf to chew and rub on their bodies and carry (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Key The tone of the event was serious (Hymes, 1972; Saville-Troike, 2003). All ritual participants paid attention to the priest during the ritual event. There was some tension and fear among the clan members during the examination of the chicken livers. This was due to an impatience and eagerness to know the result of the chicken liver assessment because the participants believed that it determined their future condition. If the chicken livers were all right, nothing was going to happen to them and as a result they would have good health and wellbeing. However, if there was a sign on the liver, for example a wound, they were afraid of suffering from ill-health in the future unless a ritual was held to repair it and so prevent the suffering.
Instrumentalities The interactions in both the sacred house and sacred place were conducted in Makasae. They involved both verbal and nonverbal communications (Hymes, 1972; Saville-Troike, 2003). The sacred drum and buffalo horn were played to call clan members for the ritual event. The
111 priest gestured with the chickens during the ritual event. The priest lifted chickens up several times along with uttering ritual prayers before slaughtering them.
Norms The males who played the drum and buffalo horns walked at the front of the line, followed by the males who carried chickens, a pig and food, and they were followed by the participants. The females walked a few dozen metres behind the males. Upon arrival at the sacred hill, the sons of the clan bowed down and kneeled at the gate prior to entering the sacred hill (see section 7.3.2.4.2.3). The sons and priest stepped into the compound, while the drummer kept playing the drum. Participants stood behind him until they were permitted to enter. They walked into the compound on the hill silently (see section 7.3.3.4.3) until they reached the space prepared for the ritual.
The females arrived a few minutes later, once all the males had entered the sacred hill. They stood a distance from the gate and were advised to stay away from the hill. Another male placed a bamboo stick across the gate to separate the females and distance them from the ritual place. The hill was sacred therefore the females were forbidden to cross the barrier. This was meant to prevent females from traversing or entering the area where the ritual was taking place. The sacred place where the ritual event took place was a male sacred hill, therefore females were forbidden to enter it (see sections 2.7.4.1 and 7.3.1.3) (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999; Metzgar, 2004). The females simply watched from outside. While inside the sacred place, all participants behaved properly and watched their words in accordance with the rules of taboo. The participants were forbidden to curse or swear (see section 7.3.4.4.1.1) (Agyekum, 1999; Broadhusrt, 2004; Kitz, 2007). Shouting and talking loudly were not allowed while on the hillside either (see section 7.3.3.4.3). Participants were not allowed to travel freely around the hill.
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Figure 10: Females forbidden to go up the male sacred hill
A traditional place made from bamboo was prepared for the ritual objects which were then placed on it. Ritual food was cooked in bamboo containers by males while chickens and a pig were slaughtered and roasted and then eaten along with the rice. Both rice and meat were served on banana leaves and participants ate without any leftovers. The participants ate the food without wasting or dropping any while eating. Food was not taken out from the ritual place and females were not allowed to eat it.
Genre The genre of this ritual was ritual prayer (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). Recitation of prayers was meant to protect and bless the clan members, and serve as a prayer of cursing against the enemies of the clan. In the prayers the ancestors were invoked to protect the clan members from illnesses or diseases and also against bad people who had bad intentions towards clan members.
5.2.1.4. Kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual (Latu-mutu)
Setting The Latu-mutu corn-eating ritual event was conducted on a mountainside called Builo. It was a one-day ritual event. The event recounted here took place on March 16th, 2014 in the morning and continued through until late afternoon. The sacred house was located at the place where the clan’s original sacred house used to stand, during ancestral times. The sacred house was a two-level traditional house, its roof was made from thatch and it was built on stilts (see
113 section 7.3.1.1). It had four poles and two doors, one facing the east and the other to the west; it had no windows. A traditional hut was built a few metres away from the house and this was where the ritual event occurred. The sacred house and sacred place, which was a mountain, were one to two kilometres away from their residential houses and far from the community centre. The stone-platforms set up by their forefathers were still intact and surrounded the sacred house and place. There were also big rocks and trees surrounding the sacred house.
Figure 11: Male sacred house
Participants The participants in the ritual event were the immediate members of the clan, and included males, females, and children, both old and young, as well as the elders, patients, and extended family members, and those who sought healing and protection provided by that particular sacred house. The participants who played important roles during the ritual event were the ritual performer or priest as addresser, the ancestors as addressees, mahesuk ‘guardian’, elders, male and female servants and their assistants, the drummer, and the choir members who sang the ritual song as the audience (Hymes, 1972). The male servant was the son of the clan in the patrilineal line and the one chosen to serve the dai ‘ancestor’ inside the sacred house. The female servant was the wife of one of the sons whose bride-wealth and luku-data ‘mark- custom’ had been settled (see section 2.7.4.1). The elders were males from the patrilineal line and seniors of the clan. The male servant’s assistant was one of the sons of the Latu-mutu clan to assume the position inside the sacred house.
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Ends The ritual event was held in order to break the fasting period and for the clan members to start eating corn. The clan members also renewed their betel leaves in order to receive new and fresh betel leaves which are needed to maintain protection in their everyday lives.
Act sequences The clan members and other ritual participants arrived at the sacred house and sacred place. The females and males started preparing for the ritual by cooking food and cleaning the surroundings. When this was completed the ritual event started inside the sacred house and the recitation of the ritual prayers and invocations began. Firstly, the sacred dadili ‘gong’ was played three times and this was repeated several times followed by the recitation of ritual prayers. On hearing the sound of the sacred gong, every participant stood still and observed silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3). These recitations were done inside the sacred house and behind a closed door.
After the prayer, the door was slowly opened and the elders came out with the sacred gong and other sacred objects from inside the sacred house. The ritual objects, including the dadili, bau-soru ‘buffalo-horn’, sacred water, betel leaves, and ritual foods (see Table 1 section 2.7.2), were then brought from the sacred house. The sacred gong and the buffalo horn and drum were placed on a mat covered with another layer, while sacred water, betel leaves and ritual foods were placed under the nearby hut on a high platform made from bamboo. Participants stood on both sides while the centre space towards the hut was left empty. Then the guardian, priest, and elders exited the sacred house and came to the hut to continue the ritual event. People inside the sacred house were the priest, male and female servants and a few elders. Those outside were all of the clan members who went to attend the ritual.
To prepare for the ritual song, the participants stood in silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3) with males standing on one side and females on the other. The sacred ritual objects were placed in the centre of the space where participants were standing and the male who played the drum stood in the middle of the participants and choir. The drummer began playing the drum and the choir sang the ritual song. The participants stood with hands crossed or in front of their chests. After the song was sung, ritual prayers were again recited under the hut, followed by lifting up the sacred water and betel leaves several times. Then it was followed by eating seka ‘ritual food’ (see section 7.3.2.3.2). The seka was served in a large traditional basket and
115 placed on banana leaves. Every participant lined up to eat the food using their hands. There were no spoons, forks, modern plates or other tools used. The ritual food was eaten completely: nothing was leftover. At the end of the ritual event, participants were given betel leaves to chew and rub on their bodies as well as some to carry away (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Key The tone of the ritual event was serious (Hymes, 1972; Keating, 2001; Saville-Troike, 2003). The ritual prayer was recited from behind a closed door and the sacred drum was played between the prayers. When the sacred gong was played, every participant stood up, stopped doing activities and moving around, and stood still in their places silently (see section 7.3.3). Every participant stood outside with hands crossed and watched attentively while listening to the recitation inside the sacred house.
Instrumentalities The verbal communication was conducted in Makasae and the ritual prayers were also recited in Makasae. The ritual event involved nonverbal communications as well as verbal (Hymes, 1972; Keating, 2001; Saville-Troike, 2003). While the priest recited the ritual prayers, he also gestured with the ritual foods and objects holding them individually seven times up and seven down. The sacred gong was played from inside the sacred house to call out to the clan members to gather for ritual event. One of the man played the drum while the choir sang the ritual song.
Norms Participants walked from the clan residence a few hundred metres to the sacred house and sacred place. Everyone was required to remove shoes, flip-flops, and hats (see section 7.3.2.4.2.5) at the main entrance to the compound of the sacred house and sacred mountain. The mahesuk ‘guardian’ and elders bowed down and kneeled at the entrance prior to entering. Stepping over into the compound, it was important to mind one’s step in order not to stumble while walking. Everyone walked cautiously until they reached the sacred house and sacred place. The border around the compound was theoretically drawn in order to limit the movement of the participants.
Prior to the commencement of the ritual event, one of the elders played the sacred gong. When the clan members heard the sound of the gong they stopped engaging in their respective
116 activities. They all stood up and walked silently (see section 7.3.3.4.3) towards the sacred house. While the priest recited ritual prayers from inside the sacred house, all participants stood silently circled around the sacred house. During the ritual event when the elder played the sacred gong, silence was observed and it was maintained throughout the ritual.
The sacred ritual objects were handled with great care and with two hands when taking them out from inside the sacred house to the nearby hut (Barker, 2001). The ancestors were addressed with respect using terms such as uru-watu ‘moon-sun’, palunu ‘taboo’, and da’ana ‘sacred (see sections 2.7 and 7.3.6). Participants stood with hands crossed on their chests and others had their two hands held together down in front of them.
Figure 12: Participants displaying respectful behaviour during ritual
Genre The genre of the ritual was ritual prayers and ritual song (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). The ritual prayers were recited by the traditional priest. The prayer was a request for ancestors to touch the foods and ritual objects and make them sacred for the clan members. The ritual prayer was also meant as a request to the ancestors to protect the clan members from all illnesses and enemies.
The ritual song was sung by the choir and the participants sang along. The lyrics of the song mentioned the name of the sacred house, sacred places and sacred objects belonging to the clan and they were invoked to protect the clan members. This constituted notions of peace and love among the clan members asking them to live together in peace and look after one another
117 as brothers and sisters. As an example of an excerpt of the lyrics of the ritual song is: O, Palunu Da’ana gi damer gapu ta-bati; Palunu Da’ana gi Baz gapu ta-bati! ‘O, go with the peace of the taboo and sacred, and go with the love of the taboo and sacred!’
5.2.2. Koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual
This section describes the koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual events. Two koi-sauku rituals were recorded: that is, one for two different clans namely the Muta-asa-palu and Lia-luku clans. The koi-sauku rituals are normally held at the end of September or early October every year. The rituals are held in order for the clan members to break the fast of rice.
The koi-sauku ritual was held over two days, from September 16th to 17th, 2014 in Muta-asa- palu. It started inside the sacred house on the first day and moved to the rice-field on the second day. Inside the sacred house, clan members observed several practices in association with the main koi-sauku ritual. For example, they recited ritual prayers and offered chickens to the ancestors. Ritual objects such as besi ‘metal’ (see section 7.3.2.2.1), oro ‘spear’, si ‘sword’, sei ‘dog fruit’, Lu’u-wai-wawaka ‘small stones’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4) and other ritual objects belonging to the clan were displayed on a mat and red cloths at one corner inside the sacred house, and candles were lit and placed around them.
The koi-sauku ritual in the Lia-luku clan was a one-day event on October 26th, 2014. During the event, the two elders of the clan dressed up in traditional clothing and seated themselves inside the male sacred house. The sacred objects associated with males, namely gaba ‘coral necklace’ and belak ‘disc’, were displayed, while others were worn by the two elders around their necks and on their heads. Inside the female-house a female also dressed up in traditional clothing and had ritual objects such as a coral necklace hanging around her neck. Section 5.2.2.1 describes the rice-eating ritual that was held by the Muta-asa-palu clan and section 5.2.2.2 describes the rice-eating ritual that was held by the Lia-luku clan. The description of each of the rituals is based on the S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G model (Hymes, 1972).
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5.2.2.1. Koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual (Muta-asa-palu)
Setting The koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual event is normally held every year. During fieldwork, it was observed that the ritual was held both inside the sacred house and at the clan’s sacred rice- field as is the normal custom (Hymes, 1972). The year the fieldwork took place, the ritual was held from September 6th to 7th, 2014 from morning until late afternoon on each of the two days. The ritual participants slept on rese ‘beds’ made from bamboo and wood around the sacred house, and some slept in the house in which the female servant pounded the rice for ritual food.
During the ritual event, several of the ritual participants were allowed into the sacred house. The space inside the sacred house was small. The kitchen and cooking pot were on one side right beneath the high platform (Fowler, 2003; Sakai, 2006). Another corner was allocated to the display of the sacred objects, and another sat the dai ‘powerful ancestors’ (see section 2.5.2). The female servant sat near the sacred fireplace, and the male servant sat near the sacred objects displayed during ritual events while he facilitated the interaction between the dai and participants. Other male and female servants from other sacred houses who were learning from the clan helped in serving the dai. The ritual participants sat in the middle of the room.
At the rice-field, the ritual event was conducted at the keta-buna ‘rice-field-stone-platform’ in the middle of the rice-field. The buna ‘stone-platform’ was used as an altar and the central space for the rice-eating ritual held every year. During the event, rice was growing around the buna. Scarecrows were set up across the rice-field in order to scare birds away. There was also a hut at the side of the rice-field. The hut played an important role during the event as every ritual participant had to pass through the hut and exit on the other side. The hut became a resting place for the sacred objects and the participants prior to their entering the rice-field.
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Figure 13: Males preparing for ritual at rice-field
Participants The participants in this ritual were male and female, and children as well as old and young adults. Several clan members played essential roles during the ritual event particularly as addresser, addressee, and member of the audience (Hymes, 1972). The traditional priest was the addresser, the ancestors were addressees, and the audience included clan members, patients, and others who sought healing and protection by the Muta-asa-palu sacred house. The male servant was the second born son of the clan in the patrilineal line who was knowledgeable about ritual practices and had the qualities to assume the position so had been chosen to serve the dai ‘powerful ancestors’ inside the sacred house (see section 5.2.1.1). The female servant was the wife of the eldest son of the clan whose bride-wealth and luku-data had been settled (see section 2.7.4.1). The elders were the males from the patrilineal line and seniors of the clan. The male servant’s assistant was a male who was the first-in-line of kin of the clan, and in the future would assume the position of male servant or guardian to serve inside the sacred house. The same group of people in red participated in every ritual unless they had been replaced. They performed exactly the same rituals, for example holding betel leaf and visiting rice-field.
Ends The goal of the communicative ritual was to break the fast relating to the rice that clan members were forbidden to eat for the few months prior to the ritual event. Following the ritual, members of the clan could eat the new rice harvest until the next season when the ritual would be repeated. The time for eating rice is between the period from when a rice-eating
120 ritual is held until fasting begins three months before the next rice-eating ritual in the following year.
Act sequences The ritual started from the sacred house. The first day was mainly allocated to interaction with the ancestors inside the sacred house. Such interaction is normally held prior to the main ritual event at the rice-field. In the interaction, the clan members presented their cases, for instance illnesses, to the ancestors in order to find means of recovery. Ritual food was prepared by the female servant then it was eaten inside the sacred house. Several clan members, particularly males, accompanied the dai ‘powerful ancestors’ and stayed up the entire night until morning. In the early morning, the male servant secretly went to a specific place to pick some essential things for use in the ritual at the rice-field. It was said to be secret because his departure to the place could not be noticed, and on his way to the place he must not be greeted by anybody until he reached the rice-field. He had to reach the rice-field before the sun rose and remain there until everybody arrived. Then, a few hours later when the sun had already risen, all the participants went to the rice-field carrying the sacred objects.
When the sacred objects, carried by the male and female servants or their assistants, exited the sacred house the door was closed behind them. The sacred objects were carried to the rice- field ahead of all participants. While walking, all participants observed silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3) and could not look back (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4) until they reached the rice-field. When they arrived at the rice-field, everybody had to pass through the hut located there. Then, the males who played key roles proceeded to enter the rice-field to prepare for the rituals.
The sacred ritual objects were hung up on a stick at the buna ‘stone-platform’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4). Betel leaves (see section 7.3.2.2.3) were placed on the stone-platform and the candles were lit. After that, chickens were brought in for ritual offerings. The priest recited the ritual prayers while mentioning each of the ancestors and sacred ritual objects and offered chickens as sacrifices (see transcription of video Appendix G: 1 and 4). This was followed by taking the patients around the buna ‘stone-platform’ and then eating seka ‘ritual food’ (see section 7.3.2.3.2). Then, every participant received betel-nuts to chew and rub on their bodies as well as some to carry with them (see section 7.3.5.4.2.2). At the end of the ritual, every participant headed back and continued observing the taboos, such as walking in silence and not looking back, all the way to sacred house.
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Key The ritual was a solemn event (Hymes, 1972). There were no jokes or fun of any sort during the ritual event either inside the sacred house or at the rice-field. Every participant sat silently and listened to the dai ‘ancestor’. All the participants paid great attention during the ritual event. The solemnity was required during the ritual as part of the taboo observance. The clan believes that whoever is not serious during any ritual event will receive punishment as a consequence.
Instrumentalities The language used during the ritual event was mainly Makasae. The ritual participants interacted among themselves in Makasae, while the different dai ‘powerful ancestor’, who came in every few hours in shifts, used different languages during the ritual. Some spoke Tetun, some Makasae, and some spoke Portuguese and even mixed it with Tetun, Portuguese and Makasae (see section 2.5.2). In addition, the interaction involved a variety of nonverbal behaviours either with the hands, face, eyes, body or often objects (Hymes, 1972; Saville- Troike, 2003). For example, the dai lifted the wine in his cup before drinking, lifted chicken before eating it, or lifted betel leaves and wrote on them using the tip of another betel with his saliva.
Norms Prior to stepping into the sacred house, participants had to ask permission at the doorway before entering. Then they kissed the hand of the dai ‘ancestor’, before walking on bended knees to find a seat inside the sacred house (see section 7.3.2.4.2.1) (Metzgar, 2004). They sat there and listened to the dai talk. In the interaction, the participants addressed and referred to the ancestors as dai and abo ‘grandfather’ with respect and deference (see sections 7.3.6) (Williams-van Klinken & Hajek, 2006). While sitting, they did not turn their back on the sacred objects (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4). To eat, the participants received the seka ‘ritual food’ (see section 7.3.2.3.2) with two hands or the right hand. The females were forbidden from entering the male sacred house (see section 2.7.4.1) where the event was held (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 1999; Metzgar, 2004). The participants continued to observe taboos while entering and exiting the sacred house by asking permission and walking on bended knees until reaching the ladder.
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The participants walked from the sacred house to the rice-field and back again silently (see section 7.3.3.4.3). It was forbidden for anyone to look back while the ritual objects were ahead of them (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4). Upon arrival at the rice-field, everyone had to pass through the hut and walk out the other side. Then the elders entered the rice-field for the ritual event and the sacred ritual objects were hung on a stick that stood upright in the centre of the rice-field (see Figure 13 above).
While the ritual prayers were recited, nobody talked in a loud voice (see section 7.3.3.4.3). During the ritual event, the dai, male and female servants clearly had power over all other participants. The dai alongside with the male and female servants were the ones who enforced the taboo rules on every participant. After the recitation of the ritual prayers, patients were taken around the stone-platform inside the rice-field several times and this was followed by eating the ritual food. Then every participant was served ritual food. Then, when the event ended at the rice-field, everyone walked back to the sacred house continuing to observe silence and not looking back until they reached the sacred house.
Upon arrival back at the sacred house, the male servant opened the door and everyone went inside the sacred houses. Then, the door was closed and every participant stayed inside. They sat inside the sacred house in total silence and with eyes closed. The priest then noticed that there was a mistake, and that taboos had been breached during the ritual at the rice-field. Ricardo, a ritual performer, told me that there were two taboos the clan had breached during the rice-eating ritual at the sacred rice-field. Firstly, the sacred oro ‘spear’ fell to the ground. Secondly, clan members forgot to eat the food and meat held in one of the bamboo containers during the ritual, so they had to eat it at the end of the ritual event. These were considered serious breaches of taboo as the ritual food cooked in the bamboo containers at the sacred rice-field must be eaten during the ritual (see section 2.7.3). The clan members had to make reparation for the taboo breach inside the sacred house. Therefore, with everybody sitting silently inside the sacred house, the priest performed a ritual by taking a red rooster and holding it over everybody’s head and saying a few utterances with the intention of apologizing to the ancestors for the breaches and asking for the cleansing of their sins. Waving the rooster over the participant’s heads for several times was intended to sooho’o ‘cleanse’ them and wash away their sins. Then, the priest walked outside with one asa-nami ‘rooster’, one asa-pana ‘hen’, one kola ‘traditional male clothing’, one rabi ‘traditional female clothing’, lesu (imiri) ‘cloth (red)’ and lawa ‘money’ as a symbol of repentance. He
123 stood and recited prayers while offering the chickens and other items to the ancestors seeking forgiveness. The participants remained sitting inside the sacred house with mixed feelings and looked frightened of the possible consequences of the wrongdoing. All participants sat inside the sacred house in total silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3), while they closed their eyes for a few minutes until an announcement was made by the priest to exit the house. The chickens were just held up: they were not slaughtered.
Figure 14: Walking without looking back
Genre The genre of the communicative ritual was ritual prayer and conversation (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). The ritual prayers were recited both inside the sacred house and sacred place during the event. The interaction was held inside the sacred house where the powerful ancestors marked their presence symbolically through the kuda ‘horse’ (see section 5.2.1.1) or mediator. The participants presented their cases or illnesses to the dai ‘ancestors’ and received instructions to find solutions for their illnesses.
5.2.2.2. Koi-sauku ‘rice-eating’ ritual (Lia-luku)
Setting The Lia-luku rice-eating ritual was conducted at both the sacred house and sacred hill. It was an annual event. For the Lia-luku clan, the ritual was first held at the sacred hill where it is believed to be the place of origin of the clan. The sacred hill was located a few miles away from the sacred house. During my fieldwork, it was observed that the land at the hill site was not cultivated and no clan members lived there. The trees in the surrounding area were not cut.
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After the ritual at the sacred hill, the clan members returned and conducted the ritual event inside the sacred house. The clan had already revived the entire three sacred houses of the complex: oma-asukai ‘male-house’, oma-tupurae ‘female-house’, and oma-umurae ‘the spirit of the deceased ancestors’ house’ (see section 2.7.1.1). The three sacred houses were used for the ritual event even though they stood quite a distance away from one another. The male house stood on a slightly higher level, on a small hill, while the other two houses were at a lower level (see Figure 15 below and Figure 2 section 2.3). The dai ‘powerful ancestors’ (see section 2.5.2) were on standby inside the spirits of the ancestors’ house; a female the wife of one of the sons, was at the female house, and the priest, elders, male and female servants were at the male house. Each sacred house had one entry-exit door and a ladder lead into the sacred house that had no windows (see section 7.3.1.1). The roofs of the sacred houses were made from thatch, whereas the walls were made of bamboo. Each had an attic inside the sacred house reserved for the sacred objects. There were sacred fireplaces with all the necessary traditional cooking utensils, for example busu-naku ‘pot-clay’, esekai ‘big spoon’ made from bamboo handle and coconut shell inside the sacred houses.
Figure 15:Male sacred house
Participants The participants in this ritual were male and female, children as well as old and young adults. They were all relatives of a common ancestor. Two of the elders of the clan who acted as traditional priests were addressers, the ancestors were the addressee, and the male and female servants and their assistants and all clan members were the audience (Hymes, 1972; Saville- Troike, 2003). The male servant was a son of the clan in the patrilineal line and had been chosen to serve the dai inside the sacred house. The female servant was the wife of one of the sons whose bride-wealth and luku-data had been settled (see section 2.7.4.1). The elders were
125 the males of the patrilineal line and seniors of the clan. The assistant of the male servant was one of the first born sons of the clan. The elders wore the traditional male clothing and put on several sacred objects (see Figure 16 below), while other sacred objects were displayed on a mat and red cloths inside the male sacred house. The female servant also wore traditional female clothing and put on several sacred objects such as earings and a necklace.
Ends The goal of the ritual event was to end the fast relating to rice. The clan members participating presented the food to the ancestors prior to consuming it. As well, the clan members would like to receive fresh betel leaves as a symbol of protection in their daily lives.
Act sequences The ritual started at the sacred hill and then moved on to the sacred house. In the spirits of the ancestors’ house, a face-to-face interaction took place between the living descendants and dai ‘powerful ancestors’. During the event at the sacred house, the clan prepared buffalo, pig, and chickens to offer to the ancestors as sacrifices and the priest recited the ritual prayers while lifting the chickens. The males of the clans then slaughtered the animals, while the female servant prepared the ritual food (see section 7.3.2.3.2). This was followed by eating the ritual food. At the end of the ritual event, betel leaves were distributed to each clan members to chew and carry for healing and protection (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Key The ritual was a solemn event. The priest recited the ritual prayers while the participants stood there and paid attention and watched in silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3). The rhythm of the recitation made the clan members quite emotional because of the way the priest recited the ritual prayers. The rhythm of the ritual recitation was high and low intonations (see the video in attached USB Drive).
Instrumentalities The communication was through both verbal and nonverbal means (Hymes, 1972). The language used in ritual speech was Makasae but there were the dai ‘ancestors’ who spoke two different languages. One was muted but he communicated using sign language; that is, he simply made gestures and the female servant interpreted the meanings to other participants during the ritual event. For example, the muted dai pointed to a man inside the house and
126 touched his chest. The female servant then interpreted it saying that the dai asked for the man’s mother and signalled to them that she was sick. The female servant then asked the dai to take care of the mother who was not present during the ritual and who suffered from chest pain. The other dai spoke Tetun and another unknown language which was merely sounds with no clear words. The communication also involved nonverbal behaviour using ritual objects such as malu ‘betel leaf’ (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Norms During the ritual event, the sacred ritual objects were carried down from a high platform for display inside the sacred house. The sacred objects were only touched by the two elders of the clan (see section 7.3.3.4.1). The elders prepared a mat, placed a red cloth over it and then placed the sacred objects on it. The candles were lit and placed around the sacred objects. Participants walked on bended knees when they passed the ritual objects and seated persons (see section 7.3.2.4.2.1). The female servant prepared ritual food at one corner inside the sacred house. The ritual food was apportioned to the ancestors before all participants were served (see section 7.3.5.4.2.4). Some of the apportioned food was eaten by dai ‘powerful ancestors’ and others were brought to sacred spaces and put on rocks. A male then walked out and apportioned foods for the sacred places and objects. During the ritual event, the participants observed silence. When they did talk they talked to one another by simply whispering or speaking very quietly.
Females of the clan were not allowed to go to the sacred hill belonging to the clan. Participants moved around in the hillside with great care and did not deliberately make noise or speak loudly during their stay. No one could cut trees on the hill. At the sacred hill site, the ritual prayers were recited and a buffalo, pig and chickens were offered as sacrifices and then slaughtered. These foods were cooked in bamboo containers and some were roasted. The food had to be eaten at the hill and no leftover food could be brought back to the sacred house (see section 2.7.3).
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Figure 16: Sacred objects worn and placed on mat covered with red cloths
Genre The genre of the ritual event was ritual prayer and conversation (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). The ritual prayers were recited by the priests and the chickens were lifted overhead towards the sky. The content of the ritual prayers was on the one hand, concerned with a blessing and the wellbeing of the clan members. On the other hand, it concerned protection against people who may have had bad intentions towards the clan members and also from illnesses.
5.2.3. Keta-Base ‘rice-field cultivation’ ritual (Muta-asa-palu)
This section describes the keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivation’ ritual. The ritual is held every year and always held after the arabau-bane ‘buffalo-wash’ ritual and before the koi-sauku ‘rice- eating’ ritual (see section 2.6). The keta-base ritual was recorded from the Muta-asa-palu clan as part of this research; it was held prior to sowing rice in the rice-field. It was observed that the Muta-asa-palu clan was the only one that conducted the keta-base ritual. The elders, guardian, male servant and his assistant performed the ritual inside the rice-field. They prepared a long bamboo stick called rehate measuring its length by hand; then towards the tip of the bamboo they placed a whole chicken wing with feathers. They then entered the rice- field carrying the sacred rehate ‘bamboo stick’, oro ‘spear’, the ta’a ‘axe’ and small bamboo pieces. They started measuring the rice-field from the west side to the east side and back again using the bamboo stick. They walked as they measured the rice-field. Every two metres, they placed the spear or digging stick, and every ten metres they placed a small bamboo stick called seheka. At the end of the rite, they place the rehate ‘bamboo stick’ at the casuarina tree.
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The ritual is intended to keep the soil in the rice-field fertile for an abundant crop.
Setting The keta-bane ‘rice-field cultivation’ ritual was held at the sacred house, but the main ritual event was normally held at the clan’s rice-field. It was a one-day event from early morning until late afternoon: the research observance and recording was on May 25th, 2014. It was a sunny day and the sky was clear. The event started inside the sacred house in the morning then moved to the rice-field before lunch. The rice-field was quite a distance from the clan’s sacred house about a kilometre away. The rice-field was just at the end of the hill where the sacred house was built near a river. The stone-platform for the keta-base ritual was at the side of the rice-field. The rice-field was ready for sowing the annual rice crop.
Figure 17: Males performing keta-base ritual
Participants The participants in the ritual were male and female and children as well as old and young adults of the Muta-asa-palu clan. The traditional priest was the addresser, the ancestors were addressees, and the participants including the female servant, elders of the clan, and the other men and women both young and old, to children and grandchildren as well as patients were the audience (Hymes, 1972). The patients, both of clan members and from other clans, played an important part in the ritual because they sought healing from the powerful ancestors. The male servant was the son of the clan in the patrilineal line and chosen to serve the dai in the sacred house. The female servant was the wife of the eldest son of the clan (see section 2.7.4.1). The elders were the males from the patrilineal line and seniors of the clan.
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Ends The purpose of the ritual was to have the rice-field blessed by the ancestors so that once the rice was sown an abundant harvest could be reaped. Once such the ritual has been held, the clan members can start sowing or spreading the rice. Prior to conducting the ritual, no clan members could start the sowing process as it is forbidden to sow rice before the ritual is held.
Act sequences The keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivation’ ritual began inside the sacred house and then the event moved to the clan’s rice-field. The clan members walked in procession with the sacred objects from the sacred house to the rice-field. On their arrival at the rice-field, participants had to pass through the hut (see sub-section 5.2). Then, the male servant and his assistant and female servant cleaned the stone-platform to prepare for the ritual and a male climbed the casuarina tree that was just next to the stone-platform (see section 7.3.2.2.4) and cut some of its branches. The casuarina tree is a sacred tree and its branches are only cut or chopped once a year, that is during the rice-field cultivation ritual. At the stone-platform, the sacred objects were placed on the stick that was made to stand and other sacred objects were placed on the stone-platform. Candles were then lit and they and betel leaves were placed around the stone- platform. Chickens were brought in and placed near the sacred stone-platform. During this same time the female servant prepared the ritual food. Prior to consuming the ritual food, all the participant gathered near the stone-platform for the ritual to begin. The priest reminded the participants to keep quiet and then started lifting up the chickens above his head one after the other offering them as sacrifices to the ancestors. The most powerful ancestors and the most sacred objects of the clan, for instance besi ‘metal’ (see section 7.3.2.2.1), was acknowledged in the prayers and each was offered a chicken. The chickens were then slaughtered and roasted, and they had their livers examined to check whether everything was all right with the clan members.
The ritual food was then prepared for every participant to eat. The ancestors, the sacred objects and sacred places of the clan were apportioned food before participants ate it. Then the priest and the male assistants performed a practice, called ma-muhu ma-tau-dihi ‘wine- last-wine-finish-pour’ as part of the main ritual. This was a non-stop process of pouring the palm-wine from the toka ‘bamboo container’ until it was empty. The males stood in line and kept passing the wine on to other males and drinking it, while other males kept refilling the
130 plastic glasses until no more wine was left. Such a way of pouring wine is a symbol of invoking ancestors to take action against the enemies of the clan.
Then the priest and five other male clan members entered the rice-field. They carried ritual objects, as described above, for the ritual event inside the rice-field. In the rice-field they walked back and forth twice, a distance of about a hundred metres, and so performed the practice of cultivation. At the end of the ritual all the ritual participants gathered around the stone-platform to receive betel leaves (see section 7.3.2.2.3). At the same time the priest performed healing for the sick people. Then, everybody headed back to the sacred house continuing to observe the taboo of being silent while walking and also not looking back (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4). They arrived at the sacred house and then they went home.
Key The tone of the keta-base ‘rice-field-cultivation’ ritual was solemn. The participants in the ritual felt great responsibility, paid full attention to the event and observed the taboos throughout the event to the end.
Instrumentalities The languages used in the ritual event were Makasae, Tetun and a mixture of Portuguese, Tetun and Makasae. Makasae was used by participants to communicate with one another and interact with the ancestors inside the sacred house (see section 2.8), whereas the dai ‘ancestors’ spoke Tetun, Portuguese and Makasae in the interaction (see section 2.5.2). The male servant was the one who facilitated the communication and interpreted the verbal and nonverbal behaviours.
Norms The sacred objects were carried down from their storage place and displayed at one corner inside the sacred house. The sacred objects were placed on a mat covered with red cloths. Candles were lit and betel leaves were placed around the ritual objects. Every participant inside the sacred house needed to make sure that they did not have their back to the sacred objects (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4). They had to sit and have their faces towards the sacred objects. Participants who entered the sacred house had to ask permission to do so at the doorway prior to stepping into it. They had to kiss or shake the hand of the dai or offer a coin before finding a seat (see section 7.3.5.4.2.1). Everyone had to stoop when walking with the
131 hands down, one hand in front and the other hand at the back with open palms when passing the sacred objects and the seated persons (see section 7.3.2.4.2.1). Participants sat while listening to the interaction without making any noise or speaking in a loud voice. The participants had to ask permission before exiting the sacred house.
When the sacred objects were carried out from the sacred house, all participants had to exit before the sacred objects. The sacred objects were carried by the assistant of the male servant and the female servant. They exited the sacred house with the sacred and objects and headed off to the rice-field. As soon as the sacred objects exited, the door of the sacred house was closed. The carriers of the sacred objects walked at the front of the line and the participants walked behind them. Everybody observed silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3), and no one looked back while walking to the rice-field (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4). Arriving at the rice-field everybody passed through the hut at the rice-field. The sacred objects were hung up inside the hut prior to them being taken to the stone-platform. The priest then recited prayers and offered chickens to the ancestors and ritual objects. The ritual food was handled with care while it was being eaten. The palm-wine that was poured into the glasses for drinking was also handled with care in order to avoid spillage. The food and wine had to be eaten and drunk at the rice-field without leftovers. The priest, male servant and his assistants entered the rice- field to perform the ritual event. The objects taken into the rice-field were handled with care in order to avoid dropping them. Females were forbidden to enter during this particular time. Participants and children in particular, were warned not to wander around the rice-field during the ritual event. In the distribution of the betel leaves (see section 7.3.2.2.3), participants received them with two hands and handled them with care to avoid dropping them.
After the ritual event at the rice-field, the participants walked back to the sacred house and the sacred objects were carried ahead of everyone. During this time, they continued to observe silence (see section 7.3.3.4.3) and not look back (see section 7.3.2.4.2.4). On arrival at the house, all participants entered the sacred house and the door was closed behind them. After several minutes, they all exited the sacred house and went home.
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Figure 18: Sacred objects hung high up on stone-platform
Genre The genre for the keta-base ritual was the ritual prayer (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). In the prayers, the names of all the ancestors and sacred objects of the clan were mentioned. All were also invoked for blessings and protection for the clan members, while enemies of the clan were cursed.
5.2.4. Arabau-bane ‘washing buffaloes’ (Muta-asa-palu)
This section describes the arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ ritual which was held shortly after the kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual in preparation for the buffalo ploughing the rice-fields. The sacred objects, called Lu’u-wai-wawaka ‘small stones’ were displayed inside the sacred house, while maka ‘round stone’ was at debu ‘old buffalo corral’. Lu’u-wai-wawaka (see section 7.3.2.2.4) comprising several small stones were kept inside the sacred house, while the maka ‘round-stone’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4) was always kept at debu. The small stones and round stone are symbols of wealth associated with buffaloes. It was a one-day ritual event. Sacred water fetched from the sacred well belonging to the clan was used in the ritual to symbolically wash the buffaloes.
Setting The arabau-bane ‘buffalo-wash’ ritual is always held at the sacred house and debu ‘old buffalo corral’, however the main ritual is held at the debu. The house where the ritual was held during my fieldwork was a house called Lu’uwai Muta-asa-palu. It was a house of the
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Muta-asa-palu clan specifically built for arabau-bane ‘buffalo-wash’ ritual. Debu is an old buffalo corral and a place where the forefathers used to keep their buffaloes and conduct the ritual event: also at the debu, the sacred maka ‘round-stone’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4) is found and during fieldwork it was observed that the debu was near or under a shady bamboo which was also sacred. The debu is no longer used as a place for keeping the buffaloes and there is no longer the traditional fence that was used to keep the buffaloes enclosed; rather, it is now an open area and preserved by the clan. The clan keeps the place as a sacred buffalo corral merely for ritual purposes. It is not cultivated, neither is anything built on the land. There are streams on both sides of the debu and there are trees growing in the surrounding area. The ritual was held on March 3rd, 2014 beginning in the morning and lasting until late afternoon of a rainy day.
Figure 19: Buffalo washing ritual
Participants The participants were male and female, children as well as old and young adults of the Muta- asa-palu clan. The priest who performed the ritual event was the addresser, the ancestors were the addressees, and the clan members including the male and female servants and their assistants were the audience (Hymes, 1972).
Ends The goal of the ritual was to prepare the buffaloes for ploughing the clan’s rice-fields. The speech community still relies on the buffaloes for this purpose.
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Act Sequences The clan members prepared everything that was needed for the ritual event. They prepared chickens, betel leaves, candles, and local rice. In the early morning the male servant headed off to the sacred water-well belonging to the clan to fetch sacred water. Then several males of the clan cut the sacred bamboo. They cut the bamboo and cleaned the surrounding for the ritual to begin. When they finished clearing the bamboo, they brought in the sacred water that had been drawn from the clan’s sacred water-well and placed it under the bamboo tree. The priest and other clan members headed off to the debu for the ritual event in the afternoon. They prepared banana leaf, lit candles and placed betel leaves under the bamboo near the maka, and placed the sacred water near the maka ‘round-stone’ under the bamboo. They then slaughtered a chicken and put its blood into the bamboo container and mixed the blood with the sacred water and sprinkled it over the sacred maka ‘round-stone’. The males cooked ritual food in bamboo containers at the debu ‘buffalo-corral’ and then brought it and placed it near the maka ‘round-stone’ then the participants ate it.
Key The ritual was a solemn event in which the priest performed the ritual activities and participants participated with great attention.
Instrumentalities The language used in the ritual was Makasae and the ritual participants communicated both verbally and nonverbally.
Norms The male servant who headed off to the sacred water-well in the early morning could not be seen and greeted on his way to and from the well. On his return, the sacred water was placed at the debu ‘old buffalo corral’. The males then cut the sacred bamboo tree at the debu. The bamboo is sacred and is only cut once a year during the arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ ritual. Several bamboo plants were cut and cleaned in order to make a place for the ritual event. The sacred maka ‘round stone’ was also cleaned at the debu. The blood of the slaughtered chicken was mixed with the sacred water and sprinkled over the maka.
Food was apportioned (see section 7.3.5.4.2.4) on banana leaves under the bamboo trees for the ancestors, sacred places and objects. Then, the participants ate all the food using their
135 hands (see section 7.3.2.3.2). A male then herded the buffaloes into the debu to be symbolically washed. The female servant used the sacred water, which had been mixed with the chicken blood and other traditional substances, and sprinkled it over to the buffaloes. Then, the priest stepped in to take the sacred water and walked toward the buffaloes and tapped one of the buffaloes on the back. After that, all the participants went back to the house and consumed the ritual food inside the sacred house.
Inside the house, the sacred object Lu’u-wai-wawaka ‘small stones’ and other sacred objects were placed at one corner inside the house on a mat covered with a red cloth. The sacred objects were only touched by the priest and male servant (see section 7.3.3.4.1). Prior to consuming the seka (see section 7.3.2.3.2), the priest, male servant and other elders went to the corner that had the sacred objects. Each of them, including the priest, placed his right foot on a flat stone at the same time the priest recited a ritual prayer and then poured water on their right feet and they kicked or stepped on the stone all at once. Kicking the right feet was a gesture against the ill-intentioned people. This was followed by all participants eating the ritual food. The seka was served in small teru ‘ritual plates’ (see section 7.3.2.2.6), and the participants received it with either two hands or the right hand only. In order to receive the ritual food or move seats, the participants either walked on bended knees or moved while sitting inside the sacred house (see section 7.3.2.4.2.1). Ritual participants had to eat their entire portion of the ritual food. At the end of the ritual, the participants received betel leaves to chew and carry (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Figure 20: Food apportioned for ancestors, sacred places and sacred objects
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Genre The genre for the ritual was a ritual prayer (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972) that constituted a prayer asking for blessing for clan members and a prayer of cursing against people who might have bad intentions towards clan members.
5.2.5. Dai-rai-waara ‘Initiation ritual’ (Ula-buti)
This section describes the dai-rai-waara ‘ancestor-out-call’ or ‘initiation’ ritual. The ritual was a symbol of initiating a person to serve as a kuda ‘horse’ (see section 5.2.1.1) so that the powerful ancestors could transform themselves in order to be able to interact with the descendants. The ritual was also meant to establish a permanent channel between the powerful ancestors and the initiated person so that the transformation could take place easily during any ritual events. The initiation ritual is only held once, at the beginning of the (re)building of a sacred house. The clan had just rebuilt their sacred house and revived their ritual practices when I was doing the fieldwork. The ritual was held in order for the ancestors to choose one of the clan members to be a kuda (see section 5.2.1.1) who would serve them inside the sacred house.
Setting The ritual took place at the sacred house of the Ula-buti clan on November 10th, 2014. It took place from late afternoon until the next morning so it was a night ritual and the situation was quiet and serene. The sacred house was a two-level house with two doors and no windows (see section 7.3.1.1.1). The house had a small room on the first level in which the participants sat, and an attic on the second level (discussed in section 7.3.1.1.2). The sacred house was at the foot of a mountain and next to the houses of clan members. The ritual participants who entered the sacred house sat in a circle inside the house on one side, while the male and female servants sat in the middle, and the priest, the would-be initiated person, the elders of the clan and other priests from the nearby sacred houses sat on the other side. There were mats spread over the floor of the room, which they all sat on.
Participants The participants in the ritual event were male and female, children as well as old and young adults of the Ula-buti clan and several others from nearby sacred houses. There was also the dai ‘powerful ancestors’ (see section 2.5.2) from the Muta-asa-palu clan who was the
137 godfather during the ritual. The role of the godfather was to initiate or christen the person to function as a kuda ‘horse’ (see section 5.2.1.1) in order to serve the ancestors in his sacred house. In this initiation ritual, several priests from other sacred houses or clans, including the Muta-asa-palu, Lia-luku, Ara-diga, and Oma-tamene clans were invited to participate. The priest was the addresser, the ancestors the addressee, and the audience were mainly the Ula- buti clan members, but there were also several from other clans. The male servant was the son of the clan in the patrilineal line who had been chosen to serve inside the sacred house. The female servant was the wife of the newly initiated person whose bride-wealth and luku-data had been settled (see section 2.7.4.1).
Figure 21: Scene of ritual event
Ends The goal of the ritual was to initiate and install a person who would act as a kuda ‘horse’ in order to serve the ancestors inside the sacred house. Through the initiated person, ancestors of the clan would transform themselves in order to be able to interact with the living generation inside the sacred house.
Act sequences The ritual started with the gathering of the clan members inside the sacred house. Two brothers of the Ula-buti clan, both long dead, had had a problem in the past. As a result, each had lived in different districts of Viqueque and Ermera (see Map 1 in section 2.2.1) for a long period of time. Even though they are both dead, their children took the initiative to rebuild and revive their sacred house and the ritual practices. They discussed the matter and decided
138 to forgive one another, to forget about the past and look to the future. They were all aware that such family unity was essential for the restoration of their sacred house and ritual practices.
Each clan member, but particularly the adults, was given a betel leaf and later on they exchanged it among themselves with as many people as they wished. Each of them then chewed the betel leaf (see section 7.3.2.2.3) then put it in their hands and rubbed the liquid on their foreheads, hands, feet and body. This was followed by shaking and kissing hands (see section 7.3.5.4.2.1), embracing one another, weeping and joy. Then they all gathered in the centre of the sacred house and were covered with large traditional male clothing as a symbol of unity and togetherness. Following the peace settlement between the clan members, the initiation ritual was held. Then the prayers were recited and chickens were offered as sacrifices. This was followed by eating ritual food (see section 7.3.2.3.2). At the end of the ritual, the priest distributed betel leaves for all participants (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Key The key to the ritual was a solemn, sad, silent, emotional, and happy event. The ritual was sincere throughout but the clan members were sad because they had not interacted with one another for long periods of time prior to the ritual, and they were silent during the ritual event. It was an emotional event where clan members embraced one another while weeping. But at the end, every clan member was happy because they were finally united again and able to live in peace with one another.
Instrumentalities The languages used in the ritual were Makasae and Tetun. The communication involved both verbal and nonverbal communication (Hymes, 1972). Since there were different dai ‘powerful ancestors’ (see section 2.5.2) from the different sacred houses, they spoke different languages and the male servant was on standby to interpret.
Norms The priest, elders and male and female servants were the first group of people to enter the sacred house during the ritual event. The ritual participants stepped up to the doorway and asked permission while entering the sacred house. They kissed the dai’s hand (see section 7.3.5.4.2.1) and walked on bended knees to take a seat inside the sacred house (see section
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7.3.2.4.2.1). They sat quietly and silently by paying attention to the talking and interactions (see section 7.3.3.4.3). The participants addressed the dai ‘ancestors’ as abo ‘grandfather’ and referred to one another using respectful kinship terms (see section 7.3.5.4.1.1). They handled the betel leaves and candles with care. The ritual objects, such as ancient coins, sword and other similar items, were displayed on a mat that was covered with a red cloth during the event (see Figure 21 above), and were not touched by the participants (see section 7.3.3.4.1). Children were forbidden to wander around outside during the ritual event. The participants who remained outside observed silence, not making any noise while the ritual was in progress (see section 7.3.3.4.3).
Even though the process took quite some time, one of the clan’s powerful ancestors finally came and transformed himself into the newly initiated person and he started talking in Tetun. After he finished talking, the clan members, including the initiated person’s wife, stood up and walked with bended knees towards him and kissed his hand and embraced him. The clan’s dai began to talk about the story and the suffering that the clan members had experienced in the past. Then the priest and other dai from other sacred houses wished him well for the future.
Following this the participants ate the seka (see section 7.3.2.3.2). During the distribution of the ritual food, every participant handled it with great care and with either two hands or the right hand. The ancestors, sacred places and objects were apportioned food before anyone ate it (7.3.5.4.2.4). In the morning, at the end of the ritual event, all participants were given betel leaves and they received the betel leaves with great care again with either two hands or the right hand. They chewed a few of the betel leaves and rubbed on their bodies and took some of them home (see section 7.3.2.2.3).
Genre The genre of the ritual was ritual prayer and interaction (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). The prayers were recited, asking the ancestors to take care of the newly installed person who would serve them in accordance with the ancestors’ wishes and obey their orders. The prayers were also blessings for the clan members in order for the clan members to live in peace and remain united forever. There was also interaction between the ancestors and their descendants inside the sacred house. For example, the clan members asked the ancestors to bless the peace among the clan members who were reunited after the long period of conflicts. They also
140 asked the ancestors to accompany the new initiated person while serving them inside the sacred house.
5.2.6. Sisi(ri)-kura ‘Healing ritual’ (Ara-diga)
This section describes the sisi(ri)-kura ‘healing’ ritual. This ritual was recorded from the Ara- diga clan, a clan that had not rebuilt their sacred house, but had revived the ritual practices. The ritual was held inside an ordinary house that resembled the sacred house. The ritual was intended to heal a neighbour who was sick and who had been brought in by his family who sought help from the Ara-diga sacred house. The sacred objects belonging to the clan, such as, pataka ‘ancient coins’, si ‘sword’, a small white stone, and male and female traditional clothing, were displayed during the ritual event.
Setting The sacred ancestral house of the clan has yet to be rebuilt but the rebuilding has been planned while they have been conducting rituals. The house where this ritual was held was a house adjacent to the family house and was built specifically for storing the clan’s sacred objects. The house resembles the clan’s original sacred house. Entry to the house was strictly forbidden as the sacred objects were stored in it. During my fieldwork, it was observed that the house was a one-level house similar to the actual sacred house but did not have an attic or fireplace. The sacred objects were stored in a dabu ‘basket’ (see section 5.2.1.1). The space was small so that only a few people could enter it. The healing ritual took place on September 24th, 2014 in the evening and continued until midnight.
Participants There were only a few participants in the healing ritual. These were the priest, male and female servants, their children and the patient and his family. The priest was the addresser, ancestors were the addressees, and the audience were the male, female, children and the patient. The priest was one of the males of the clan, the male servant was another young male of the same clan, the female servant was the wife of priest and participants were the clan members and the patient and his family members.
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Ends The goal of the ritual was to heal the person who sought healing from the Ara-diga sacred house.
Act Sequences First, the family of the patient contacted the priest of the Ara-diga clan. Then, they brought the patient, who was an old man, to the house. The female servant prepared everything needed for the healing event and the male servant took out the sacred objects, for example ancient coins and traditional sword, and placed them inside the house on a mat covered with a red cloth (see Figure 22 below). The persons acted as kuda ‘horse’ (see section 5.2.1.1) started gesturing using betel leaves to call a dai ‘ancestor’ to come and transform himself. In less than half an hour, he began binding red cloth on his head and arms indicating that an ancestor had arrived. The dai began interacting with the patient about his condition. Then he sat next to the old man and started to perform the healing ritual. He looked up to the roof and lifted up the betel leaves while uttering words of a blessing. He then recited a ritual prayer as a blessing for the old man. He chewed the betel leaves (see section 7.3.2.2.3) and rubbed the spit on the forehead and palms of the sick person. He held the hands of the sick person together and blew on his fingertips, then used the liquid of the chewed betel leaves on his palm and patted the liquid on the person’s forehead.
Key The ritual was a serious and emotional event because it was meant to bring healing to a patient who was sick. While the priest performed the ritual prayers, chewed the betel leaves and rubbed the patient’s forehead, participants and the patient’s family looked on silently.
Instrumentalities The language used during the ritual event was Makasae. The communication involved both verbal and nonverbal communications (Hymes, 1972; Saville-Troike, 2003). The priest recited ritual prayers and gestured with betel leaves.
Norms The sacred objects were taken out and handled with great care either using two hands or the right hand. They were placed on a mat that had a red cloth on it. The sacred objects were touched only by the priest and male servant during the ritual event (see section 7.3.3.4.1).
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Candles were lit around the objects during the ritual event and the participants did not talk loudly or make any noise (see section 7.3.3.4.3). The dai were addressed as abo ‘grandfathers’ by the female servant and participants (see sections 7.3.5.4.1.1 and 7.3.6).
Figure 22: Sacred objects placed on a mat and red cloth Figure 23: A sacred stone held with the right hand
Genre The genre of the ritual was ritual prayer and conversation (Fox, 2005; Hymes, 1972). In the prayers, the traditional priest requested that the ancestors give good health to the patient and the clan members.
5.3. Conclusion
In summary, ancestors were the central players in all ritual events. The names of each of the powerful ancestors were uttered in ritual prayers starting from the first ancestors. The ancestors were addressed with respect and fear by the clan members. In all rituals, ancestors were offered animals as sacrifices. And in all ritual prayers, clan members asked for blessing and protection, while invoking ancestors to inflict suffering on the enemies of the clans. They were addressed implicitly in all ritual prayers. All clans had similar ancestral houses, landscapes, and different but several similar sacred objects and similar ritual food. The ritual settings and objects were sacred and associated with ancestors, therefore clan members expressed taboo to show respect and fear of them. The taboo behaviour that was observed in these ritual events and the information from the clan members with regard to taboo observances are presented in the next chapter.
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CHAPTER SIX FINDINGS AND RESPONSE TO RESEARCH QUESTIONS
6.1. Introduction
The purpose of this chapter is to present the findings in response to the research questions. The data presented enhance information obtained from my observations, which were set out in Chapter Five. The data presented here were obtained through interviews with community members who are culturally knowledgeable about the Makasae belief and ritual practices. The focus is on the taboo behaviour expressed in ritual events and involves sacred houses, sacred places, sacred objects and taboo food. The artifacts and practices of the rituals were all associated with the ancestors who were the central, though unseen, players in the rituals. The findings presented in this chapter provide responses to the four research questions that guided the direction of the research.
As noted, taboo practices in the Makasae rituals are a response to the sacredness of the ritual settings, objects and foods. Conducting observations during ritual events helped me to observe the types of ritual resources that were used to express the different taboos and also to see how the taboos were expressed during ritual events. However, for a more accurate and full understanding of the belief system of the community members about taboo practices, it was necessary to conduct interviews with knowledgeable persons. The findings reported in this chapter reveal the ritual settings, objects and food that are used as resources to express taboo in rituals, and show that during ritual events, the Makasae people express their taboo behaviour in various ways. Sacred houses are the house of the ancestors and the house of worship. Sacred sites are the places in which the spirits of the ancestors reside once they die. Sacred objects are heirlooms and represent the bodies of the ancestors. Taboo food also represents the bodies of the ancestors, and it becomes sacred so it is not touched by the clan members.
Information regarding the purpose and significance of the taboo practices comes from interviews with clan members who had knowledge about ritual and the taboo practices across the speech community. The interviews also helped me to understand how the taboo observances in rituals serve to strengthen the identity of the Makasae people.
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Thirty consultants across the three villages of the speech community were interviewed (see section 4.2). Each consultant was chosen based on the roles he or she played during rituals of the respective sacred house and his or her knowledge about rituals and culture. The consultants came from seven clans of seven sub-villages of the three villages whose rituals were recorded for the study, namely: Muta-asa-palu (Luha-bere, Uagia), Ula-buti (Uaitutumata, Uagia), Tuda-naha-buti (Dolibuti, Uagia), Lia-luku (Ossogori, Uabubo), Leki- kabora (Derulo, Ossorua), Latu-mutu (Buareka, Ossorua), and Ara-diga (Oma-tamene, Ossorua). Five other clans who had also revived their sacred houses and rituals were also interviewed; however, their rituals were not recorded for the study. These included the Bai- tada (Dolibuti, Uagia), Rikae (Uatumantuku, Uagia), Leki-doli (Lari-tame, Uabubo), Laku-liu (Oma-tamene, Ossorua), and Leti-palu (Buareka, Ossorua) clans. In addition, four clans who had not rebuilt their sacred houses and revived their ritual practices were also interviewed. These were the Du’u-lamu (Lari-tame, Uabubo), Badu-palu (Uailia, Uabubo), Liba-tada (Raimuti, Ossorua), and Loime-Oma-bere (Oma-bere, Ossorua).
All the consultants participated in the ritual events that were recorded for the study, except four from the clans who had not revived their ancestral houses at the time of the fieldwork but who still had cultural and traditional knowledge about ritual practices (see section 4.2). During the interviews I played several excerpts from the recorded videos of rituals that they were knowledgeable of and had participated in. The videos were shown in order to stimulate the consultants thinking about the matters we were going to cover in the interviews.
6.1.1. The purpose of taboos in rituals
This research question was intended to uncover the purpose of practising taboos in the sacred houses and at sacred sites, and also the taboos relating to sacred objects and food in traditional ritual events (see Chapter Five) in the Makasae context.
From my observations, it was evident that during each of the ritual events, clan members venerated sacred sites and sacred objects. The sacred houses (see section 5.2) and sacred sites, such as hills (see sections 5.2.1.3 and 5.2.2.2), mountains (sections 5.2.1.2 and 5.2.1.4), farms (section 5.2.1.1), rice-fields (sections 5.2.2.1 and 5.2.3) and buffalo corrals (section 5.2.4) were used to perform rituals. In each ritual, the names of the sacred houses and sacred sites and sacred objects were uttered in prayers and food was offered to them (see sections 5.2).
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For example, during the corn-eating ritual of the Muta-asa-palu clan (see section 5.2.1.1), each of the most sacred objects of the clan was mentioned and offered a chicken (see Appendix G: 1). Sacred sites and sacred objects were used as agents to protect the clan members, including being invoked to inflict punishment on the people who might have ill- intent against clan members both individually and collectively.
During rituals, clan members observed taboo when they were present inside the sacred houses and at sacred sites, and in the presence of sacred objects and taboo food. As I observed the taboo behaviour of the participants, I was curious about their behaviour towards sacred persons, spaces and objects. Hence, I asked Ijolino, a member of the Muta-asa-palu clan, about the purpose of not touching the sacred Lu’u-wai-wawaka ‘small stones’ during the buffalo washing ritual (see section 5.2.4). He told me with a low voice saying, ere palunu, erau gata-gamu ‘it is taboo, do not touch them.’ This means that the stones were not touched because they were sacred. I asked similar questions to other clan members while the rituals were ongoing and received basically the same answer.
Following the observations, I conducted interviews with several knowledgeable clan members in order to have them share with me their beliefs about taboo observances in rituals. During the interviews, the questions were asked in a way that I knew was easy for the consultants to understand so they could provide answers. Instead of asking the research questions directly, I asked questions such as, for example:
1) Palunu ere na’i ere gau palunu gi-loloro? ‘What are the reasons of observing taboo in rituals?’ 2) Na’i gau dete waipasu da’ana ere to-be’u gata-gamu? ‘Why are sacred objects not touched?’
The following are some excerpts from the consultants that provide a direct and straight- forward answer to the question of the purpose of taboo in rituals. Transcriptions of the responses to the questions can be viewed in Appendix H, but the actual responses from the consultants including audio and video recordings as well as the transcriptions can be accessed in the attached USB Drive.
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(a) Taboo behaviour: a sign of respect and fear
Sacred spaces are the residence of the ancestors. Sacred objects represent the bodies of ancestors that are believed to be present inside the sacred houses, thus the purpose of observing taboo is to show respect for and fear of the ancestors, which is in accordance with the view of Allan & Burridge (2006). Respect is shown to the ancestors because they are considered the god, protector and healer. Fear is shown because if people do not show respect to the ancestors, they will be punished. In order to avoid the risk of being punished with illness, the Makasae people show respect to the ancestors for this they can expect to be blessed with good health and life.
The following quotations illustrate the respect the clan members have towards the ancestors. The responses were provided by all the consultants; however, the thoughts quoted here are from Armindo and Pascoal from the Leki-kabora clan for the corn-eating ritual (see section 5.2.1.2), Ricardo from the Muta-asa-palu clan for the corn-eating (section 5.2.1.1), rice-eating (section 5.2.2.1) and rice-field cultivation rituals (section 5.2.3) and also João from the Badu- palu and Antonio from the Bai-tada clan. The Badu-palu clan had not revived the sacred house but the Bai-tada clan had revived theirs. These people were interviewed due to their cultural knowledge in regard to the ritual practices.
i) Gi-ge'e tujuan palunu ere lolo-pare na'i uori lolo pi piar nana. Piar i depois lolo gi ge'e valor u para anu uori da'ana. Palunu ere tonai lolo-pare mini hau estraga, palunu ere lolo piar nana. … Na'i hani dane, ere lolo hai la'a vale lolo la'iri ua’a naigalu ene oma ere gini, oma he funda, ere gi amubere to do eregau tenki respeitu (ASGLK_071014).11
The purpose of taboo is for us to trust in the ancestors. We believe and its value is that the ancestors are sacred. Taboo does not mean to destroy, but it is to believe. … The sacred things represent the bodies of our ancestors who founded the house, therefore we must show them respect.
Clan members must show respect for and fear of the ancestors in order to be healthy. If they do not have these values towards the ancestors, clan members will encounter problems and suffer from illness as a consequence of the ancestors’ anger. The following quotation illustrates the respect and fear of the clan members:
11 ASG: The initial of the consultant; LK: the initial of the clan’s name; and 071014: the date the interview was conducted.
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ii) Anu ua’a naigalu ene reseu to ma ani gini respeitu to ma ani gini, ai gia-lia ai gia- sena, ai gau kokoro boboto, ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini tau-la'a gini, ai ene ulakae ma gata la'a, arabau da'e ma gata la'a, dudua ma gau la'a lakilaka ma gau la'a, muri poko'o ma gau la'a, muri-amu'u ma gau la'a, mane-soili ma gau la'a, mane-terini ma gau la'a hani laka ere... Palunu ere pi dada la, la'iri la ene ma ere hani su'a to na'i ere dahasau gi bada to ere ene la'a were he'e ma dasar gini to ere ene la'a pi palunu (RSMP_150714).
Whoever does not show fear of and respect for the ancestors by stealing, having bad intentions, they may be punished severely with various diseases including skin diseases, crooked neck, sufferings, or death … Taboo has been as such since our ancestral times, and it is as a covenant therefore we must continue to practise it because if we do not do it, the consequence will be dire.
Consultant, Pascoal, from the Leki-kabora clan explained the notion associated with the words palunu ‘taboo’ and erau ‘do not’ in Makasae in regard to the taboo practices in rituals. He explained that avoiding doing and saying bad things during rituals is out of respect for the ancestors (see section 7.2). This is seen in the following quotation:
iii) Palunu hani ere lolo, pi respeitu. Respeitu ene palunu, ere lolo-pare erau pa-gini, ere ene gi-nai waara lolo palunu hani ere. Sobuhobu gi-nai lolo erau hani he, ere ene gi- nai palunu ere. Erau riba-lolo, erau ta-sobo, erau pa-gini, ere ene gi-nai waara lolo erau ere ene sobu ko'ini (PSLK_071014 see Appendix H: 2).
Taboo means respect. Respect is taboo, means do not destroy. The word ‘do not’ means taboo. Do not swear, do not curse, and do not destroy. The word 'do not' is a significant word. ‘Do not’ is a word which means taboo: do not spoil this, do not cut this do not destroy this.
During rituals, participants need to be careful about their behaviour and language. This thought is reflected in the following quotations:
iv) Pi to-be'u na'u riba-lolini tanba pi ni abo la respeitu, pi dada la ere pi maromak gi bada entaun pi tenki respeitu ma era gini. Orasu pi la'a na'u riba-lolini ene sisiri ooro la'a pi geni, susar boubounu to pi gau woi da ma'u ere (AGBT_050714)
We have to have respect to our grandfathers, by not uttering words that can offend our grandfathers because they are considered our god. As a result of our words and deeds, we will get sick and sufferings.
v) Mais sobu-hasa ua'a lolo palunu hani laka lolo pi ua’a le'ere hani to-be'u ma ta gau lolo hani ere gi-nai lolo-pare erau bararini mini-gali lolo umurae la'ida hani ene erau ma mata la gau lolo pi ua'a oma mutu dane ere o to-be'u ma ta gau lolo. Ere ene gi-nai palunu. Pi la'a ere he'e gi-nai tamu ere ene pi la'a sisiri (JABP_220714 see Appendix H: 5).
However, the taboo language that we should not utter or say to one another includes: do not curse, do not say words related to dead persons to children, and no one must
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say this to one another. These are called taboo. If we utter them, the result will be illness.
The thoughts expressed by the consultants reflect the notions that taboo is observed out of respect for and fear of the ancestors. The Makasae people show respect to the ancestors because they believe that the ancestors protect them in their day-to-day lives against the evil spirits and ill-intent people. They also fear of the ancestors because the ancestors are believed to have power to inflict punishment, suffering and illness. The Makasae people believe that observing taboo as a sign of respect and fear will bring blessings, good health, wellbeing and life.
6.1.2. The resources within the culture and language to express taboos in Makasae
An examination of the taboo in rituals that was undertaken for this research showed that there were resources within the Makasae culture that are used to practise taboo. My initial understanding about taboo prior to conducting my fieldwork was that taboo was mainly expressed through behaviour and language. However, the research project was designed to explore taboo language in traditional rituals and as a result of the investigation, I discovered that taboo was not only expressed in behaviour and language, but also in sacred houses, sacred sites, sacred objects and certain taboo foods (as described in Chapter Five). These resources are associated with the ancestors, who are central to the ritual events: they are sacred as much as the ancestors themselves are sacred and can therefore be considered resources to express taboo.
The responses to the interview questions presented here are those associated with sacred settings, sacred objects and taboo foods. During the interviews I asked questions that enabled the consultants to clearly understand what I was talking about before they responded. The questions were open-ended:
1) Na’i-na’i ene pi oma mutu he da’ana? ‘What are objects that are considered sacred in your sacred house?’ 2) Na’i-na’i ene palunu to to-be’u gini, to-be’u lolo? ‘What kinds of things are forbidden to do during rituals?’
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(a) Spaces as sacred: a resource for expressing taboo
Ritual settings are seen as resources. The sacred houses and sacred sites are venerated and are the places where clan members go to worship and pay respect to their ancestors. These landscapes are associated with the ancestors, being the places where the ancestors previously lived and rituals were conducted in the past. These places are still sacred and the living generations maintain their sacredness and revere them. Landscapes in certain cultures, for example, in Indonesia, America, Australia, and India respectively, have become the residences for the spirits of the deceased ancestors (Allerton, 2009a; Gulliford, 2000; Hind, 2007; Knott, 2008; Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 2004; Sakai, 2006).
As the sacred houses are considered the traditional church of the Makasae people, people must behave with respect when entering them (see sections 2.7.1 and 7.3.1). The following quotations indicate this thinking on the matter.
i) Tanba oma ere lolo-pare, isi-ge'e tradisional iha Timor isi-ge'e lolo isi-ge'e igreja ene uere. Eregau to-be'u ere ma mutu he aplika. I depois u teni, sena ua'a ene to-be'u ma mutu do gini (ASGLK_101014).
This traditional sacred house is our church in Timor-Leste. Therefore, every participant is required to behave properly once entering it. It is forbidden for any participant to perform an act of theft once inside it.
As the lands are sacred, clan members apportion foods for the lands and the spirits inhabiting them. Moises from the Du’u-lamu clan explained this in the following quotation. The Du’u- lamu had not yet revived their ancestral house or ritual practices at the time of the fieldwork.
ii) Pi tenki konsiderasaun uai ma ma'a ere gini, he gi dada gini ere ene la'a seu ma paana, naua ma paana, seu ma gau lebe liri, naua ma gau lebe liri, hau ma gau lebe- liri (MSXDL_050914)
Prior to that, we must take into account the ground, where they were buried and its owner, this is where we feed them foods and meats, we sprinkle meats and foods for the owner of the ground.
(b) Objects as sacred: a resource for expressing taboo
Sacred objects are also important resources in rituals for expressing taboo and showing respect in Makasae. The clan members treat the sacred objects as human beings and exercise taboo behaviours whenever they are in contact with them.
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My consultant, Jeferino, a traditional priest or ritual performer from the Ara-diga clan (see section 5.2.6) explained that people have to show respect to objects that are sacred and taboo. He identified some of the sacred things saying:
i) Ai ge'e lulik ai tenki respeitu. Pertama ere lulik ira lulik, ate lulik, apa lulik, amu lulik, lulik sempre. Berekama ma le'ere hani lolo pi tenki ni palunu respeita (JSAD_260914)
You must show respect to things you have that are sacred. The sacred include sacred water, sacred trees, sacred rocks, sacred persons, and they will always be sacred. Elders say we must show respect to things that are taboo.
Jeferino also highlighted the importance of the sacred and taboo in Makasae. He specifically explains that objects that are sacred and used in rituals need to be respected. Showing respect towards the sacred is to observe taboos.
Ricardo, a ritual performer from the Muta-asa-palu clan, explained in reference to their sacred object besi ‘metal’ during the rice-eating ritual (see sections 5.2.1.1 and 7.3.2.2.1), that it represents the ancestors who have returned inside the sacred house in the form of metal. This is evident in the following quotation:
ii) Besi ere geri-geri la'iri la hisi dete he lapu'u ere dete oma gini ere dete ma Maubesi uara. Ere ene da'ana, ere he'e adora, ere he'e gau gisa (ASMP_101014).
Besi ‘metal’ has existed since ancestral time. It has been a symbol of the sacred house, and this is why it is called metal the warrior. Besi is sacred; therefore we adore it and offer animals to it as sacrifices in rituals.
(c) Food as taboo and sacred
Food is another particularly important resource in rituals that is part of taboo observances. Certain foods are both taboo and sacred. In some cases, the taboo food cannot be eaten in a lifetime, and in other cases the taboo food is not eaten for certain periods of time. By contrast, ritual food called seka must be eaten during rituals (see sections 2.7.3 and 5.2). Seka is prepared, cooked and served only by female servants. Foods that are considered sacred must not be touched by community members. When eating seka, ritual participants receive it with either two hands or the right hand and it must be eaten using the hands. This food is associated with good health for, as Rofina the female servant from the Muta-asa-palu clan
152 told me, eating seka cures patients of their illnesses (see section 7.3.2.3.2). The corn and rice, which are taboo for a short period of time, are not eaten until the corn-eating (see section 5.2.1) and rice-eating (see section 5.2.2) rituals are held.
During the interviews all my consultants mentioned foods classified as data ‘custom’ (see section 7.3.2.3.1). The foods in this category are considered to be human beings; therefore clan members must never eat them. Each of the clans believe that their first ancestors stem from the particular food as in other cultures (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Fessler & Navarrete, 2003; Monin & Szczurek, 2014; Wegener, 2013). All consultants shared basically the same understanding of the taboo associated with mythical food. For example, Manuel from the Laku-liu clan whose rituals were not recorded for the study noted that clan members are forbidden to eat wild taro (see Appendix H: 1).
i) Isi ge'e ere ene palunu lulik. Ini ua'a mutu lapu'u hani ene uahe ene anu lapu. Lia ene anu lapu. Ere ene ini mega ma do data palunu. Ere ene anu do eregau ini palunu. Ere ini mini anu. Mata ma oma mutu do ra'isa dete, uahe ma waisia gia ho-rai, hore na'u mini hau anu lapu, hore'e mini-gali somulu mini-gali dudu-susu do eregau ini ere palunu (MSALL_090714).
These are taboo and sacred. Food that is taboo for us is wild-taro. Wild-taro is a human being. It is our custom and we must never eat it. It is a human; therefore we must not eat it. A child was born in the house, and the blood dripped down on the wild taro underneath the house, the wild-taro turned into a human and was breastfed. This is why we must never eat the wild-taro in our lives.
Elvino from the Muta-asa-palu clan explained the process of how their taboo food muta’u ‘taro’ turned into a human being.
ii) Primeiru na'i uere lapu'u ma'u ere, pi nanu ua'a primeiru lapu'u ma'u laka na'u mini hau mata ma oma mutu do-ra'isa, imidole la'a na'u mini hau muta'u gua ho'o. Ho ere ene mini hau kaua hani, hau mini hau kaua mini apu mini hau anu lapu, u ua'a uai oma mutu do-re mata ra'isa do-re na'u mini hau nonoko (ESMP_150714).
A long time ago, a child was born in a house, and the blood dripped down on taro underneath. The taro turned into a human and was breastfed, while the child in the house turned into unreal and vanished (see footnote on page 193).
From the interviews it was found that the sacred houses, sacred sites, sacred objects and taboo foods are resources that are an integral part of taboo behaviour in Makasae rituals. In sharing their knowledge during the interviews, the consultants explained how these resources came to exist and become sacred as well as what they stand for in rituals. These resources are all
153 associated with the ancestors, are sacred and have taboo associated with them. Since they are sacred, taboos are expressed to show respect to the ancestors. The next section explains how the taboos are expressed in response to these sacred resources.
6.1.3. The way taboo behaviour is expressed in rituals
This research question was intended to uncover how taboo behaviours are expressed in rituals. Taboos are behaviour patterns that are proscribed in response to the sacredness of the resources presented in the previous paragraphs. Having uncovered the resources used to express taboo, I studied how taboo behaviours are expressed in response to these sacred resources during ritual events.
As noted earlier, I asked interview questions that made the consultants comfortable and ensured that they had a clear understanding of the matter of concern before providing their responses. Below are some examples of the interview questions asked the consultants in the expectation that they would elicit answers to my research questions. Each of the questions was further clarified into even more plain language so that I was confident they understood it properly. The questions were:
1) Ezemplu palunu ere u pera lolo? ‘Can you give an example of how you express a taboo during ritual events?’ 2) Waipasu da’ana ere ma netane nake? ‘How do you hold or carry a sacred object?’ 3) Waipasu da’ana gapu mu’a-da’ana hisi la’a ere netane la’a? ‘How do you walk from the sacred house to the sacred place?’ 4) Umurae la ere ma netane waara? ‘How are the ancestors referred to during rituals?’ 5) Anu wa’a sauku mini ere pi ma netane waara? ‘How do you refer to other participants during ritual events?’
(a) Spaces as sacred: a resource for expressing taboo
Taboo behaviour is observed towards sacred houses and sacred spaces in various ways. For example, taboo behaviours associated with sacred houses that were observed involved females-in-law being forbidden from entering the male sacred houses of each of the clans (see section 2.7.4.1). In addition, it was observed during the corn-eating ritual of the Leki-kabora
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(see section 5.2.1.2), Tuda-naha-buti (see section 5.2.1.3) and Latu-mutu (see section 5.2.1.4), the rice-eating of the Lia-luku (see section 5.2.2.2) and rice-field cultivation ritual of the Muta-asa-palu (see section 5.2.3) that females were forbidden from entering each of the sacred sites associated with these rituals (see sections 2.7.4.1).
On entering a sacred house, every participant asked permission and showed respect. I observed during the corn-eating (see section 5.2.1.1), the rice-eating (section 5.2.2.1), and cultivating rice-fields (section 5.2.3) rituals of the Muta-asa-palu, the rice-eating (section 5.2.2.2) of the Lia-luku and the initiation (section 5.2.5) of the Ula-buti clan that each participant said lisensa, a Portuguese word meaning ‘license or permission’ at the ladder or doorway prior to stepping into a sacred house (see section 5.2.1.1). The participants of all rituals had to remove hats, shoes or flip-flops and leave them outside before stepping onto the ladder into the house (see section 5.2). Upon entry, a participant kissed or shook hands with the dai ‘ancestor’.
Figure 24: Elder kisses the dai’s hand (Ula-buti)
Then the person walked on bended knees with one hand placed backwards and another forwards with palms open until he/she found a seat. This was observed in all ritual events. While sitting and participating in a ritual event inside a sacred house, the participants sat quietly listening to the dai talking. When they wanted to ask something of other participants, they whispered to the person sitting next to them to pass information to the person he/she intended to ask. In rare situations they simply gestured with hands or fingers when they
155 needed something important from others. Inside sacred houses, the participants were forbidden to stand upright and the male and female servants kept reminding participants to lower their bodies when walking or sitting down. Standing upright inside the sacred houses was forbidden in rituals, so when they moved seats they simply moved their bodies while sitting: this was observed in the Muta-asa-palu rituals (see sections 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.3 and 5.2.4), the corn-eating of the Tuda-naha-buti (section 5.2.1.2), the initiation ritual of the Ula- buti (section 5.2.6), the healing ritual of the Ara-diga (section 5.2.5) and the rice-eating ritual of the Lia-luku (section 5.2.2.2).
At the sacred sites, males performed ritual prayers and slaughtered and offered chickens as sacrifices (see Appendix G: 1 and 4). They also put betel leaves, tobacco, corn and candles in a large basket (see section 5.2.1.2). Then the traditional priest lifted the basket upwards seven times while other males stood there with both hands placed in front of them (see Figure 25 below). ‘Seven’ (see section 7.3.3.3.2) is a significant number in the traditional rituals of Makasae people.
Figure 25: Ritual event at a male ritual space on sacred mountain (Leki-kabora)
Upon entering the sacred houses and sacred places one is required to show respect (see sections 5.2 and 7.3.2). Armindo from the Leki-kabora clan expressed his thought about the corn-eating ritual (see section 5.2.1.2) in the following quotation:
i) Ini ua'a naigalu oma he gi-dada antes do tama, ini primeiru ahanu hisi tama hau ho degi'i, i ma ere hau muni. Hau muni, ni sinelus, ni sapatu, ni sapeo hau nake dete dei tama. To'o tempu ahanu ere hau lita la'a hau la'a mutu-de'i, ini ni-sapeo ere mini-gali ma ni-da'e hisi do'o, ni sinelus mini siu dete dei tama. Razaun le ere he'e gau, ini hakruuk, wori ere lolo palunu i lulik. Ini tenki hakruuk dete ini dei tama. I depois ini
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hau la'a dei tama, hau la'a dei-di'ara, u a naigalu lolo pare, oma ere gau na, gi ere ene tu la'a woi mi, woi na, dete ini mi-nahara, ini to be'u na'u riba-nahara. Depois mini teni hau la'a do rata, antes pi oma mutu tama nana tenki hau ho dokulu dete do tama. Hau ho-dokulu hau do tama, pi dada ua'a naigalu hai la'a oma mutu do serbisu, entaun gi ua'a naigalu ene oma he gau-na gi do rata, gi tenki uaipasu naigalu oma mutu do'o gi tenki hau ho dokulu, gi tenki hau muni (ASGLK_101014).
For us, the children of the sacred house, prior to entering the compound of the sacred house, we must bow down, kneel and kiss the ground. Then we remove our hats, shoes, and flip-flops before entering. Once we are in the compound, we can wear our shoes and flip-flops again. The reasons we do this is that the ground is sacred and taboo, therefore we must perform all these acts in order to enter. In the compound, we must follow the instructions of those responsible who are inside the sacred house. When we enter the sacred house, we must bow down before entering. Then, for the elders who serve inside the sacred house, if they want to touch and take out the sacred objects, they must bow down and kiss the sacred objects.
Females-in-law are forbidden to enter the sacred houses (see section 2.7.4.1). This view was expressed by all of my consultants. In the following examples, some of the consultants explain and specify who can enter them during rituals. Pascoal from the Leki-kabora, referring to the corn-eating ritual (see section 5.2.1.2), Raimundo from the Tuda-naha-buti (section 5.2.1.3) and Manuel from the Rikae clan make note of the prohibition as evident in the following quotations:
ii) Anu-mata la hai la'iri la le nai ene tama. Mata lapu tama ere, tupurae samara ma'u ere mata ma he hapu, gi ina ere hau ma'a-duri laka hai sauku hai tama gi-ina ere hau ma'a-duri, ere laka hai sauku. Naga ne'egu ma'a-duri laka ere to tama. Opoloi gi- supa do ma'u Gi na'i u hani dane, estadu hisi la'a hani dane gi-nai naga ne'egu do'o. Estadu hisi la'a hani dane gi-nai naga ne'egu do'o. Ere he'e gau to tama. Hau ma'a- duri ere babera gi-nai hai do'o. Ere laka ana uma-kain u wori hai ma u ere gau entrega. U ere ene hai poto mini-gali kuidadu, hai poto mini-gali hisi-gena (PSLK_101014 see Appendix H: 2).
Elders can enter the sacred house. Young males can also enter, except females-in-law who are not yet culturally part of the house. Once the females-in-law have completed the process of becoming part of the house, they can enter the house. They are new to the house therefore they must not enter. It is like they are yet to be officially registered and their names are not yet written on the list. This is why they are not allowed to enter. Once they have gone through the process, they can enter. This means that the females-in-laws, parents have handed over them to the husbands’ parents. So the husbands’ parents now have the right and obligations take care of them.’
iii) Oma-taru ere laka anu ua'a naigalu ene mini-gali ua'a lolo Asiku, halapu, Amanu, anu-mata la goba sa'i tama. Oma-taru, tupurae to tama. Se gutu gasi naga ne'egu ma'asi ere laka era to tama. Ere laka sisiri ma hau daini, umu ma hau daini…Tupurae oma mutu he samara dete gutu gasi ne'egu ma'asi dete na'u tama entaun era mini turu samara era mata noto apu (RSiTNB_010814).
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The sacred house where the leadership baton is stored must only be entered by sons of the clan. It is forbidden for females-in-law to enter. If the females-in-law bride-wealth has yet to be settled, they must not enter it. If they do, they will suffer from illnesses or even death ... they will not have children.
iv) Anu ua'a naigalu ke tupurae-tupuare ke oma ua'a Uatomantuku Rikae gau samara ma'u dete gi-gutu ne'egu ma'asi, gi-gasi ne'egu ma'asi ere o, sauku gau ma'u laka gi to oma mutu do tama. Gi gau na'u ra'isa ho'o. Gi-gutu gi-gasi hau nake dete gi oma mutu do tama (MFRU_220714).
The females-in-law of Rikae Uatumantuku whose bride-wealth has yet to be settled, they must not enter the sacred house. When they come to participate in ritual events, they must just wander outside the sacred house. Once their bride-wealth has been settled, they can enter.
v) Asi abo la ma'u dane ere o, orasu sauku u koi naua kaisou naua, isi abo la hai ma'u oma mutu he'e ere o ini oma tama ini dadau lisensa ini nanau reseu ma gini respeitu ma gini ini nanau komprimentus gini adeus tana-muni lisensa ere dete opoloi oma ere tama. Ere gi hau saini ene era gau la'a sisiri ooro (DMUB_121114).
‘When my grandfathers come into the sacred house during ritual events, we will show respect and fear of them, we ask permission before entering the house, we kiss and shake their hands. If we do not show these behaviours, we will get sick as a result.’
Sacred places are also linked to the sacred objects and taboo practices. For example, as Ricardo from the Muta-asa-palu clan explained in reference to their sacred besi ‘metal’, since it is one of their most sacred objects, clan members, both males and females, are forbidden to carry a piece of metal when entering the clan’s farms and rice-fields (see section 7.3.4.4.2.1).
vi) U ua'a mini-gali ama mutu, hau litaka ere ama le'ere oro to tama oro, ta'a, nen si (RSMP_150714).
Since metal is venerated, it is forbidden for anybody to carry spear, axe, sword, or any piece of metal entering the farms.
In order to show respect for the ancestors, clan members practise taboo associated with the sacred settings. The male sacred houses and hills are only entered by certain men, and females are forbidden to enter them. In addition, prohibition on entering sacred places is often associated with the clan’s sacred objects, for instance the Muta-asa-palu clan’s sacred metal.
(b) Objects as sacred: a resource for expressing taboo
Sacred objects are brought down from their high storage places during ritual events. Male and female servants are responsible for bringing down the sacred objects. During my observations, the male servants prepared a biti ‘mat’ covered with lesu-imiri ‘red cloths’ and placed the
158 sacred objects on them. Such behaviour towards sacred objects occurred in all ritual events. Upon taking the sacred objects out, the male servant and elders kiss the most sacred objects: this was observed during the corn-eating rituals of the Muta-asa-palu where the male servant kissed the sacred metal (see section 5.2.1.1), the corn-eating of the Leki-kabora when the male servant kissed the sacred drum (section 5.2.1.2) and the initiation ritual of the Ula-buti when an elder kissed the sacred sword (section 5.2.5). Placing sacred objects on mats and red cloths occurred in all rituals of all clans and, for example, is shown during the rice-eating ritual of the Lia-luku (see Figure 16 section 5.2.2.2) and the initiation ritual of the Ula-buti (see Figure 22 section 5.2.6). During the display of the objects, participants can see them but are forbidden to touch them (see sections 5.2 and 7.3.3.4.1) (Shreen, 2010). Armindo from the Leki-kabora clan told me that males who are over forty years of age and are the sons of the clan can touch the sacred objects.
It was evident that sacred objects were carried to sacred places for ritual events with respect. During the corn-eating ritual (see section 5.2.1.1), the rice-eating ritual (section 5.2.2.1) and the rice-field cultivation ritual (section 5.2.3) of the Muta-asa-palu clan, the clan members were observed carrying the sacred objects such as sword, spear, human figurines and axe to the sacred farm and rice-field. As soon as the carriers climbed down the ladder, the door of the sacred house was closed. The elders called out to the participants, and children in particular, to stand up and stay still in their places and not to wander around while the sacred objects were carried out. Outside, a group of males with red cloths on their heads and arms and swords in their hands lined up and waited along with the participants to salute the sacred objects (see Figure 26 below). After giving the salutation, the participants moved and stood on both sides of the path and the carriers of the sacred objects started moving towards the sacred places.
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Figure 26: Sacred objects saluted (Muta-asa-palu)
Before returning the sacred objects to their storage places, the group of males again saluted them by raising their swords in their right hands, as was observed in Ula-buti clan during the initiation ritual (see section 5.2.6). Most of the sacred objects were stored on high platforms inside the sacred houses, although several objects, for instance swords and spears, were hung high up on the bamboo walls inside the sacred houses. This was observed during the corn- eating (see section 5.2.1.1), rice-eating (section 5.2.2.1), rice-field cultivation (section 5.2.3) and buffalo washing (section 5.2.4) rituals of the Muta-asa-palu clan, the rice-eating ritual of the Lia-luku (section 5.2.2.2), the initiation ritual of the Ula-buti (section 5.2.5), and the healing ritual of the Ara-diga (section 5.2.6). This type of behaviour was very much the same as Sakai (2006) observed amongst the Gumai community in Sumatra, Indonesia: the author recorded that sacred objects are stored on high platforms inside the ancestral houses.
The quotations below indicate the thoughts of João from the Lia-luku clan about who can touch the sacred objects:
i) Uaipasu gi da'ana so anu-mata la oma he gi dada be'u gata-gamu. Sauku-sauku sempre naga rai rai naga ena guba lolini ma le'ere hani lolo, "ehani ini ai dada hai he'e ai mata hai he'e ai nanu hai he'e ai mata hai he'e para ini rai-nake ma dada uaidopi ere gau hatudu nana, mata uaidopi ere he'e gau hatudu nana.” (JGSLL_250714).
The sacred ritual objects must only be touched by the elders in the clan. They must be taken out during a ritual event only. Prior to taking them out in every ritual event we
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must talk to them saying, “all your children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren are present here today, therefore we would like to take you out for them to see.
ii) Boubakasa ua'a do'o, titi do'o, ere to-be'u gata-gamu. So anu ua'a naigalu ene oma he gi-gaua do konta ere ene gata-gamu. I depois mini-gali ma'a nake ere o hani, anu a naigali gi-ani hai la'a ani ruru-lolo, i depois propriu lolo-pare oma ere gi-dada gi- mata ere ene gata-gamu. Dete la'a uo'i ma anu ua'a naigalu base ere ene base, anu to-be'u na'u riba-base (ASGLK_101014).
The drum cannot be touched. Only people who belong to the clan and who are in charge in the house can touch them. Once the sacred things are taken out for ritual ceremony, only a person over forty years old and belonging to the clan can touch them. The drum is only played by the designated person.
During rituals, females must not touch the males’ sacred objects or other objects that are associated with males. Males also must not touch the sacred objects associated with females or objects used by females to perform their tasks inside the sacred houses. Domingas, the female servant from the Leti-palu clan expressed her thoughts about this idea. Leti-palu is a clan that has revived their ancestral house and ritual practices; however, none of their ritual practices were recorded for the study. The Leti-palu ‘lizard-taboo’ is a clan that is forbidden to eat lizards.
iii) Anu-mata (ere) laka (teru) hai gata-gamu. Gi seluk asukai mata gi-ge'e laka anu- mata la to gata-gamu, palunu hani laka, anu-mata la gata-gamu, bua malu bu'a ua'a na'i-damu asukai ene mutu-gamu anu-mata la to mutu-gamu. Adat ua'a gapu serbisu ene asukai ene mutu-gamu anu-mata la to mutu-gamu (DSLP_181114).
Females can only touch objects that are sacred in the house which are associated with females. Males cannot touch sacred objects that belong to females or tasks that are part of females’ jobs. There are taboos for males and females. Objects that are associated with males or males’ tasks, females cannot touch. There are some sacred things for use in the ritual are only touched by men but women cannot touch them.
Sacred objects have to be treated with great care when taking them out for ritual events. Appropriate places need to be prepared for the sacred objects. As Patricio from the Lia-luku clan explained:
iv) Pi dadau hau rai-nake to biti hau ma he lobe, lesu teni hau gua-lobe ere dete ma gua- he rai to, si la ere o hau rei to ena nigau miaka hau naua daua. Gi tempu gi tempu dete rai-nake, ua'a uatu-ualari la ere pi to rai-nake pi na'u hisi gena. Lisensa, dadau lisensa seti. Uatu-uailari to be'u gata-gamu ere dadau gi tempu. Gi tempu ere dete, pubuti sauku hapa nana laka ua'are'e la le'ere laka anu-mata la ena hapa. Ena, neuai lolika gua la sare-gini, oma mutu sare-gini (PGLLL_110714 see Appendix H: 4).
When taking out the sacred objects, we must spread a mat covered with red cloth then the sacred objects are placed on it. They must only be taken out at a particular time
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during ritual events, and in ordinary times they must not be touched let alone taken out. When we take them out, we must ask permission before touching and taking them out. For instance, if the ritual is to take place tomorrow, today we inspect the sacred objects and clean the attic inside the sacred house.
Objects are the heirlooms of the forefathers. They have been used in rituals for generations. They are used to remind the clan members of their ancestors and link them to past events. Since they are sacred, the Makasae people express various taboo behaviours to show respect .
(c) Food as sacred and taboo
From my observations, it was evident that the community members who had revived their ancestral houses and ritual practices did not eat corn and did not eat rice for certain periods of time until the corn-eating and rice-eating rituals were held (see section 5.2.1 and 5.2.2). In addition to not eating the corn, the clan members did not touch the corn on the farms. For example, I travelled with Rofina, the female servant and her children from the Muta-asa-palu clan, to their farm and observed that the corn and other associated taboo foods such as taro, yam, and sugar cane (see section 2.7.3) were untouched. The corn in the farms had dried out, but still it was not touched or eaten until the corn-eating ritual was held.
The seka ‘ritual food’ is a dish made from rice (see sections 2.7.3 and 7.3.2.3.2). While observing the corn-eating ritual of the Muta-asa-palu clan, I saw the rice taken into the sacred house by the female servant and stored in the dabu-ra’a-wai ‘a basket used to store rice’ before it was pounded. She took out the rice from the dabu-ra’a-wai and put it into a large teru ‘ritual plate’ using her right hand. She then carried it on her head and exited the sacred house to another house to pound the rice (see Figure 27 below and section 5.2.1.1). When she was about to exit the sacred house, the male servant and elders called out to participants outside, the children in particular, to stay out of her way. Also, participants who were in the house where the female servant was to pound the rice were told to vacate it. She then closed the door and pounded the rice quietly until she had finished without being disturbed or helped: during this time she did not talk or say a word until she had brought the rice back into the sacred house and stored it in its place.
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Figure 27: Sacred rice carried on the head (Muta-asa-palu)
The ritual food cooked at the sacred places was prepared and cooked by males and was eaten only by males. The males used the verb tu’ulu ‘cook’ in reference to cooking the food in bamboo containers. This food, along with chicken and pork, was served on banana leaves and the males ate it: none was left over. The males used small bamboo containers to drink the palm-wine. The food had to be eaten at the sacred places: it was forbidden to take any home. Females of all clans were forbidden from eating the food that was tu’ulu ‘cooked’ in the bamboo containers and at the sacred places.
It is forbidden for other people who do not observe taboo foods to throw any part of the taboo foods such as corn, sugar cane, taro, and yam at the Muta-asa-palu clan members (see section 7.3.4.4.2.3). Raising any piece of metal against the clan members is also forbidden. In addition, on entering the period of the taboo of corn, clan members are forbidden to touch food on the farms. This was observed and confirmed by Ijolino from the Muta-asa-palu clan.
i) Oro, sita'a ma ta-gau rehe la, mu'u-pasu, sia-pasu ma ta-tobana la uere, kaidaua gi pasu upa-pasu la uere. Ere ene u ua'a saat pi la'a naua nana, anu-mata la ne'egu naua, ana nigau kaisou hai saunu. La'a Febreiru hai litaka, anu-mata la hai noto be'u upa ere o hai noto gata-gamu, muta'u ere o hai noto guru, ama mutu ere hainoto guru, gi-asa ere o hai noto riba tau-dane. (IFMS, 030814 see Appendix H: 3).
Things or objects associated with our sacred objects or foods must not be raised against us or thrown at us. For example, spear and machete associated our sacred metal must not be raised against us; and yam and sugar cane associated with our food taboo must not be thrown at us. During a period of fasting we are forbidden from eating certain foods. Once the corn is already planted on the farms in the month of
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February, we are not only forbidden from eating corn, but also we no longer touch corn, sugar cane, taro, and even picking shoots from the farms.
Rofina, the female servant from the Muta-asa-palu, explained the taboo in regard to ritual food in the following words.
ii) Orasu la'a le hani hai gi uatu dane ere o era to misa, anu-mata nai ene misa tapane tapa uere. Geri-bata uoi rata tapane tapa uere, tapane busu sona hisi do-re na'u ra'unu. Ra'unu to tapa ere o la'a hei mi to lolini. Anu u erau pi ganggu, nigau na'u gugahani hei mi. Hau sa'i hau tapa hau megana ere dete hau oma hisi to hau ma dabu-ra'a-wai hisi dei rai dete lolini. Ma'u tina dane ere o anu-mata nai ene tina, ma nuru ere teru ere hisi uahe. Na’i da'ana ue roba ere gi-nai hau sa'i tamu dete, dai ua'a oma mutu ere gi-nai hau sa'i tamu dete ma gau nuru teru ere hisi rai uaipasu gata da, dai la. Dai la gau ma he rai to ere dete naua da'ana ua'a Maubesi he, dai oma mutu ere he'e (RFSMP_180714).
When the ritual ceremony begins, I am the only female to enter the sacred house. I take out the rice from the pots using my hands. I am the only female who will be in the house to pound the rice silently behind a closed door. I do it myself quietly and once it is done, I bring it in to the house and keep in the traditional basket, then I am allowed to talk. In addition, I am the only female who can cook the ritual food, and once it is ready, it will be served in the traditional ritual plate. The names of all sacred things and ancestors in the house must be mentioned then I serve them food in the traditional ritual plates. Food for the ancestors and sacred objects are apportioned then ritual participants can eat it.
Armindo from the Leki-kabora clan, for example, explained how corn and rice must not be eaten before rituals are held.
iii) Kuandu nanaua gata da ene le'ere, purezemplu hai barere, koi ene to-be'u naua. Koi ne'egu sauku to-be'u naua. Tempu hau sauku dete naua. Se hai deti naua gi-ge'e, entaun tenki asa u ma ni-deti, asa u ma ni-deti ene le'ere, gi gua-lolo ene le ere: lolo ani hai deti naua maibe asi deti asa u le'ere. Ere dete mini-gali naua. Ere koi gata-da ene ere. Depois mini-gali asa dete to ue'e, entaun laua mata u ma ga'auai bale ni ana- mata hau eri, i laua ma he gi'a-rai, tempu ira hisi la'a laka ere hau ma ira mi-rai. Mini-gali ma'u kaisou gata-da ere hani, kaisou ere o ne'egu sauku, antes sauku nana, tenki asa guba la'a dete, hau ma la'a do gua-lolo (ASGLK_071014).
We also have taboo regarding foods, they are for example, during dry season, rice is forbidden if it is yet to be ritualized. If one breaches the rule, he/she brings a chicken and says, I have committed sins and this is the chicken as my repentance of my sins. This is about rice. If there is no chicken, you replace it with a coin and you use the coin to clean your tongue and later on you throw it in a river. Regarding the wet season ritual, we bring chicken and conduct ritual prayers.
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It is evident, then, that food is one of the resources to express taboo in rituals. Food is both sacred and taboo which means it is not only forbidden to eat, but also touching it is forbidden. Since the foods are taboo and sacred, they have to be treated with great care.
(d) Behaviour and language as taboo
As the ancestors are sacred persons, clan members address them with respect by using terms or words that speak well of them, while clan members self-deprecate before the ancestors. The terms used to address the ancestors and praise them were uttered in the ritual prayers of the Leki-kabora’s (see section 5.2.1.2) and Latu-mutu’s (section 5.2.1.4 and transcriptions of the video recordings Appendix G: 3) corn-eating rituals and the Ula-buti’s initiation ritual (section 5.2.5), whereas in the Muta-sa-palu’s corn-eating (section 5.2.1.1 and transcription of the video recording Appendix G: 1), the rice-eating (section 5.2.2.1) and the rice-field cultivation (section 5.2.3) rituals. In all ritual events, the ancestors were addressed as ones who had power and authority, whereas clan members were referred to as people who were powerless and vulnerable. These kinds of ritual words were apparent in the ritual prayers of the Leki-kabora, Latu-mutu, Muta-asa-palu and Lia-luku clans.
During the ritual events at the sacred ritual settings and also in the presence of the sacred objects and foods, ritual participants addressed one another with respect using their respective kinship terms. For example, during the corn-eating ritual on the Latu-mutu clan’s sacred mountain (see section 5.2.1.4), a female participant referred to an older female as mama ‘mother’ (see section 2.5.2). In the Muta-asa-palu’s corn-eating (see section 5.2.1.1) and rice- eating (section 5.2.2.1) rituals, the male assistant referred to other young men as kakai-la ‘brother-PL’ or brothers and young women as tupukai-la ‘sister-PL’ or sisters (see section 2.5.2) (Williams-van Klinken & Hajek, 2006).
Personal pronouns were not heard when the participants talked to one another. The first singular pronoun ani ‘I’ was not heard in interactions during any of the ritual events. Instead, an addresser referred to himself or herself using the term anu-mata ‘person-child’. The second singular pronoun ai ‘you’ also was not heard in interactions either; instead, the participants used the kinship terminologies to refer to their interlocutors (see transcription of interview in Appendix H: 1). The personal names of participants were not used to address one another either, except among children. Other terminology used to refer to someone’s status in the
165 community was widely used. As an example, an elderly woman referred to herself as anu- mata ‘person-child’ when she talked to the female servant inside the sacred house during the rice-field cultivation ritual (see section 5.2.2.1) of the Muta-asa-palu. The elderly woman was older than the female servant. Thus, the use of the term anu-mata is translated as ‘person- child’ but literally it means your slave or your servant. The use of the term means that the speaker self-deprecated before his or her interlocutors as a show of respect. The use of such terms was also apparent in most of the interviews with my consultants. For example, Manuel from Laku-Liu said, Ere ene anu-mata wa'are'e hai tu lolo ere hani … ‘As I have said before …’ (see transcription of interviews in Appendix H: 1).
Taboo language is used to address the ancestors, clan members and sacred objects. Clan members used certain terms in rituals as indicated in the following quotation referring to lode ‘bag’, and the ordinary term cannot be used during ritual events. Manuel from Laku-liu clan whose ritual was not recorded but who took part in the study indicates how the taboo works:
i) Ere laka lode ere o waara hai noto lode. Ere laka isi ge'e lolo hai na'u na'a. Mini ma lode waara laka hai mini sobohini hani, bararini hani palunu. Lode ua'a pi leba ere ene gi-nai to tamu, ere laka hai noto lode, lode hani laka, pi waasi le'ere hani anu u pa-gini nana dete lode ma mi-asara hani lolo. Ere ene lode ene gi-nai to tamu. Ere ene palunu (MSALL_090714 see Appendix H: 1).
During ritual events, the traditional bag is no longer referred to as lode, but na’a ‘bag’. If it is called lode, it is considered as cursing thus it is taboo. We no longer mention the name of the bag that we carry as lode, because if we mention its name it is a curse. Therefore, we will only mention its name if we want to send it as agent to hunt down a perpetrator. During ritual events, the ordinary name of bag must never be uttered.
Since the ancestors are sacred persons and the objects used in rituals are sacred, the names can not be uttered in ordinary situations (see sections 5.2.1.1; 7.3.2.4.1.1) (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Fox, 2005; Stasch, 2011). Fox (2005), in discussing the ritual languages of the Oceanic people, describes how the names of the deceased relatives were not uttered in ordinary situations that were observed in Papua New Guinea, New Britain, New Ireland and Solomons, Vanuatu and Micronesia. Stasch (2011) explains in reference to name avoidance practices across cultures, for instance with the Korowai people of Papua New Guinea, that name avoidance is a common practice between affines. A similar practice is also found in Makasae culture where clan members avoid mentioning the names of ancestors in everyday conversations. Ricardo from the Muta-asa-palu clan explained regarding the rice-eating ritual (see section 5.2.2.1):
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ii) Ere bain-bain pi ua'a mini-gali to ma arbiru gi ama hisi la'a keta mutu, na'u ma arbiru gi lolo to he'e. Ere so gi tempu dete opoloi gi-nai tamu, gi tempu dete opoloi lolo. Gi uatu dete pi opoloi pi ni dada ni nanu ni niki ni abu ni pi rara ere gi-nai lolo. (RSMP_150714).
It is not something that we can talk about in our daily lives. Their names must be mentioned only on a particular day at a particular time. On this particular day at this particular time, we can utter the names of our grandfathers, great-grandfathers, and great-great-grandfathers.
During rituals, the use of certain words that are associated with the ancestors are forbidden. For instance, boi-rusu12 is considered a swear or curse; therefore is strictly forbidden to utter it. It is a term that is forbidden to utter when stumbling ones feet while entering a sacred space. Boi-rusu is one of the most taboo words in Makasae. It is believed to be the language of the ancestors or the name of one of the ancestors. As Ernesto from the Oma-bere-Loime clan of Ossorua who had not revived the clan’s ritual practices explained: iii) To-be'u riba-lolo. Boi-rusu hani ere to-be'u lolo. Erau ni iti tutu'u. He dipa la'a laka pi nama didiu dete oma tama. Ledana hisi he ma'u pi no-be'u riba-lolo (ECOBL_300514).
It is forbidden to curse. The word boi-rusu must not be uttered. Do not stumble one’s feet. Everyone must mind their step while walking towards the sacred houses. We must not curse or swear when we are in the compound of the sacred houses.
Various taboo behaviours are expressed in response to the resources during rituals. For example, on entering sacred settings participants need to remove their hats, shoes or flip-flops, touching sacred objects is forbidden, eating certain food is forbidden, and expressing proscribed behaviour and terms are forbidden during rituals. The patterns of taboo behaviours are followed to show respect for ancestors. The next section presents how these taboo observances strengthen the cultural identity of Makasae people.
6.1.4. Taboos in rituals strengthen the identity of the speech community
Regularly practising the rituals, yearly and seasonally, strengthens the identity of the Makasae people. The ritual and taboo practices make the younger generation learn and they continuously pass them on to the next generations. This section discusses how taboos in
12 Boi-rusu is one of the most taboo terms in Makasae and is believed to be associated with the ancestors, either one of the powerful ancestors’ name or their language.
167 rituals strengthen the cultural identity of the Makasae people. The strengthening of their identity is expressed by way of observing taboo in rituals in response to the sacredness of houses and places, objects and food which are associated with ancestors.
Ownership of the ancestral lands and visiting these during rituals means a strengthening of their identity culturally. Visiting the lands is to remember their ancestors and they will never abandon the lands even though they may live far away. Abandoning the lands is to abandon their ancestors and this behaviour is considered disrespectful to them. Venerating the objects inherited by the forefathers is to remember to the ancestors. Even though the ancestors have been long dead, their continuous presence among the descendants is represented through their heirlooms. Venerating objects connects the living generation with their ancestors and links to future generations who will continue to practise the rituals and venerate the same objects in the same sacred houses as in Papua New Guinea (Barker, 2001; Lemonnier, 2012). The types of food that are associated with the origin of the ancestors must continue to be observed in rituals and everyday life. The language or specific terms used in ritual practices in the past, continued to be used in the present and future as a sign of respect for the ancestors and, at the same time this strengthens the cultural identity of the Makasae people.
The interviews revealed that the clan members’ ownership, attachment to the houses and lands as well as to sacred objects and their belief in the ancestors is strong. During interviews, I asked the following questions:
1) Na’i gau pi tenke oma-da’a mini-gali gini? ‘Why do you have to revive the sacred house?’ 2) Na’i gau dete pi karaka tenke la’a oma-ra’a-wai hisi di’ara? ‘Why do you prefer to live near the ancestral lands?’ 3) Na’i ere gau dete waipasu da’ana ere adora? ‘Why do you venerate ritual objects?’ 4) Na’i ere gau dete nanawa wa’a i data hani ere to-be’u nawa? ‘Why do you not eat food that is associated with ritual myths?’
The following quotations are some of the responses that provide evidence of taboo behaviours that strengthen the cultural identity of the Makasae people.
(a) Spaces as sacred: a resource to express taboo in strengthening Makasae identity
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The Makasae people have largely rebuilt the ancestral houses that have been used to conduct rituals for generations. The houses are built on stilts using local materials such as wood, bamboo, thatch and palm-tree fibre (see sections 5.2 and 7.3.1). Such house structures reflect the original houses of the ancestors that were built in the past.
The clan members are the owners of the land and they are attached to the land historically and culturally. By rebuilding the sacred houses and returning to the ancestral land, the Makasae people feel safe and no longer homeless. The indication is that without rebuilding the ancestral houses and returning to the ancestral lands, the Makasae people would feel unsafe and unprotected. This signifies how important the ancestors, sacred houses and ancestral lands are to the wellbeing of the Makasae people. Reclaiming ownership of the land and reviving ancestral houses after abandonment during the Indonesian occupation has helped the Makasae people rediscover who they are and where they belong, thus, strengthening their identity as a clan and community. Barnes (2011), in reference to the Babulo community in Uatulari of Timor-Leste, describes how the community members have returned to their original places, resettled the places, and reconstructed their sacred ancestral houses after decades of abandonment, as a reaffirmation of their identity. Owning and preserving the ancestral lands is an expression of the clans’ belief and symbolizes remembering and respecting the ancestors. Through ownership of ancestral houses and lands, sacred objects, taboo foods, and the use of the words of the ancestors, a communication channel between the ancestors and descendants is established. In addition, continuing to settle the ancestral lands, reviving ancestral houses and practising rituals along with the associated taboos strengthens the identity of the community members.
Clan members explained that if they lived away from the ancestral land they would feel like they are homeless and not protected (see section 7.3.1). Such a notion can be seen in the following quotation of Patricio, an elder and a ritual performer from the Lia-luku clan during the rice-eating ritual.
i) Opoloi hau la'a ani ruru-lolitu-resi-daho, ere hisi he'e laka ere oma hai hau to he'e to pi hai na'u rou mutu hala mutu he rou, igreja kapela nai piara hai na'u he rou. Opoloi mata mini-gali ma'u he'e, pi baba Artur hau goba hau umu ehani pi goe tatutu oma hula oma da'e hai gba sa'i lapu'u, pi Lia-luku ere dadau ni oma mini gini to gini daua ere ene pi hai goba hani muhunu goba'a ere hani to anu-mata la mini-gali gini. ba na'i ere, u ua'a hai mini gini damu ere (PGLLL_110714 see Appendix H: 4).
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For the last thirty-three years, we did not have a sacred house physically, so we were like living in the jungle. Instead we just went to church during that time. Then recently after the passing of our father Artur, we started to rebuild our sacred houses. Nowadays, many sacred houses around us have been rebuilt, thus we must rebuild our sacred house of Lialuku. If we do not build it, we all will die, so we rebuild it.
In addition, females must not enter the ritual places such as sacred hill, which is associated with males (see section 5.2.1.2; 5.2.1.3; and 5.2.2.2). Such a prohibition is reflected in the following excerpt of an interview with Raimundo, a male servant, from the Tuda-naha-buti clan:
ii) Bu'u ua'a ho na ere he'e. Bu'u ho re da'ana ere he'e hau gisa gau la'a. Tupurae to- be'u ma'a-bu'u hisi woi tama, so asukai ene be'u tama. Bu'u asukai to tupurae to tama. (RSiTNB_010814).
Every ritual we go and offer chickens to the hill. The hill is sacred, therefore females must not enter: only males can enter. It is a male hill that is why females must not enter.
The ancestral houses and lands play an important part in the life of the Makasae people. Reviving these ancestral places symbolizes protection, wellbeing and life. Living near the ancestral lands the Makasae people feel secure and protected. Reviving the ancestral houses and resettling the ancestral lands gives the Makasae people a sense of belonging and identity.
(b) Objects as sacred: a resource to express taboo in strengthening the Makasae identity
In order to remember the ancestors, sacred objects are named after the ancestors clan (see section 7.3.2.2.7). For instance, sacred Boubakasa ‘drums’ are named after two traditional kings who are believed to be the ancestors of the Liba-tada clan. Raimundo from the Liba- tada clan who have not revived their sacred house but continue to venerate the sacred drums explained:
i) Uaipasu gi-nai u ene gi-nai Noko-Sahe u ene Naha-Modo. Reseu respeitu damu ene anu-mata ma le'ere hani lolo, ai ere damu-damu ere laka. To-be'u riba-lolo, to-be'u bararini, i to-be'u na'i giredeke ma ni-da'e mutu he rai. Ai ere bandeira ua'a Ossorua gi-ge'e. ai ua'a Babakasa Ossorua ge'e, ani ai gi dada. i ai nai le'ere hani damu. To u ua'a bandeira gi-nai damu ene, uatu'u tempu gi-tuu hisi uo'i to ma'u monarkia, abo ta-uara ge'e ene respeitu damu ene anu mahe liurai to liurai u ene Noko-Sahe. Ni mutu ni hari ma ta-gini, dete pi ni uaipasu ere guba la'a. Ani ai guba ra'isa i ini ai respeitu to na'u riba-lolini. Pi ere gini para pi erau sisiri, pi erau ooro, gana na'u rarau nai nana (RdSLT_280714).
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The names of the sacred drums are Noko-Sahe and Naha-Modo. We always fear and respect them. Do not swear, do not curse, and do not have ill intent towards others. You are the flag of Ossorua. You are the sacred drum of Ossorua. They are named after the ancestors' names and they are addressed as kings with great respect. One is named as King Noko-Sahe. We need to love one another when we carry the sacred drums. When we carry it, we always show respect for it. We show respect for the sacred drums in order for us to stay healthy always.
Objects used in rituals are not merely the objects used in everyday life. They are significant to the Makasae community. Venerating these sacred objects representing the ancestors strengthens the cultural identity of the Makasae people as a clan and community.
(c) Food as taboo and sacred
Food taboo also plays an important part in strengthening the identity of the Makasae people. To the Makasae, there are several types of foods that are important components of ritual events (see section 2.7.3). As described above, the first food that must never be eaten by Makasae clans is called data ‘custom’. Each clan across the speech community has its own food taboo or data ‘custom’ (see section 7.3.2.3.1). They are foods that are associated with the origin of the clans’ mythical ancestors. Sharing the taboo food called data ‘custom’, following the prohibition on eating corn and rice at certain times of the year and eating ritual food called seka reflects and strengthens their cohesiveness and identity. The following are some examples of food taboo of the Ula-buti and Leti-palu clans that are associated with the ancestors.
i) Na'i ua'a naigalu palunu, asi dada la gi tempu hisi da-ma'u ikan dete mini anu lapu'u to eregau ehani ani palunu ene ikan ene ani palunu i uasu ani goba sa'i palunu… uere mega asi ge'e adat to ani ni-ge'e ere palunu ani tonai na'u riba-naua, sisiri ooro na'u nisi ani gau ma'u le'ere dete ani ni-ge'e ere he'e mi palunu ere ene ehani. Asi abo la hai mini-gali da-ma'u, ani ni-ge'e hai mini-gali hala'o ani ni-ge'e gahana palunu, ni- ge'e mi-gini (DMUB_121114).
Food that I must not eat is fish. Since our ancestors’ time, a fish turned into a human being, therefore I must never eat it. The fish and eel are taboo for me and I must never eat it… it is my custom therefore I must never eat it to prevent illnesses. We have revived our ritual practices and we again worship our forefathers therefore I will continue observing it and live by it.
ii) Ini ua'a mutu lapu'u, isi ge'e oma Leti-palu ene lolo ini palunu ene leti palunu. Leti ua'a le'ere dete anu u guta to ma ata ga'auai he gisa, ere isi luku isi data to eregau ini palunu. Naire'e dete isi ge'e to piara, gi ene, ini uaru'u laka ere gi ene redeke gi ene redek, umu isi ge'e palunu ene (MSSLP_181114).
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Our house is called Letipalu. We are taboo of the lizard and nobody can cook a lizard in our house or fireplaces we use to cook our foods. Lizard is our data so we are forbidden not to eat it. Whoever does not believe in our custom and tries to cook lizards in our places or fireplaces, he/she will get illness that leads to death.
Food is the means by which the Makasae people trace their ancestors. According to the myth of each of the Makasae clans, the first ancestor stemmed from food. The reason the Makasae people must never eat certain food is because it is associated with their ancestors. Not eating the food associated with ancestors is to show respect for ancestors and strengthen the identity of Makasae people as a clan and community.
(d) Behaviour and language as taboo in strengthening the Makasae identity
Apart from behaviour patterns during rituals, which differ from everyday behaviour patterns, there are also certain terms or words in Makasae that are used only in rituals. Names of certain sacred objects differ from similar objects used in everyday life in Makasae community. For example, a sacred boubakasa ‘drum’ belonging to Leki-kabora clan is named as Bere-loi (see table 1 section 2.7.2). Bere-loi should be used to refer to the sacred drum during ritual events. Since the ancestor by the name of Bere-loi is sacred, so is the drum. Having named the drum after one of the powerful ancestors, clan members showed great respect to the drum during ritual events.
The Makasae speech community also shares the same patterns of behaviour and language in ritual events. Participants have to address one another with respect during ritual events. Kinship terms must be used to refer to one another as in Tetun of Timor-Leste (Williams-van Klinken & Hajek, 2006). This was explained by Manuel from the Laku-liu and Patricio from the Lia-luku clan. The use of the same behaviour patterns and language strengthens the unity and cohesion of the Makasae people (see section 7.3.6).
i) Hai ma'u oma mutu, sauku gi watu, hai noto ta mula'a, hai noto to barara. Ere respeita, hai noto ta mula'a, hai noto ta barara. Ere laka asi da'e-koru, ere laka lolo, baba, papa, mama, titia, abo hani lolo. Hai noto ‘ai’, ‘ani’, hai noto ere lolo asi da'e- koru (MSALL_090714 see Appendix H: 1).
Inside the sacred house and during a ritual event, we must not curse one another. We must show respect to one another instead of cursing. We must address one another with respect using respectful kinship terms such as dad, mom, aunty and grandpa. We no longer use you and I to address others during ritual events.
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ii) Pi ua'a ta suhu, ta gau riba-lolo ere ene to-be'u lolo Ta ma rarau uara, respeitu gi uara Mata oho he'e daua ma mata gata tamu mari gi-ina hani hani ene, manuel gi- ina hani ene, teresa gi-ina hani ene, gi-baba hani daua ma ere hani lolo. Anu ere gi- nai na'u hisi gamu ere o to-be'u, pi respeitu ere mi da la'a (PGLLL_110714 see Appendix H: 4).
Incitement and swearing among others are forbidden to be uttered. Greet one another with a smiling face and respect. If they have children, call people with the use their children's names, for example, the mother of Maria, the mother of Manuel, the mother of Teresa or the father of Teresa. We cannot call people by their names, it is forbidden; we must speak to them with respect.
Terms used in rituals to refer to certain sacred objects are distinct from everyday language. Such language is associated with rituals and is only used during rituals. In addition, the Makasae people address one another with respect where personal names are not used during ritual events. They refer to one another using kinship terms during rituals in order to show respect for the ancestors and also to establish a strong relationship among the community members.
6.2. Conclusion
The observations helped me to identify resources in the rituals that are used to express taboo, but it was the interviews that enabled me to understand how the Makasae identity is strengthened through the taboo behaviours that are part of the rituals the clan members observe during rituals. In the interviews, all consultants across the speech community expressed the same notion of taboo in regard to resources such as the sacred settings, sacred objects and taboo food. The Makasae people share the same patterns of taboo behaviours during rituals in response to sacredness of persons and other ritual resources.
Ritual events and the taboo practices that are an integral part of them are the means by which the Makasae people show respect for their ancestors. But, associated with that respect is a fear of the ancestors, particularly a fear of invoking the wrath of the ancestors. It is evident from the interviews that the taboo behaviour is linked to the resources of the sacred houses and sacred sites, sacred objects and taboo food and language use.
The Makasae speech community is strengthened and cultural identity regularly reinforced as rituals are enacted regularly and repeatedly. These findings about the way taboos are expressed in rituals will be discussed in detail in next chapter.
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CHAPTER SEVEN DISCUSSION: UNDERSTANDING TABOO AS A RESPONSE TO SACREDNESS
7.1. Introduction
In order to gain a better understanding of the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae culture, the nature of taboo as response to sacredness in the Makasae speech community is examined. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the findings of the study with the focus mainly on taboo practices. Such a discussion responds to the research questions (RQs) and makes links to previous studies in the area of taboos and the sacredness of spaces, objects and taboo food as well as taboo behaviour and language.
The belief system of ancestor worship is at the core of taboo observances in the Makasae rituals as it is by observing taboos that the community shows respect and fear of the ancestors. Rituals are central cultural events and are the means by which community members practise their belief: and, it is in rituals that taboos are observed and enforced. The places in which rituals are held, the objects that are venerated and the foods not eaten are culturally and historically important for the Makasae people. The spaces, objects and food become sacred and then, due to their association with their ancestors, the Makasae people practise taboos to show respect and exercise fear of their ancestors. It was clearly evident during the research that taboo is expressed in rituals as a response to sacredness in Makasae. The taboo practices of the Makasae culture have some similarities with the taboo practices of other cultures across the globe.
This chapter discusses the taboo practices that were presented in Chapters Five and Six. In Chapter Six the Makasae taboo observances and the community’s belief about taboo were presented using data from the interviews that were conducted in Timor-Leste for this study. I asked clan members about the purpose of taboo practices (RQ1), the kinds of resources used to express taboo (RQ2) and how taboo was expressed (RQ3); as well, I talked to clan members about how the taboo practices strengthened their identity (RQ4). In order to understand the belief system and ritual practices associated with taboo, this chapter focuses on the purpose of taboo in rituals (section 7.2) and the following section (section 7.3) covers
175 the resources used to express taboo and how taboo is expressed that reinforces the identity of the Makasae people.
7.2. The purpose of taboo
This section discusses the purpose of taboo in rituals in Makasae. The findings show that the purposes of taboo are to show respect and acknowledge fear of the ancestors.
7.2.1. Taboo as respect and fear of the ancestors
This sub-section discusses taboo observances as a sign of respect and fear of their ancestors. As discussed in section 2.7, taboo is the key way by which community members in Makasae express their respect to the ancestors. Showing respect is natural and necessary because the Makasae people value and acknowledge the power of the ancestors in their everyday lives. Community members show respect by establishing trust, obedience and belief through the ancestors veneration. Obeying the ancestors by continuing to honour the ancestral practices from generation to generation is the means by which they show respect and fear of the ancestors. People believe that if they do not practise the rituals there will be consequence in their lives in the form of punishment.
Taboo is a common practice across cultures to show respect for and fear of ancestors (Allan & Burridge, 2006). The Makasae people worship their ancestors as entities who have potencies or pervasive powers over the descendants. When behaviour is forbidden or when the eating of food is forbidden, acceptance of the prohibition is in recognition of the powers of of the ancestors. The Makasae people believe that when they breach the taboos associated with sacredness it means they do not fear and respect the ancestors and do not accept that they are powerful entities. Respect and fear must be shown in people’s behaviour and words through the sacred resources used in rituals. For instance, Pascoal, an elder and guardian of the Leki- kabora sacred house, explained that palunu ‘taboo’ is respect and respect is palunu (see Appendix H: 2). He further explained that taboo constitutes prohibition on behaviour, for example it is forbidden to curse one another and do harm to others during ritual events. These behaviours are all intended to show respect and fear towards the spirits of the ancestors that the community members worship and fear as a central tenet in their belief system (Allan & Burridge, 2006).
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Taboo in traditional rituals in the Makasae speech community is behaviour that symbolizes the respect and fear the people have towards the ancestors and the quality of sacredness that surround them. Observing taboos in rituals is also seen as pleasing the ancestors; there is the hope that adhering to the taboos and rituals will result in blessings for the clan members. Individuals or clans who heed taboo rules expect be blessed with protection, good health, fertility, wellbeing and long life; whereas those who breach taboos are invoking the ancestors’ anger and will be punished (see section 6.1.3). Ancestors are believed to manifest their anger in a variety of ways, for example, through illnesses, sufferings and problems or, they can manifest themselves through dangerous animals which then inflict harm on those who breach the taboos or disobey and disrespect the ancestors. As discussed in Chapter Three, in the Jahai culture, community members observe taboos by giving their children names after a fragrant plant in order to please the ancestors’ senses and so avoid their anger (Burenhult & Majid, 2011). Observing such taboo practice is to show respect but at the same time it is an expressesion of the clan members’ fear of the ancestors.
Taboo in rituals is observed to express belief, trust and respect to the ancestors so that taboo is breached and there is a failure to uphold respect for the ancestors, severe consequences for the individual can be expected. For example, community members believe that many sufferings, illnesses or even deaths are the consequence of disobeying the taboos in the sacred houses. If there is such a breach and consequences, the clan members need to find ways to do reparation so that the suffering is relieved. Jeferino, a ritual performer from the Ara-diga clan explained in reference to their food taboo during the healing ritual that, if a clan member breaches the taboo by eating fish which is associated with the origin of the clan's ancestors (see section 7.3.2.3.1), he or she will suffer from mental illness. The Makasae people generally believe that all illnesses, problems, suffering or death are caused by the anger of the ancestors. If a particular taboo is breached, a traditional priest must perform a ritual to cleanse a person from his or her sins even before the bad consequences occur (Bovensiepen, 2014a). An example of a taboo breach was observed during the rice-eating ritual of Muta-asa-palu when a sacred spear fell to the ground and the ritual food in one of the bamboo containers was not eaten (see section 5.2.2.1). In order to cleanse themselves and wash away their sins, the priest performed a ritual inside the Muta-asa-palu sacred house by waving a chicken over all the participants’ heads several times.
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Clan members believe that every single taboo associated with their ancestors in their rituals has an effect on their lives. Afraid of being punished, clan members observe all the taboos during rituals and day-to-day life and heed the ancestors by reviving the ritual practices when this has been necessary and pledging to pass them on to the next generation, as was expressed and observed in all rituals but particularly at the Muta-asa-palu corn-eating and rice-eating rituals. Such pledges were expressed explicitly in ritual prayers. It is usual, in all ritual prayers for the priest to honour each of the ancestors. For example, Ricardo, a ritual performer from the Muta-asa-palu, João from the Lia-luku and Afonso from the Tuda-naha-buti clans explained how they had experienced difficult times and suffered a lot and even lost the lives of family when they abstained from practising the ancestral rituals or, prior to reviving their sacred houses along with ritual practices. Their sufferings were considered to be a consequence of the ancestors’ wrath due to their disrespectful behaviour which included abandonment of recognition of the ancestors and ancestral practices. A similar belief also exists with the Fataluku speakers in the Lautem district of Timor-Leste where it is believed that males from a clan died as a consequence of abandonment of their ancestral practices (McWilliam, 2011). Abandoning ancestral houses, lands and practices is abandoning or being disrespectful of sacred and ancestral elements. In consequence, there will be punishment inflicted through use of the power imbued in them. Sakai (2006) explains similar attitudes in reference to the Gumai community of Sumatra, Indonesia, noting that abandoning one’s place of origin is believed to bring about all kinds of sufferings.
7.2.2. Conclusion
The ancestors are central to the rituals of the Makasae. In the rituals, the ancestors are referred to as dai ‘powerful ancestors’ (see section 2.5.2). Taboo is a means by which clan members show respect and fear of the ancestors whose power is pervasive and who provide protection. By observing taboo, the Makasae people can live in a peaceful situation and avoid conflict and the people and with the ancestors. It is believed that observing taboo will bring protection, healing, fertility, wellbeing and long life for both individuals and as the community as a whole.
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7.3. Expressing taboo
This section presents how taboo is expressed in traditional Makasae rituals. The findings of the study show that taboo is a response to sacred persons, settings, objects and food that are associated with the ancestors (see sections 5.2 and 6.1) and therefore it is an expression of their belief. Specific taboos associated with the sacred settings: that is sacred houses and sacred places are discussed (section 7.3.1). Taboos associated with the sacred objects, food taboo and behaviour are discussed in each of the following sections: transforming the ordinary into the sacred (section 7.3.2); maintaining a contrast between the ordinary and the sacred (section 7.3.3); avoiding what is sacred in everyday situations (section 7.3.4); integrating the sacred into the ordinary (section 7.3.5); and taboo language (section 7.3.6). In this section, the responses to the Research Questions (RQs): 2, 3 and 4 are discussed. The resources used in the rituals and how taboo is expressed in response to the sacred resources, as well as how taboo strengthens the identity of the speech community are all interlinked.
7.3.1. Sacred Setting
This section discusses the settings of rituals in Makasae speech community. The ritual events in Makasae are conducted in two different places: sacred houses and sacred places. The discussion covers the sacred houses and their structure, and characteristics and significance (section 7.3.1.1), the landscapes (7.3.1.2), and the sacred setting and taboos (section 7.3.1.3).
7.3.1.1. Sacred houses
This sub-section discusses the type and structure as well as characteristics of the sacred house (sub-section 7.3.1.1.1) and the attic high up in the roof (section 7.3.1.1.2). It describes the characteristics of the house and the attic in comparison to the ordinary traditional houses across the speech community.
7.3.1.1.1. Oma-ló ‘house-sky’
A sacred house is distinct from an ordinary traditional house of the community members in terms of its structure and characteristics (see section 5.2). Its distinct characteristics reflect the connections between the believers and their religion, identity and attachment to their places of
179 worship as in India (Mazumdar & Mazumdar, 2004). The houses are sacred and are used as places for prayers and symbols of power (see section 3.6.1), healing, peace, protection, fertility, life and the loftiness of ancestors. Similarly, across cultures Knott (2008) explains how spaces become sacred because they are used as places of worship when worship is an expression of religious beliefs.
As described in Chapter Five, each sacred house is quite distinct from normal village houses across the speech community. Most obviously, a sacred house is distinct in terms of its architecture and the building materials used. The sacred house is built using traditional building materials only, and is a two-level traditional house with one or two doors and no windows. A ladder is used to facilitate entry and exit to the main level of this sacred house, which is elevated above the ground. Underneath the main level is an open space, which has either four or six poles depending on the clan. Such a house in Makasae is called oma-ló, oma ‘house’ and ló ‘sky’. Literally, it is a house that reaches the sky. According to Mazumdar and Mazumdar (2004), some religious structures across cultures are built to replicate the cosmos. They argue that the design of architecture and physical elements of a ritual house can bring the believers to a different place and reality, the sacred enables them to be closer to the unseen spirit beings. The spires and ornateness of many church buildings across Europe are examples of this same phenomenon.
The sacred house, which is in fact as well as symbolically higher than ordinary houses in the community, symbolizes the high position and power of the ancestors. The sacred house in the Makasae community is similar to the ritual house in Bali where there is a preference to build one-storey buildings to prevent unclean feet passing above their heads (Allan & Burridge, 2006). In Makasae, two-level sacred houses are designed so that no ordinary house is higher than the ancestral houses. The attics for the storage of sacred objects signify that no one should stand higher than the ancestors. In all, the sacred house is designed to be a symbol of respect and humility as well as fear of the ancestors.
The oma-asukai ‘house-male’ of the speech community stands higher than the two other sacred houses in the sacred house complex (see section 2.7.1.1). This was observed in the sacred houses of Leki-kabora, Lia-luku and Tuda-naha-buti; the male sacred houses were built on a slightly higher level (see Figure 2 section 2.7.1.1 and Figure 15 section 5.2.2.2) or were fenced if they stood on the same level as the other two houses (see Figure 8 section
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5.2.1.3). The position of the male sacred house represents the superiority of the male ancestors and is closely related to the patrilineal system (see section 2.5.2) of the speech community. Treating the male houses with additional respect symbolizes the power of the male ancestors of the Makasae people. The house is a symbol of ultimate patriarchal dominance in the Makasae community.
A sacred house is a place of peace and unity. It is where the clan members come together to find peace and unity among themselves and to extend it outwards towards other people in the community. The sacred house is valued by clan members as a means of showing love to one another and creating a peaceful environment amongst themselves and with others in the community. For example, Armindo from the Leki-kabora clan explained that as the sacred house is for a peaceful purpose, every prohibition associated with sacred houses and all ritual practices are intended as a moral education for clan members, teaching them how to behave well and be good persons in the community and society. A similar view of the sacred house exists in the sacred places of Central Flores in the eastern part of Indonesia where, Schröter (2005) notes, the sacred house is a central place for gatherings of the lineage, a place for peace and unity, and a place for ancestor worship and decision-making.
A sacred house is for a peace-making house. The peace-making process was observed during the initiation ritual of the Ula-buti clan (see section 5.2.5) where two brothers, who had had a conflict in the past and not interacted with one another for decades, took the initiative to settle their differences inside the sacred house. The two brothers had separated and lived in different places: one lived in their homeland in Ossú of Viqueque district while the other lived in the Mambae speaking area of the Ermera district (see Map 1 section 2.2.1). During the ritual, the clan members performed a peace ritual in which they exchanged betel leaves and embraced one another emotionally as a symbol of peace and unity between them. A peaceful situation is required among a clan members prior to conducting an annual ritual. It is forbidden for clan members to participate in rituals without establishing peace otherwise the conflicted parties will get sick or encounter troubles associated with sacred houses.
Establishing peace and unity among the clan members is instigated in order to please the ancestors. According to the Festival Cultura and Secretaria de Estado da Cultura (2010), referring to the sacred houses in Timor-Leste context, the sacred house is a symbol of unity between community members and ethnic communities, especially during the social cycles of
181 life, namely religious, of agriculture, economy, security and of traditional ceremonies of life and death. The sacred house also serves as a place to keep and preserve the ancestral heirlooms. For the Makasae people, the sacred house is their power and everything that they rely on in their everyday lives for protection, healing and wellbeing. As a house of peace, clan members who have personal conflicts have to settle them inside the sacred house prior to ritual events so that their wishes will be accepted by the ancestors. It is a central place where clan members go to find solutions to their everyday problems.
The sacred house is a symbol that brings healing to the clan members. Clan members find healing both physically and spiritually. It is the first place where one goes to find treatment if a clan member suffers from an illness that is associated with their belief. For example, Ricardo from the Muta-asa-palu clan explained that if one falls sick because of breaching a taboo against the sacred house, he or she must go to the sacred house to be healed. According to him, illnesses that are associated with breaching taboos must be treated in the traditional way inside the sacred houses. As noted in section 7.2, the clan members often associate any illnesses or suffering with the failure to fully adhere to ritual practices.
The sacred houses and landscapes associated with clans are places of protection. Clan members ask for help and protection from their ancestors if they encounter difficulties and suffering. In such situations, they visit their sacred houses. Visiting their place of origin and holding a gathering at the sacred houses and other sacred places is to express this belief and to continue receiving protection from the ancestors. The names of the sacred houses and places are invoked in ritual prayers if help is needed when they are far away from the sacred houses. Ricardo explained in reference to the Muta-asa-palu sacred house that if a clan member was in trouble or sick when far away from the house, he or she should stand facing towards the direction of the sacred house and utter its name then he or she will recover from the illness. The Makasae people believe that since the sacred houses are the houses of the ancestors, and places where they reside, the ancestors have potency to act when they are invoked in prayers.
In the Makasae ritual prayers, the sacred houses including sacred landscapes and sacred objects are used as agents and invoked to act against people who have ill-ntent (see section 5.2 and Appendix G: 1 and 4). They are houses and places where clan members find protection against people who have bad intentions. A consultant, Patricio, a ritual performer and an elder from the Lia-luku clan, explained that without rebuilding of the sacred house the
182 clan members felt as if they were orphans and that they were vulnerable, unprotected, insecure, and homeless and lived in the bush and jungle (see section 6.1.4). This notion sends a strong message about how essential the sacred houses are for the Makasae people. Sacred houses and ancestral lands become the protectors of the community in rituals and everyday life. Patricio from the Lia-luku and Ricardo from the Muta-asa-palu said that many of their clan members died as a consequence of abandoning the ancestral houses and ritual practices. A similar belief is found in the Fataluku speaking area of Lautem of Timor-Leste. McWilliam (2011) reported that he was told by an elder of the Fataluku community the story of a man from the Lohere community who abandoned the ancestral belief and ritual practices. The man and his family members suffered serious consequences and died as a consequence of the abandonment. In the Makasae context, not rebuilding the ancestral houses and reviving ritual practices would mean the ancestors were abandoned and this would cause anger and trigger punishment (see sections 5.2 and 6.1) So most of the Makasae people have undertaken efforts to rebuild their sacred houses.
Sacred houses serve as places of worship and interaction with the ancestors: they are when the clan members feel close to the ancestors. They are the houses in which the clan interaction with the ancestors enables them to find solutions for their everyday problems and sufferings. During ritual events, the powerful ancestors transform themselves through kuda ‘horse’ (see section 5.2.1.1) or a person acts as a mediator inside a sacred house in order for the ancestors to have a face-to-face interaction with the living generation. A similar interaction with the powerful ancestors is found among the Kwaio of the Solomon Islands. The Kwaio people believe that the powerful ancestors return and interact with the living descendants inside shrines (Keesing, 1970). Every problem, whether it be illness or other difficulty they encounter in their lives, is communicated to the ancestors. From their interactions with their ancestors during rituals, the clan members receive instructions on how to solve their sufferings and problems of their everyday lives.
7.3.1.1.2. Lolika ‘attic’
In all sacred houses of the complex (see section 2.7.1.1), above the main level close to the roof is an attic called a lolika (see section 5.2 and Figure 9 section 5.2.1.3). It, like oma-ló ‘house-sky’, embodies the idea of the sky and something high and spiritual. Its form is similar to a mezzanine; however, lolika is a level built between the first level and the roof and is the
183 highest section inside the sacred house. This special unit is for the purpose of storing the sacred ritual objects. Similar spaces for storage of sacred objects are found many communities across cultures. Sakai (2006) explains in reference to the Gumai community of South Sumatra, Indonesia that the high platform is the special place for the storage of objects inherited from the forefathers and access to it is strictly forbidden by anyone except the designated person. Fowler (2003) reports the Karendi culture of the island of Sumba that the heirlooms are stored in the special space that is high up close to the roof of the community’s houses and the objects are only taken down during ritual events. The high platforms or attics, in the context, are perhaps a quarter size compared to the main level, above the heads but sometimes not high enough to stand up in. Access to the high platform is strictly forbidden and only entered by designated persons such as the male or female servants or the sacred house guardians.
7.3.1.2. Sacred landscapes
This sub-section discusses the landscapes associated with the spirit beings and highlights their importance and the sacredness which is the reason the Makasae people associate taboo behaviours with them.
In other cultures, place does not mean simply a piece of land for cultivation or a house to live. The lands which the Makasae clans own are historically and culturally significant and give a sense of who the people are. The ancestral lands are not only the places where the ancestors lived and conducted rituals, but also the places where the spirits of the ancestors are believed to reside after life. Hind (2007), speaking of sacred places across cultures and Australian indigenous cultures in particular, explains that indigenous people tend to choose places such as landscapes as places of worship because they are the places in which the spirits of their ancestors reside and where indigenous people can express their beliefs. For instance, Uluru in the Northern Territory is a sacred place that links the belief system of the Anangu community. The Makasae people will continue to venerate the ancestral lands for generations due to their belief that the lands give them protection, wellbeing and life. A similar belief exists in Sulawesi, particularly in Tana Toraja. Similarly, Waterson (2006) notes that the Toraja houses, genealogies, myths and histories of the local community are bound up together and embedded in the landscapes because of the belief that they are the places where the ancestors originated from, and the origin of the sacred house of the community. In the landscapes of Southern
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Appalachia in the United States of America, Todd (2010) notes that community members consider mountains to be sacred, and culturally meaningful evidence of creation myths and ritual places. Todd further explains that mountains are often associated with powerful places that provide inspiration, while water features are often associated with healing. The land is an essential component of one’s identity and this becomes a powerful force for identity formation because the people have a cultural attachment to it. The places where people live and attach to are important because they provide an essential connection and identity for the people concerned. Through the lands, the Makasae people have a sense of belonging and identity and, this means they have a very close attachment to the land.
Culturally, the landscapes are significant for the Makasae people because they are the places that remind them of their ancestors (see section 6.1.3). They are places that remind them of past settlements and ritual events and connect them to the ancestors’ existence. According to Fowler (2003) who was reporting on the sacred landscapes of the Karendi culture, “certain aspects of the physical landscape embody local history” and “are memorials to legendary figures, events, and places” (p. 310). For the Makasae people, the ancestral lands are the places in which historical events occurred and places that connect the descendants with their ancestors and, also, the spirits of the ancestors reside there when they die. In order to remember the historic places associated with their forefathers and to show respect and fear of them, the Makasae people tend to live and build their sacred houses near such places or else visit them regularly during ritual ceremonies (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.2). Since the clans have settled the landscapes and conducted rituals there for generations, they not only own but also identify with the land. The Makasae people’s strong sense of attachment and belonging to the land allows them to feel safe and protected when they return to and settle in the ancestral lands. Mazumdar and Mazumdar (1993) explain that for Hindus also, sacred places have a strong affective and emotional attachment providing a sense of the past, therefore they must not be spoilt.
7.3.1.3. Sacred settings and taboos
Since the ritual houses and landscapes are sacred, taboos must be observed during ritual events to show respect. This sub-section discusses the kinds of taboo behaviour that is expressed in response to the sacred ritual settings including not cultivating and settling the lands on which ancestral houses are built (see section 6.1.2), certain persons not entering
185 sacred settings (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.3), removing shoes, hats or flip-flops (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.3), not uttering terms boi-rusu (see section 6.1.3), observing silence (see section 6.1.3), food apportioning (see section 6.1.3), bowing down and kneeling (see sections 5.2.1.2; 5.2.1.3; 5.2.1.4; and 6.1.3) as well as kissing the ground.
During ritual events and in ordinary situations, clan members are required to observe taboos when entering the sacred houses and sacred places. When walking past a sacred site in which the spirits reside, clan members must show respectful behaviour; for example, they must not shout or swear. Eves (2006), discussing the sacred landscapes of the New Ireland community, Papua New Guinea, explains that certain places are believed to be inhabited by spirit beings, therefore, community members must show respect. Metzgar (2004), referring to Micronesia culture, explains that community members must show respect when walking past the sacred places. How respect is shown is part of the belief system and culture of the community the people belong to.
Clan members can settle the lands and build houses, but the sites which are considered sacred must not be cultivated and settled. Particularly the locations where the original ancestral houses stood must not be cultivated as farms or built upon. The Makasae clans tend to fence off these specific localities with wood or rocks to preserve their cultural heritage as was observed in the Muta-asa-palu’s sacred old buffalo corral (see sections 2.6 and 5.2.4), the the Tuda-naha-buti (see section 5.2.1.3) and the Lia-luku’s sacred hills (section 5.2.2.2) and the Leki-kabora (section 5.2.1.2) and the Latu-mutu’s sacred mountains (section 5.2.1.4). Once they have been fenced, people are forbidden from entering them or cutting trees from them except during rituals. The belief of the community members prevents them from entering the sacred places and destroying them, and if they do there will be negative consequences. They must, as Sakai (2006) explains in reference to the sacred landscapes of the Gumai community, ask permission to enter, otherwise they will be punished by the ancestors. Austin (2005b) explains that sacred places across cultures, and also particular locations within a designated area in which rituals used to be held are usually not cultivated or built on. However, Austin notes that since the landscapes are associated with ancestors and are culturally significant, they are not left abandoned by the owners. Fowler (2003) explains that construction or cultivation on the sacred landscapes is forbidden because they are the residences of the forefathers. She refers to the landscapes of the Karendi culture of Sumba, Indonesia. Building houses and cultivating the lands where ancestral houses stood or rituals were held connotes
186 disrespect for their ancestors; such actions or behaviour spark the ancestors’ anger.
The sacred sites are not normally entered. During ordinary situations, clan members can visit the places; however, they are forbidden from entering the sacred sites. They can view them from a distance and pass near them with respectful behaviour but are forbidden from actually entering them. A similar taboo associated with sacred places also is found in Funar of Manatuto, Timor-Leste. Bovensiepen (2011) explains that “during everyday activities, lulik sites must be avoided because they are considered dangerous, and walking too close to lulik sites is said to risk madness, confusion and death” (p. 49).
While walking past sacred places, people need to mind their step in order to avoid stumbling feet in case in doing so they swear, curse or utter the word boi-rusu (see section 6.1.3). Children and persons who are not familiar with the landscapes will be warned in advance when they come near the sacred places. Upon entering the compound, the elders bow down and kneel (see sections 5.2.1.2; 5.2.1.3; and 5.2.1.4) and kiss the ground (see section 5.2.1.2) then walk silently into the compound (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.3). Inside the sacred houses or compound of sacred places, people sit in a group of two or three persons and talk quietly, while the male and female servants prepare everything needed for the rituals. Children are forbidden from wandering around in the compound or shouting. People who talk and children who wander around during ritual events are considered disrespectful of the ancestors. Grimes (2006) describes similar behaviours in the Buru culture, in which people who go hunting in the jungle must show respectful behaviour by keeping quiet during their stay in the jungle.
Females-in-law or women who get married to the males of a clan are forbidden to enter the male sacred houses. They are not only forbidden from entering, but also from walking under them or coming close to their doorways. All my consultants highlighted such prohibition during the interviews. For example, Afonso from the Tuda-naha-buti clan explained that until the bride-wealth and the marks attached to her from birth have been returned to her original clan, she is barred from entering the husband’s sacred house (see section 2.7.4.1). Another consultant, Pascoal from the Leki-kabora clan emphasized that in this case a female-in-law does not officially become an integral member of the clan she has married into. The females in such a situation are not yet considered members of the clan so, as explained in Chapter Two, she constinues to be a member of her original clan. This prohibition is considered to be for the benefit of her and her children.
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All females in the Makasae clan are forbidden from entering the male sacred hills or mountains (see sections 5.2.1.2; 5.2.1.3; 5.2.2.2; and 6.1.3), if they do, it is believed they will defile the sacredness of the places, and as punishment they will not have children, and they or their children will suffer from illnesses as a consequence. In such a case, a ritual needs to be performed inside the sacred house to prevent the taboo breachers from suffering the consequences. The taboo in regard to females and sacred places was expressed at the Lia-luku (see section 5.2.2.2) and the Tuda-naha-buti’s sacred hills (see section 5.2.1.3) and the Leki- kabora’s mountain (see section 5.2.1.2) by most of the consultants across the clans during my observation and interviews (see section 6.1.3). For example, during the corn-eating ritual of the Tuda-naha-buti clan and the rice-eating ritual of the Lia-luku clan, all females were barred from entering the male sacred hills. Females were forbidden to even go to the sacred hill of the Lia-luku during ritual event, while at the Tuda-naha-buti ritual they did go but were forbidden to enter; instead, they simply watched the ritual event at a distance away from the hill. Metzgar (2004) explains in regard to the Micronesian culture, that females are not allowed to enter and even are forbidden from passing through the male sacred places, so they must bypass the sacred place in order to reach to the other side.
Ritual participants must remove their hats, shoes or flip-flops when entering sacred houses (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.3). All participants must leave their hats, shoes or flip-flops under the ladder at the doorway as was observed in all rituals across the Makasae clans included in the study. A similar behaviour was evident at the sacred hills and mountains. After removing these things males, particularly those who played key roles in rituals and the elders, bowed down and several even kneeled and kissed the ground upon entering the sacred places. This was observed during the corn-eating rituals of the Tuda-naha-buti (see section 5.2.1.3), the Leki-kabora (section 5.2.1.2) and the Latu-mutu (section 5.2.1.4) clans and the rice-eating ritual of the Lia-luku (see section 5.2.2.2) at their respective sacred places. Moises from Du’u- lamu and Armindo from Leki-kabora explained that the lands where the ancestors reside were sacred, therefore, people should kiss the ground upon entering them (see section 6.1.3).
7.3.1.4. Conclusion
Sacred settings are an important part of the belief and ritual practices in the Makasae culture. The places are historically and culturally significant for the believers. The sacred houses and
188 landscapes are places in which the forefathers inhabited and cultivated and past events such as rituals were held. And they are the places in which the spirits of the Makasae ancestors reside after life. Thus, these places become the official residences of the spirits of the ancestors and are the places that the Makasae people call home. Returning and claiming ownership of the land gives them a sense of who they are, where they belong and where their roots are. Above all, they strengthen their identity as a clan or community. Since the ancestors inhabit the sacred houses and the ancestral lands or landscapes, the Makasae people show fear and respectful behaviour when entering them. It is believed that showing respect by adhering to taboos in the sacred settings, Makasae people as a clan and community will receive blessings, protection, wellbeing and life.
7.3.2. Transforming the ordinary into the sacred
7.3.2.1. An overview
This section discusses the objects, food and behaviour that are transformed into the sacred in the belief and ritual practices of the Makasae people. Dozens of ordinary objects are transformed into sacred objects, and foods and behaviour become tabooed in rituals. Because they have become sacred, the Makasae venerate them, express taboos as a show of respect, and also express fear of them. In this section, the most sacred objects, ritual foods and behaviour of the Makasae people are discussed.
7.3.2.2. Objects
This section discusses some of the most sacred objects across the Makasae clans that took part in the study. The discussion highlights the sacredness of ritual objects and their significance to the Makasae people, and how taboo is expressed in response to the sacred objects. The sacred objects include besi ‘metal’ or mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’, malu ‘betel leaves’, buna ‘stone-platform’, na’a ‘bag’, teru ‘ritual plate’ and boubakasa ‘drum’.
Objects have long been an important part of rituals for the Makasae people (see Table 1 section 2.7.2 and section 5.2). Objects used in rituals become sacred through their transformation in a ritual (Alcorta & Sosis, 2005) when they become religious symbols (Kindt, 2009). Kindt refers to ritual objects of gold, silver and bronze of the ancient Greek religion. In
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Makasae, objects were used by the ancestors in past events and have been passed on for generations. The objects are proof of the existence of the ancestors of Makasae people and tell the future generations about their ancestors. The existence of sacred objects in the traditional rituals establishes a relationship between the living and their ancestors. Lemonnier (2012) discusses artifacts such as the fences, eel traps and hunting pouches of the Baruya and Anga communities of Papua New Guinea and notes that some objects, in terms of their physical properties, may seem meaningless for outsiders, but for the users who venerate them, the objects are expressions of fundamental aspects of a way of living and thinking. Since objects used in rituals are sacred, there are taboos or ritual prohibitions associated with them.
The objects that were used by the forefathers and are passed to the next generation are concrete reminders of the existence of the ancestors. For example, besi ‘metal’ for the Muta- asa-palu clan is said to have existed since ancestral times. The living generation still uses it today and it will be passed on to future generations as they clearly expressed this in their ritual prayers. With its passing from generation to generation it is venerated as the representation of the ancestors inside the Muta-asa-palu sacred house. Objects such as besi ‘metal’ but also others are “concrete, physical reminders of who the participant was, who he or she is now, and how he or she is connected across time and place to present, past, and future generations and eras” (Kroger & Adair, 2008, p. 23). Kroger and Adair (2008) explored the symbolic meanings and functions of objects that help provide the identity maintenance of several Maori groups in the North Island of New Zealand. They determined that objects inherited from the forefathers into the present ensure the continuity of the history of family, clan and community. Similarly, objects communicate key cultural values, social organizations and the shared representations that underlie a variety of social relations in Papua New Guinea (Lemonnier, 2012). In Makasae culture, each clan has their own ritual objects that are historically and culturally connected back to their forefathers.
The objects were either used in rituals or personally owned by particular ancestors in the past. The descendants keep them as the representations of the ancestors’ bodies, store them on high platforms inside the sacred houses (see sections 5.2; 6.1.3; and 7.3.1.1) and venerate them. They are left by the ancestors for their children to be used continuously by the coming generations. Barker (2001), referring to sacred artifacts of the Maisin community of Papua New Guinea, explained that the heirlooms link the living generation to the ancestral past. Barrkman (2008) referring to sacred objects inherited from the ancestors in the Timor-Leste
190 context reports that the sacred objects are believed to be imbued with extraordinary powers that assist the warriors to survive warfare between clans. According to Molnar (2010), as she refers to the belief of the Timorese, “sacred objects tend to be ancestral heirlooms, especially significant objects from oral history that describe interactions with sacred spiritual beings” (pp. 21-22). The objects are associated with events in the life histories of the ancestors and are inherited from one generation to the next. The community members also believe that each generation of the ancestors is embodied in the sacred objects and sacred places.
7.3.2.2.1. Besi ‘metal’ as sacred symbol
Besi ‘metal’ is an ancient piece of metal that has long been a symbol of the Muta-asa-palu clan, that is, since ancestral times. It is a small and round metal object that is believed to have existed as a sacred object since the time of the first ancestors. Ricardo, one of the ritual performers from the Muta-asa-palu explained during the corn-eating ritual that besi appeared inside the sacred house by itself and thus it is believed to be the body of the ancestors inside the sacred house. Since its appearance, it has been venerated inside the sacred house (see section 6.1.3). Culturally, it is called Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ in rituals. It is also a symbol of power and protection. It has become a symbol of the clan since the founding of the sacred house, and thus provides a sense of identity of the Muta-asa-palu clan. It is wrapped in layers of red cloths and stored in a medium size traditional basket inside the clan sacred house. It is considered the most sacred object of the Muta-asa-palu clan.
As the metal is sacred, its name is not mentioned in ordinary life (see sections 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; and 5.2.3; 6.1.3) and it is only touched by certain people within the clan (see section 6.1.3 and 7.3.3.4.1). Mau-besi is a sacred object and is believed to be imbued with power. It has the power to influence the lives of the people who believe in it, and affect their behaviour during rituals and also day-to-day life. Such symbols of traditional belief may be thought similar to the modern religious symbols in the Catholic Church. For example, the statue of the Virgin Mary as the mother of a human and God, becomes a principal object of devotion for the believers. E. Leach (1989) referring to the anthropological aspects of taboo in which objects and food are discussed, explained that sacred objects are religious symbols through which the unseen spirits are connected with the living and this world is connected with the other spiritual world.
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7.3.2.2.2. Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ as a protector
Mau-besi is a symbol of protection and is used by warriors to protect themselves from enemies when at war. It is also used to protect the clan members in general in everyday life as well as their property. Ricardo, a ritual performer, explained how Mau-besi is associated with war and is normally used by the clan warriors in warfare to protect themselves. It has scars and marks on it. The clan members provided more, explaining that the marks on besi were the scars of bullets that were shot at users during wars, but the warriors were not wounded because of the protection provided by the Mau-besi. This is why, the besi is referred to as Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ or ‘metal the warrior’ by the clan members and why it has become a symbol of the Muta-asa-palu clan that is recognized outside the clan.
Furthermore, Mau-besi is used to protect the clan as a whole and individual clan members in everyday life. It is believed to provide protection, good health and wellbeing to the clan members but only if they observe the taboos in rituals and day-to-day life that are required by its sacred status. Since it is sacred, it is forbidden for people to raise any piece of metal against any members of the clan either in rituals or everyday life (see section 6.1.3). Raising a piece of metal either intentionally or unintentionally against any Muta-asa-palu clan member is strictly forbidden. As Rofina, the female servant, explained regarding the sacredness of the metal, raising any piece of metal against the clan members is forbidden; if this is not adhered to, the perpetrator will get sick or bad things will occur to them. She provided an example that once a wife of the clan raised a piece of metal against her husband with the intention of hitting him; as a consequence, her hand simply broke. In order to recover, she went to the sacred house bringing chickens and received betel leaves as a symbol of forgiveness and healing.
The Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ is also used to protect the property of the clan (see section 6.1.3). It is used as protection against property theft or destruction by people of ill-intent. The property includes land, cattle, household goods, farms, and rice-fields. So, in addition to not raising a piece of metal, people are forbidden to carry metal objects when entering the clan’s farms and rice-fields (see sections 6.1.3 and 7.3.4.4.2.1). As my consultants from Muta-asa- palu explained, during the sacred time when clan members are forbidden to consume food on the farms or in the rice-fields, nobody can enter the farms or rice-fields belonging to the clan members while carrying any piece of metal including a knife, machete or spear. And, because
192 it is used to protect their food and plantations in the farms and rice-fields, people are strictly forbidden to pick anything from these places. In this case, the sacred metal is used as an agent to protect food in the farms and rice-fields. Such a prohibition prevents the clan members from being harmed and property from being stolen or destroyed. The sacred metal is said to be effective in protecting the clan’s property because, if a perpetrator commits an act of stealing, he or she will suffer from crooked lips, an illness that is associated with the clan and attributed to the sacred metal. When a person suffers from this affliction, people in the community know for certain that the person must have done something wrong against the Muta-asa-palu clan. The value of such a taboo with regard to besi ‘metal’ is intended to show respect for the ancestors, people’s lives and respect for people’s property (see section 6.1.2).
Given that the object is believed to have power, as noted above, clan members use it not only for defensive, but also offensive purposes against so-called enemies of the clan: this applies in both rituals and daily life. For example, clan members invoke the Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ during ritual invocations and it is used as an agent to go after a perpetrator as was observed in ritual prayers during the corn-eating, rice-eating, rice-field cultivation and buffalo washing rituals. In addition to using landscapes as agents, as is found across a number of communities in Souteast Asia (Allerton, 2009a), the Makasae people use the sacred places and sacred objects as agents to protect themselves against people of ill-intent (see section 6.1.4). The effectiveness of ritual objects when used as protectors depends very much on the observance of data ‘custom’ and other associated taboos applicable in the sacred houses. It is believed that in order for the Mau-besi ’warrior-metal’ to be effective in defending and protecting, one must live up to their data ‘custom’ and heed taboo rules (see section 6.1.4). For example, they must not eat the taro leaves and use tabooed behaviour associated with their sacred objects.
7.3.2.2.3. Malu ‘betel leaf’
Malu ‘betel leaf’ is an important part of the clan’s life in both rituals and social life. During rituals, malu is one of the essential objects used by the Makasae people. Malu ‘betel leaf’ is a sacred object in Makasae traditional rituals that is a symbol of healing, protection, forgiveness, peace, interaction with ancestors in rituals and greeting. The presence of malu is essential in every ritual.
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Because malu is sacred, the clan members must hold it with great care during ritual events. As a sacred object, it is believed to have power to heal sick people in rituals (see sections 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.3; and 5.2.6). A priest or ritual performer chews malu and uses the liquids to rub on the body of a sick person or on foreheads, hands and feet as was practised during the corn-eating ritual of the Muta-asa-palu clan (see section 5.2.1.1) and the healing ritual of the Ara-diga clan (see section 5.2.6). At the Muta-asa-palu sacred farm, the priest held the malu ‘betel leaves’ and soaked them in sacred water. Then he took them out and sprinkled them over the parts of the bodies that were painful.
As a symbol of protection, malu ‘betel leaves’ are given out to each clan member and participant at the end of each ritual event (see section 5.2). Each participant will receive a few leaves of malu in addition to bua ‘areca nut’. Then each participant chews one or two leaves with the areca nuts. They use the liquid from chewing to rub onto their foreheads, hands and feet as a symbol of protecting themselves against bad spirits. They do this before travelling so that they will be safe. The leftover liquid inside the mouth must not be spat out, but swallowed. Some of the malu is brought home for the family members who do not participate in the rituals. The clan members carry along a few leaves in their wallets as a symbol of protection by the ancestors in their everyday lives. Ijolino, one of my consultants from the Muta-asa-palu clan, explained that carrying malu in their wallets wherever they go means the ancestors are accompanying them to protect them from danger and against evil. The distribution of malu ‘betel leaf’ for such purposes was observed in all ritual events during fieldwork. Using sacred objects for protection is a practice that is also found in other cultures. For example, Allerton (2009b) observes in the Manggarai of Indonesia that when people travel to the forest or across sacred landscapes, the elders ensure their spiritual protection by giving them ginger to eat and marking their foreheads before travelling.
Malu ‘betel leaf’ is also used as a symbol of peace (see section 5.2.5). When two people of a clan have a conflict, they will make peace by using the betel leaves. The priest or elders mediate the process where the two sides confess before the priest and elders. The priest gives the malu to the two conflicting persons or families to hold. The priest then utters a few words to facilitate the process. Then, the two sides exchange their malu and embrace one another. Each of them then chews their malu and uses its liquid to rub on their bodies. Such a process is performed in the presence of a traditional priest or elders of the clan as was observed during the initiation ritual in Ula-buti clan (see section 5.2.5). The Makasae people value the betel
194 leaves and believe that making peace in such a way enables them to live in peace and establishes a social cohesion among them in the community.
The malu ‘betel leaf’ is a symbol of interaction with the ancestors. It becomes instrumental in establishing an interaction between the living generations and the ancestors particularly in the sacred house. Inside the sacred houses the kuda (see section 5.2.1.1), or person through whom a powerful ancestor transforms himself, gestures with malu prior to a formal ritual event in order to call an ancestor to present inside the sacred house. The person lifts the malu towards every direction inside the sacred house to establish a communication with the ancestors. Such interaction using malu was observed inside the sacred houses of the Muta-asa-palu during the corn-eating, rice-eating and rice-field cultivation rituals (see sections 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; and 5.2.3), the Lia-luku’s rice-eating ritual (section 5.2.2.2), the Ula-buti’s initiation ritual (section 5.2.5), and the Ara-diga’s healing ritual (5.2.6). As Armindo from the Leki-kabora clan explained during the corn-eating ritual, malu is like a telephone to call an ancestor to arrive during a ritual in order to have a face-to-face interaction with the clan members. He went on to say that without betel leaves, the powerful ancestor or dai (see section 2.5.2) would never turn up to transform himself. A contact or communication with the ancestors is also established through nonverbal behaviours, for instance by writing on the betel leaf or lifting it up. The kuda ‘horse’ used the tip of a malu ‘betel leaf’ and touched it on his saliva and used it to write on other malu. The writing on the malu is also a symbol of interacting with powerful ancestors and the responses will appear on it. Then the dai reads out the responses to the ritual participants. The dai is the only person who has the ability to read and understand what is written on the betel leaves so must explain it to the participants. The dai is also referred to as nana-taba ‘eye-hole’: he is able to see the invisible and know the unknown matters which cannot be seen or known by ordinary persons.
Malu is also a symbol of greeting. When clan members visit sacred places, the first thing they do is to offer the betel leaves and tobacco to the spirit beings believed to reside on the lands. This is also done when they visit the graveyards of their ancestors. They place and leave betel leaves, areca nuts and tobacco at the sacred places or on graves as a symbol of greeting. On arrival, after placing the betel leaves and areca nuts at sacred places, the clan members chew the betel leaves from their bags as a symbol of joining the ancestors chewing it. At the end of their visit, some of the visitors take some of the betel leaves to carry along, while leaving some behind in the sacred places. Norton (1998), in discussing the practice of traditional
195 cultural medicine and the significance of betel leaves across cultures, explains that betel has a significant role in daily and cultural lives. Norton noted that betel is a symbol of welcoming guests and paying homage, remembering ancestors, making peace and reconciliation, and in the practice of traditional medicine. A similar cross-cultural study about the cultural significane of betel leaves was conducted by Nelson and Heischober (1999), who explained that the betel is used during traditional ceremonies such as weddings and festivals in order to affirm relationships or conclude negotiations as well as to restore peace between conflicting parties.
The translation of the term malu might not be translated correctly in the thesis. However, the principal idea of malu is that it plays an essential role in rituals. It is a symbol of healing, protection from ancestors, communication with ancestors. Malu ‘betel’ and bua ‘areca’ are important in Makasae ritual.
The term malu is a Makasae word and in Tetun it is malus. In Tetun, the letter -s is added to the term malu becomes malus. Bua is a term that exists in both Makasae and Tetun.
Malu tia ‘betel-chew’ in Makasae context means to chew piper betel, areca nut and lime together. even though the three ingredients are chewed together, Makasae people simply say malu tia ‘betel-chew’, they do not have to say malu-bua-loe tia ‘betel-lime-areca nut-chew’.
In rituals, the Makasae people mainly used and displayed malu. Bua ‘areca nut’ is also used and displayed, but not loe ‘lime’. Bua and loe are mainly used when they wanted to chew with malu to rub their bodies to heal and protect them from evil spirits. Malu was mainly used during rituals and at the end of the rituals, only malu and bua were distributed for participants to chew and carry home as a symbol of protection and for those clan members who did not participate in rituals to chew and carry. Malu is the only object carried in one’s wallet as a symbol of protection.
This research focused on taboos including taboos in association with malu and other sacred objects. The notion of malu and bua and their combination as a symbolic union of male and female is most probably exist in Makasae, but it was not explored as part of the study. It will, if acceptable, certainly be explored as part of future publications.
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7.3.2.2.4. Sacred stones
There are several forms of stones that are culturally significant in Makasae ritual practices. They are buna ‘stone-platform’, maka ‘round-stone’ and lu’u-wai-wawaka ‘small-stones’. Buna refers to a stone-platform or flat stone at sacred hills, mountains, and farms and rice- fields. The buna has been used as an altar for ritual events since ancestral times, is linked to the ancestors and thus connects the clan members to their ancestors. For all clans, the buna is the central place for ritual events (see section 5.2 and Figure 4 section 5.2.1.1 and 13 section 5.2.2.1; and Figure 18 section 5.2.3). During ritual events, all sacred objects carried to the sacred places are placed on the stone-platform. Some of the sacred objects are placed in sacred traditional bags and hung high up on sticks that stand upright at the stone-platform (see Figure 4, 13, and 18). Candles are lit and placed around the buna. The buna is sacred and is a symbol of healing. The patients who suffer illnesses and seek healing in rituals are led around the buna (see Figure 6 section 5.2.1). They hold hands and walk on bended knees. Its name is uttered in ritual prayers, it is offered chickens and invoked for a blessing for clan members (see the video transcription in Appendix G: 1).
Other stones that have cultural significance for clan members and are equally important in the Makasae rituals and culture are the maka ‘round-stone’ and lu’u-wai-wawaka ‘small-stones’. Maka is a round and smooth stone that is found at buffalo corrals and is associated with buffaloes (see Figure 20 section 5.2.4). Lu’u-wai-wawaka refers to small stones which are sacred in the sacred house. Maka and lu’u-wai-wawaka are symbols of wealth and it is wealth that is associated with buffaloes and other things that bring about abundance to the clan members. These sacred stones are displayed during ritual events and the arabau-bane ‘buffalo-washing’ ritual in particular (see sections 2.6 and 5.2.4). Maka and lu’u-wai-wawaka play important roles in the arabau-bane ritual in which buffaloes are prepared to plough rice- fields so that there will be an abundance of crops (see section 5.2.4).
7.3.2.2.5. Na’a ‘bag’
Na’a is the sacred name for the traditional bag, while lode is its ordinary name (see 6.1.3). Both are made from the same material such as fan-palm leaves and are normally woven by females across the community. The traditional bag used in rituals, particularly when in the sacred ancestral house, is sacred. In the sacred house, a na’a represents an ancestor or it is a
197 symbolic representation of an ancestor’s body inside sacred houses (see section 5.2.1.3).
Generally, ordinary traditional bags are used for different purposes such as carrying things or food. People choose a particular bag normally in a small to medium size to be their personal bag called lode-malu ‘bag-betel’ and use them to store their personal things such as betels, areca-nuts, tobacco and other precious things. Both males and females always carry their lode-malu wherever they go. When they pass away, their lode-malu is always attached to their bodies; a traditional bag resembling his or her lode-malu ‘bag-betel’ is kept inside a sacred house as a symbol of them. Sometimes clan members refer to the na’a or sacred bag as lode- malu to associate with particular ancestors. As noted by Kroger and Adair (2008) in earlier sections in reference to the Maori culture, the use of the ancestor’s personal objects is to remember them in the present time and for future generations.
As I observed in the Tuda-naha-buti sacred house, the name of every ancestors belonging to the clan was written on a na’a ‘bag’ (see section 5.2.1.3) and kept safely high on high platforms (see section 7.3.1.1.2) inside the sacred house. The person must handle the na’a with care and humility and respect it. Each bag has the name of an ancestor written on it and it represents the bodies of ancestors. Due to this belief about the bag, the clan members can make use of it as an agent to defend and protect themselves against an enemy. Manuel from the Laku-liu clan whose ritual event was not recorded for the study told me that if people have an intention to harm members of his clan, the sacred bag is the one that will go after them and find them.
Lode changes its name in rituals to na’a. Based on the notion that things can become sacred through transformation in ritual (Alcorta & Sosis, 2005; Rappaport, 1992), objects used in rituals can have their name and status changed. Na’a, instead of lode, must be used to refer to a bag used in a ritual, otherwise any reference made to it is interpreted as a curse (see section 6.1.3 and Appendix H: 1). If the term lode is mentioned in ritual events, it is considered a cursing and the utterer will get sick according to the traditional belief of the speech community.
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7.3.2.2.6. Teru ‘ritual plate’
Teru refers to the traditional basket: it is, literally, a woven object made from fan-palm leaves and normally woven by women in the community for multipurpose in everyday use. Its size varies from small, medium to large. In rituals, the baskets are used as ritual plates for ritual food (see section 5.2). The normal name in day-to-day use is nuru; however, when it is used in rituals the name is changed to teru ‘ritual plate’. It is used in a ritual as a plate for serving ritual food. Once it has become a ritual plate it must not intentionally be placed upside down intentionally. For example, Domingas from the Leti-palu clan, explained that if they want to harm a perpetrator or people who do harm to the clan, a ritual performer or priest invokes an ancestor through a teru ‘ritual plate’ as an agent in ritual prayers. Then, alongside the invocations, the priest performs a gesture by turning the teru upside down and taps three times at the sacred house doorway as a symbol of killing an enemy. Such a gesture is interpreted as ‘one’s plate has been placed upside down’ which means one is considered dead. Culturally, it is another way of cursing someone nonverbally. Such a gesture, which is a curse, is strictly forbidden or taboo to perform against the children or family members at home.
7.3.2.2.7. Boubakasa ‘drum’
The Boubakasa ‘drum’ is one of the significant sacred objects in ritual events in the Makasae culture although this is not the term used when the object is used in rituals. When it is taken out for use in rituals, it is offered chickens, pigs or goats as sacrifices and then stored back in the sacred house. The designated person must utter a few words with the intention of interacting with the sacred drum in a way that relates to the purpose of carrying it out. Since it is sacred, the boubakasa must only be taken out at a particular event and only played by the designated person. Raimundo from the Liba-tada clan of Ossorua is designated to play the sacred drum and told me that every time he carries it out and stores it again, he interacts with the drum. Before it is stored, animals such as chickens must be slaughtered and sacrificed to the sacred drum. When it is played, it will be a signal to the clan members to gather at the sacred house for a traditional ceremony. A similar drum is used in sacred houses in other parts of Timor-Leste, for example in the Mambae and Tetun Terik speaking areas. As the Secretariate of State for Culture of Timor-Leste explained about the drum in the Mambae and Tetun Terik speaking areas, it is played to call the clan members to a traditional event that is
199 going to take place in the community (Festival Cultura & Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2010).
The drum is given different cultural names in rituals across the speech community. One of the cultural names given to the drum is Liurai Noko-sahe ‘King Noko-Sahe’ (see Table 1 section 2.7.2) this by the Liba-tada clan of Ossorua village (see section 6.1.4). Noko-sahe is the name of one of the clan forefathers. A different name is given to a drum in the Leki-kabora clan (see section 5.2.1.2). In this sacred house the drum is named Bere-loi. Guido, my key consultant from the Leki-kabora clan, informed me that Bere-loi is the name of one of the most powerful ancestors of the clan. The drums are named after particular and powerful ancestors in order to remember and honour them. While carrying the sacred drum, the drummer must mind his step in order not to stumble and must also avoid swearing and cursing. The forbidden word that must never be uttered while carrying the sacred drum is boi- rusu (see sections 6.1.3). The ordinary name of boubakasa, must not be uttered in ritual events; rather, its cultural name is used. Using its ordinary name would be interpreted as a curse. In addition, its ordinary name must never be used to curse people or a child at home, otherwise the recipient of the curse will get sick. The sacred drum is cared for gently and is only touched and played by the designated person.
7.3.2.2.8. Conclusion
The objects used in rituals have great cultural significance to the clans who use them. Although the objects are ordinary everyday things, in the ritual context they become sacred and significant. They are the heirlooms of the forefathers of the Makasae people and have been inherited through generations: they represent the bodies of the ancestors. The objects are concrete reminders of the ancestors and past events and so connect the living generation of the present and also future generations. The Makasae people venerate them inside the sacred houses and use them to protect themselves through rituals and in day-to-day life. As they are sacred, people express taboo and offer animals as sacrifices to pay homage to them during ritual events.
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7.3.2.3. Food
This section discusses the food taboo of each clan that participated in the study. They are eatable foods that are transformed into the sacred in rituals. The food taboo that requires that a food must never be eaten in a lifetime, in Makasae is called data ‘custom’ (section 7.3.2.3.1), is associated with the origin of the clan’s mythical ancestors. The section also discusses another type of food called seka ‘ritual food’ which in contrast, must be eaten during ritual events (section 7.3.2.3.2).
7.3.2.3.1. Data ‘custom’
The data ‘custom’ is a symbol of healing, good health, and protection in traditional Makasae belief. It plays a central role in traditional rituals in the Makasae culture. Data is sacred and is imbued with power associated with the ancestors. All Makasae clans taking part in this study have their own type of taboo food that is called data. Not eating their data will lead to good health, fertility, protection, survival, prosperous and long life. All of the consultants emphasized the importance of taboo in regard to data. Adherence to data ‘custom’ is thought to provide protection against illnesses and diseases, enhance a clan member’s chance of longevity, support females to have healthy children and have good health and wellbeing in general. Failing to observe the taboo associated with data will bring severe consequences for clan members (Carr, 2004).
In the Makasae context, data ‘custom or order’ which is associated with a particular food that must never be eaten in a lifetime symbolizes the identity of each of the three villages of Uagia, Uabubo, and Ossorua respectively. Even though each clan has a different food taboo, they all share the notion of data ‘custom’. Culturally speaking, the types of food one eats define who a person is, but as well, the types of food one cannot eat also define who a person is (Kittler & Sucher, 2004). In fact, across cultures, cultural identities are associated with what people believe in their religions and their behaviour towards certain food. A number of cultures across the globe have certain food that must not be consumed in a lifetime; for instance, there is the Jewish and Muslim complete taboo of eating pork while Christians eat pork except and/or on Friday during Easter. For Jews, they do not eat pork or touch a pig carcass because it is stated in the Old Testament, particularly in Leviticus and Deuteronomy, that the pig is an unclean animal (Douglas, 2003 [1966]).
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Data is also associated with fertility. As noted above, a male or female might not have children if they breach the taboo relating to foods that are in the category of data. In such a situation the breach is interpreted as wrath from the ancestors. If clan members observe their data in rituals and ordinary life, it is a symbol of wellbeing and long life. As Lazarowitz (1980) points out, data ‘custom’ for a neighbouring community in the Ossú de Cima village of Ossú sub-district, in order for a clan member to stay healthy, one must observe the food taboo that is associated with one’s data ‘custom’.
Foods that are included in the category of data ‘custom’ vary: the food can be food grown in the farms, be animals or certain birds, and animals that live either in the water or on land. Each clan has its own type of food classified as data. The source of food taboo in the category of data ‘custom’ is based on myths about the food. While every clan has its own myth about food, the myths discussed here are limited to the ones that belong to several clans of the Makasae speech community.
7.3.2.3.1.1. Muta’u-asa-palu ‘taro-leaf-taboo’
Muta’u-asa ‘taro-leaf’, including also the taro itself, is a type of food that is found and eaten in the Makasae speech community of Timor-Leste. It is a popular food grown on the farms of the speech community and the majority of the community members consume it, but not the Muta-asa-palu clan. This clan’s members must never consume the taro leaf due to its association with the clan’s ancestors. Since the taro leaf is the clan’s data ‘custom’, the clan must never eat it and even the clan is named after it, that is, Muta-asa-palu clan. The name is derived from the terms muta’u-asa ‘taro-leaf’ and the palu or palunu ‘taboo’, which becomes muta-asa-palu ‘taro-leaf-taboo’ and it is part of the identity of the clan. Across the speech community, often people from other clans in the speech community will address a clan member in reference to his or her clan’s name.
According to the clan’s myth, the data ‘custom’ taboo food started at the time a child was born inside an oma-ló ‘house-sky’, a typical sacred house (see section 7.3.1). The imidole ‘blood’ dripped down on muta’u ‘taro’ underneath the house (see section 6.1.2). The mother breastfed the child that stemmed from the taro, while the child inside the house turned into
202 noko or nonoko13. Then, during the ancestral times, the elders of the clan made a covenant with the food. Instead of muta’u ‘taro’ as a whole being taboo, they made just the muta’u-asa ‘taro leaf’ taboo. Thus, from then until today, clan members are forbidden to eat the taro leaf.
7.3.2.3.1.2. Lia-palu ‘wild-taro-taboo’
Lia ‘wild-taro’ can be eaten by some community members. Even though it grows wild, the Lia-luku clan must never consume it as it has a cultural connection to their ancestors. According to the clan’s myth, a child was born inside the same type of house as noted above and the blood dripped down on the lia ‘wild-taro’ and it turned into a human being. Thus, lia ‘wild-taro’ is the luku ‘mark or symbol’ of the clan’s data ‘custom’. Therefore, the clan is named in association with its data as lia-luku ‘wild-taro-mark’. During fieldwork, the elders of the Lia-luku clan explained that from the name of their clan it is clear that their food taboo was lia, but in reality the clan eats lia. Rather, it is forbidden from eating uahe which is another type of wild taro. They did not clarify the reasons, but it is thought that it might be a similar explanation to the Muta-asa-palu clan’s above that is they are supposed to not eat taro as a whole, but in practice only the taro leaf is forbidden.
7.3.2.3.1.3. Depa-palu ‘dog-taboo’
Depa ‘dogs’ live with families in their homes across the speech community. Dog meat is consumed by a few community members; however, the Latu-mutu clan members must never eat it. Dog meat has been their data ‘custom’ since ancestral times. Not only is the meat forbidden food, but also the dog is treated caringly in day-to-day life; for example, clan members never beat dogs. The myth associated with this ritual is similar to the descriptions provided above. A child was born in a two level house and the blood dripped down on puppies underneath the house. One of the puppies turned into a human being while the child inside the house turned into a noko. Other people in the same speech community often refer to the members of the clan as depa-palu ‘dog-taboo’ in their social interactions.
13 The literal translation of the term noko or nonoko is probably ‘placenta’, however, culturally, it is an essential part of a newborn baby. It is said to be the younger brother or sister of the newborn child. Soon after a child is born, noko or nonoko is normally carried by the father of the newborn child and placed it on a specific big, shady, or fruitful tree. Placing it on such a tree is a symbol of fertility, prosperous, abundance for the child once grows up. Once the noko is placed on this type of tree, the tree itself becomes taboo for family and clan where cutting the branches of the tree is forbidden.
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7.3.2.3.1.4. Seu-meti-palu ‘meat-sea-taboo’
Seu-meti ‘fish’ can be eaten by the community members in general. However, it is forbidden food for both the Ula-buti and Ara-diga clans. The clans have a fish taboo because, according to clan elders, their ancestors stemmed from seu-meti ‘fish’ (see section 6.1.4). In my interviews with the clan elders, it was not clear how a fish turned into a human. The living descendants had no detailed information in regard to the myth about their data ‘custom’: they could say simply that they had been told by their forefathers that their ancestors stemmed from a fish. They knew no details of this ritual myth even though it is highly significant. The elders who knew the origins of these myths are all long dead: the descendants simply continue to practise the ritual based on the oral stories passed on to them by their forefathers. The members of the clan never eat fish. Notably, however, in addition they also include in the taboo every food or animal that lives in water.
7.3.2.3.1.5. Lairisa-palu ‘parrot-taboo’
Lairisa ‘parrots’ are loved by many speech community members. Some people hunt them for trading or kill them for food. However, for some clans across the speech community, for instance the Leki-kabora and Tuda-naha-buti, they will never commit such an act because the birds have an historical and cultural connection to their clans. The name of the Leki-kabora clan is associated with the parrot as their food taboo or data ‘custom’. The word kabora in Makasae means colourful which refers to the colour of the parrot’s feathers. According to the clan’s ritual myth, there was once a clan forefather working in the clan farm. While he was working, there were a few parrots eating the beans in his farm. He then used his traditional hunting flute to try to kill the parrots: the one he hit turned into a human. From the myth, clan members believe that their first ancestor stems from a parrot. This was how the clan’s ancestors came into being from the parrots, thus they must never kill a parrot or eat its meat.
The type of food that a particular clan is forbidden from eating becomes the clan’s identity across the speech community. If data is breached, the consequences will be dire for an individual or even the entire clan (Lazarowitz, 1980). For instance, they may suffer from illnesses or encounter a variety of problems in their everyday lives. If, in certain circumstances, the clan members breach the taboo, they must go to the sacred houses for healing. Allan and Burridge (2006), in explaining the severity and scope of the consequences
204 of breaching taboo generally, point out that if someone disobeys a taboo in rituals, either intentionally or unintentionally, they will receive consequences; for instance illness, suffering or even death, either of himself/herself or of other members of his or her family.
In Monin and Szczurek’s (2014) broad discussion of food and culture across cultures, they note that food cultures, including the kinds of food eaten or not to eaten, have a strong ancestral involvement that has endured for many years. That is not only the parents, but also the forefathers have a role in determining what are healthy foods to be consumed by the children. It becomes a binding obligation for every clan member to obey the data. In being heeded, it becomes a symbol of respect and fear of the ancestors and, as a result, the clan members are blessed with good health and long life, and they avoid punishments that would otherwise be inflicted by the ancestors.
7.3.2.3.2. Seka ‘ritual food’
Unlike the food that is subject to taboo and which must not be eaten either in a lifetime or for a certain period of time during the year, ritual food called seka must be eaten. It must be eaten in order for a person to be healed from illness and maintain good health (see sections 2.7.3 and 5.2). In rituals, seka ‘ritual food’ is treated differently from ordinary food. It is prepared, cooked and served only by a female servant in each of the sacred houses (see section 6.1.3). As a symbol of healing, seka considered as a food of life, can heal and bring good health to clan members, it is associated with ilu-sae ‘saliva-candlenuts’14.
Since the ritual food is a symbol of the ancestors’ bodies, and of healing and wellbeing, it must be received with two hands or the right hand (see sections 5.2.1; 5.2.2; 5.2.3; 5.2.4; and 5.2.5). When giving something to, and receiving something from someone, the right hand must be used. This is a gesture that is essential during ritual events and in the Makasae culture in general (see section 6.1.3). In Makasae, culturally, using the right hand to give or receive something is a respectful behaviour during rituals but also in social life. Using the left hand is considered disrespectful behaviour and such behaviour is even strictly forbidden during ritual
14 As a cultural practice in Makasae, ilu-sae ‘saliva-candlenuts’ are used as traditional medicines to cure people and children in particular. Ilu refers to human saliva and sae to candlenut. In rituals, ilu is used by elders or parents to rub on their children’s bodies when they are sick in order to heal, thus it is used as a medicine to cure illnesses. By comparison, candlenut is often chewed or pounded and mixed with some traditional substances to rub on or massage the body of a sick person.
205 events. Every participant must receive and hold the seka ‘ritual food’ with great care and respect in order to prevent any from dropping to the floor. When it comes to eating, the left hand holds the teru ‘ritual plate’ with the seka in it, while the right hand is used to eat it (see section 5.2). One must eat all the seka ‘ritual food’ that is served in one’s teru ‘ritual plate’. Not a single grain of rice can be dropped or wasted or leftover. If something is dropped, he or she must pick it up and eat it.
7.3.2.3.3. Conclusion
Ordinary foods that are native to the region have taboo and sacred significance in the culture. Food in the category of data ‘custom’ is associated with the origins of each of the Makasae clans; therefore, the Makasae people never it them. In contrast to data ‘custom’, eating seka ‘ritual food’ is an obligation for all participants. When the community members live by the taboo in regard to food so that it is not eaten, they will be blessed with good health. Not eating of the taboo food gives a sense of who the Makasae people are and where they belong in the community; it also reinforces the identity the community as a whole. After describing the sacred objects and foods, the following section discusses how taboo behaviour is observed in response to the sacredness of these ritual artifacts and practices.
7.3.2.4. Behaviour
Taboo behaviour in traditional rituals symbolizes respect and fear. This section discusses both verbal behaviour use (sub-section 7.3.2.4.1) and nonverbal behaviour use (sub-section 7.3.2.4.2) in response to the sacredness of ritual settings, objects and foods.
7.3.2.4.1. Verbal Behaviour
This sub-section discusses verbal taboo behaviour that is expressed in response to ritual sacredness. The discussion focuses on names that are taboo. Names include those of the ancestors and sacred objects’ names: it is forbidden to utter these in rituals and everyday life except in ritual prayers.
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7.3.2.4.1.1. Names as taboo
As noted, the ancestors are the principal focus of all traditional ritual events. Every activity undertaken in rituals is with the sole purpose of showing respect and fear of the ancestors (see sections 5.2; 6.1.1; and 7.2). It is taboo to purposely utter any ancestors’ or sacred objects’ names during rituals and in day-to-day life. This is similar to Keesing’s (1979) observation that in regard to the Kwaio speech community for whom terms associated with the names of powerful ancestors are forbidden and avoided in all interactions. Thus, instead of mentioning their names, names must be replaced with a more respectful term for self-protection to avoid the ancestors’ wrath (Saville-Troike, 2003).
During ritual events the names of ancestors and sacred ritual objects can only be mentioned by a traditional priest or ritual performers, and then for the specific purpose of respectfully remembering and acknowledging them during a formal ritual event (see section 5.2 and Appendix G: 1, 2 and 4). As Ricardo, a consultant from the Muta-asa-palu clan explained, the names of the ancestors and ritual objects are not something that one utters or discusses freely (see section 6.1). If one does mention such a name purposely, he or she will bear serious consequences. Allan and Burridge (2006) explain with regard to use of names across a number of cultures, that there is widespread belief that mentioning the names of deceased persons will cause misfortune, illness, or even death. In addition, it is believed that the unseen spirits understand human intentions so that mentioning their names is to invoke their anger which case they may inflict suffering (Saville-Troike, 2003). According to Keane (1997), the prohibition on mentioning the divine name is to show respect for them, but it also protects the speakers from being punished by the unseen spirits.
If their ancestors and sacred objects’ names are mentioned, it is considered disrespectful to the clan’s ancestors. Therefore, clan members use respectful terms in association with ancestors and sacred objects (see section 5.2.1.4). Or, if a clan member wants to make reference to ritual objects, there must first be acknowledgement or a show of respect to the sacred objects prior to mentioning them. For example, a speaker must excuse himself to ancestors, sacred objects or sacred houses saying, ate-i-gutu-wou ‘trunk-you-hinder-put’ and apa-i-gutu-daru ‘rock-you-hinder-put’. This means the speaker puts a barrier as a symbol of showing respect, so that even though he mentions their names, it will not trigger the ancestors’ anger (see Appendix H: 4 and 5).
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7.3.2.4.2. Nonverbal Behaviour
This sub-section discusses the nonverbal behaviour during ritual events. These are behaviours that are expressed nonverbally towards sacred places, objects and foods. The discussion includes walking on bended knees, carrying sacred objects under arms and on heads, bowing and kneeling, not looking back and removing hats or shoes.
7.3.2.4.2.1. Walking with bended knees
Walking on bended knees is an expression of respect during ritual events across the speech community. Ritual participants walk on bended knees when passing in front of sacred objects inside sacred houses and sacred places (see Figure 6 section 5.2.1). They do the same towards other participants when passing in front of seated persons. In Makasae, along with walking on bended knees, all ritual participants are required to bow down, bend their knees, and have their hands straight down one hand to the front and the other to the back and palms open to denote asking permission to pass and showing respect when walking past sacred objects and seated persons (see section 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.3; and 5.2.5). Such gestures symbolize respect for the ancestors: one must be humble and self-deprecating before an ancestor and, as well, one must not stand higher than sacred ritual objects during rituals. Such cultural values are integrated into ordinary life across the speech community. Even though there are no sacred objects present, the speech community members practise them in their day-to-day lives towards kin members. They walk on bended knees and bow down with hand gestures when passing in front of seated persons, either their parents, other kinship members or other community members.
As noted in the corn-eating (see section 5.2.1.1 and Figure 6), rice-eating (see section 5.2.2.1 and Figure 13) and rice-field-cultivation see section 5.2.3 and Figure 18) rituals of the Muta- asa-palu, the initiation ritual (see section 5.2.5) of the Ula-buti clan, standing or walking upright is forbidden inside sacred houses and walking past the sacred objects and seated persons. Walking past the sacred objects and seated persons without performing these behaviours is considered disrespectful and rude. The behaviour is an indication that one must not stand higher than the ancestors and must lower oneself and be humble before the ancestors. Such behaviour towards spirit beings during rituals also exists in other cultures; for instance, Metzgar (2004) notes in reference to the Micronesia culture, that one must lower
208 oneself when walking past the sacred places and persons seated inside sacred houses. Standing upright inside sacred houses is forbidden during rituals.
7.3.2.4.2.2. Sacred objects carried on head and under arms
Sacred objects are carried with great care. When the sacred objects are carried for a ritual event at a sacred place and back again, the carriers must carry them in a way to show respect to them. For example, during corn-eating, rice-eating and rice-field cultivating rituals, males carried the sacred objects, which were carried in traditional bags, hanging under their arms, in front of chests, and the sacred spear was carried on the right hand. Females carried the sacred objects, which were carried in both traditional bags and baskets, on their heads (see Figure 5 section 5.2.1.1).
Carrying sacred objects under one’s arms symbolizes sacred objects need to be treated with great care and protected. Carrying or keeping things under one’s arms in Makasae is symbols of providing protection and security. Carrying sacred objects on their heads means that they need to be higher than a human being and placed on a high position while carrying them. It is a symbol of power and height of the ancestors. The sacred sword is carried under one’s arms and other small sacred objects carried in bags hanging under their necks or in front of chests. Carrying sacred objects in such ways is a symbol of keeping the ancestors close to their hearts and caring for them.
A similar culture also exists in neighbouring region of Micronesia, in which a person is forbidden to carry sacred objects on one’s shoulders; instead, one should carry the sacred objects under one’s arm (Metzgar, 2004). In a study carried out on Lamotrek Atoll, an Outer Island of Yap in the Federated States of Micronesia, Metzgar (2004) observed the existence of similar sacred and taboo places for the traditional healing and initiation rituals which are still widely practised in the community. In this case too, the sacred objects must be held with two hands and close to one’s chest. In the Makasae culture, carrying sacred things on the shoulders is forbidden; to do so might be interpreted negatively and have the connotation of carrying a corpse at a funeral.
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7.3.2.4.2.3. Bow down and kneel
Bowing down and kneeling are often present during ritual events before sacred objects and places. They are behaviours that are observed particularly when Makasae clansmen are entering sacred places such as hills and mountainsides (see sections 5.2.1.2; 5.2.1.3; 5.2.2.2; and 6.1.3). They bow down and kneel at the main gate of the hills or mountains prior to entering. Parallel to this behaviour, Metzgar (2004) notes in reference to the sacred space in the central Caroline Islands of Federated States of Micronesia, the elders bow and kneel when entering the sacred place; however, if they forget to bow down, everyone must try their best to observe the taboo in regard to the sacred taboo space in order to avoid illnesses and misfortune falling to the community members.
The bowing and kneeling are accompanied by hand gestures and together these behaviours show humility before their ancestors and the sacred places. Holden (2001) discusses how taboos are expressed flexibly and that they are distinct based on the formality of the setting. The places where the rituals are held in Makasae are sacred, thus taboo observance is applied there. The males of a clan in charge of safeguarding the sacred house are required to bow down and kneel prior to entering the sacred hill or mountains. Bowing down and kneeling occurred when I was doing fieldwork amongst Leki-kabora, Latu-mutu and Tuda-naha-buti clans, and the clan members affirmed that such gestures were essential when entering the sacred places. The clans whose members did not perform such gestures during their rituals, it was explained, used to perform them during the ancestors’ time; however, things have changed over time. According to them, even though they do not need to kneel, it is necessary to show some kind of respect when they are at their respective sacred places.
7.3.2.4.2.4. Not looking back and turning one’s back on sacred objects
A ritual is usually conducted in two different sacred places, namely the sacred house and another specific location. The ritual participants are required to walk from the sacred house to the sacred place and back again. When walking to and from the sacred house to the sacred place, all ritual participants are required to not look back or turn their backs against the sacred objects (see section 5.2.1; Figure 14 section 5.2.2.1; section 5.2.3; and 6.1.3). Looking back means turning one’s back against the sacred ritual objects which are being carried by the male and female sacred house servants ahead of every participant. Furthermore, when either
210 outside or inside the sacred house, everyone’s face must be posed towards the sacred ritual objects. Walking towards sacred houses and places, the sacred objects must lead the way or be carried ahead of every participant. Looking back means turning their backs against the sacred objects, and such a gesture is disrespectful to the ancestors. It is believed that if one looks back, one will be punished and his or her soul will be imprisoned by the spirits of the ancestors.
In addition, participants must not turn their backs on sacred objects while sitting inside a sacred house during ritual events, as was observed during the corn-eating (see section 5.2.1.1, rice-eating (see section 5.2.2.1), rice-field cultivation (see section 5.2.3) and buffalo washing (see section 5.2.4) rituals of the Muta-asa-palu clan. All participants need to make sure that their seats are facing the sacred objects and their faces looking towards where the sacred objects are. As was observed during the ritual events inside the sacred houses, a male or female servant kept reminding the ritual participants present inside the sacred house to sit with their faces turned towards the sacred objects and to behave properly. In everyday life, in any public locations or at home particularly when parents or other kinship members are present or get together, it is forbidden to turn one’s back against them while sitting. Such prohibition is applicable to those sitting next to one another during the gathering. Such behaviour is forbidden during meals, friendly talks, or other gatherings particularly in the presence of parents. Turning one’s back against other people is disrespectful behaviour in the speech community.
The person who looks back while the sacred objects are ahead is disrespectful and that person’s soul will stay on trees or rocks as a punishment. Such imprisonment of the soul can happen as a punishment for behaving disrespectfully towards the ancestors (Bovensiepen, 2014a; Napoli & Hoeksema, 2009). Bovensiepen (2014a) discusses this matter with regard to the Funar village in the Manatuto district of Timor-Leste, noting that one’s soul can be imprisoned by the lulik ‘sacredness’ if one commits sins against the ancestors. She uses the term lulik to refer to the unseen spirits including the spirits of the ancestors who have supernatural powers to punish those who break taboo rules. According to her, the imprisonment “constitutes a state in between life and death, manifests itself through severe illness” (Bovensiepen, 2014a, p. 121). In such a case, a person suffers from an illness which will only be healed through a ritual.
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In order to release the person’s soul, there needs to be a reparation where the person is required to bring chickens or other related things to the sacred house. Allan and Burridge (2006) noted that people who violate taboo rules can purify themselves by confessing their sins through a ritual. This happened during a ritual event in the sacred house of Muta-asa- palu: when taboo was breached during the event, the priest performed a ritual to purify everyone who participated in the event on that day. Or, as my consultants explained, for an individual who commits sins outside ritual events they must bring a chicken and coins to the sacred house to get their sins forgiven or themselves purified through ritual. In order to have one’s soul released, a ritual is performed specifically for that purpose.
7.3.2.4.2.5. Remove hats and shoes
Every participant is required to behave in accordance with the rules of the taboos during a ritual event. On entering the sacred house and sacred sites, one must remove hat, shoes, or flips-flops (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.3). In rituals of Makasae culture, such nonverbal gestures are intended as a show of respect for spirit beings that are believed to reside in the sacred places. This behaviour is only expressed while entering sacred places in the Makasae context. As Grimes (2006) says when discussing traditional beliefs and the culture of sacred places and taboos in Buru in the eastern islands of Indonesia, people need to avoid undesirable behaviour when entering places considered to be sacred to prevent punishments. For example, she describes crossing the sacred Wae Fakal stream in Buru when one must remove a hat and children are forbidden to play in the stream. Keane (1997) argues that behaviours that are expressed in religious space are different from everyday ones, a ritual participant is required to perform a behaviour in accordance with the rules.
7.3.3. Maintaining contrast between the ordinary and the sacred
7.3.3.1. An overview
This section compares and contrasts the sacred and the ordinary use of objects, food, and behaviour as part of a systematic analysis of objects, food, and behaviour that are typical in the Makasae culture.
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7.3.3.2. Objects
The clan members believe that the spirits of the deceased ancestors are present in the sacred house and through sacred objects (see section 6.1.2). The sacred objects are venerated and respected but also placed on higher places in comparison to ordinary similar objects and in some circumstances, higher than human beings (see section 5.2 and 6.1.3). The ritual objects (see section 2.7.2) that are used in ritual events continue to have the same cultural value and be maintained as sacred in all situations. All the sacred objects are offered chickens as sacrifices during ritual events. Their names are uttered in all ritual prayers with the intention obtaining a blessing for the clan members. In Chinese Singaporean culture, the sacred objects are embedded with ritual meanings, that is they are believed to have spirits residing in them as well as to have supernatural power (Kiong & Kong, 2000).
In contrast to the sacred objects, ordinary objects used in everyday life do not have the same value as objects used in rituals. The ordinary objects are not venerated and can be used for any purposes in daily situations. They can be used to build houses or be modified into any other tool for everyday use. They do not have any powers residing in them as do the objects used during ritual events.
7.3.3.3. Food
This section discusses foods that are taboo at a certain period during a sacred time. This discussion particularly focuses on corn and rice that are an essential part of both corn-eating and rice-eating rituals.
In the Makasae rituals, there is a food taboo that, unlike the data ‘custom’ food taboo, is applicable for a short period only, that is during a sacred time. The food, which includes corn and rice (see sections 2.7.3; 5.2.1; and 5.2.2), is banned for a specific time period from everyday meals for all clan members who have revived their ritual practices. The period for both corn and rice taboos is at least three months. The prohibition on corn starts from the first rainfall or once the corn is sown, while that on the rice starts from the day the clan begins to plough or cultivate their rice-fields towards harvesting until a ritual is held.
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7.3.3.3.1. Kaisou ‘corn’
Kaisou ‘corn’ is the principal food forbidden for the kaisou-sauku ‘corn-eating’ ritual: corn cannot be eaten while the corn is growing on the farms (see sections 5.2.1 and 6.1.3). The clan members begin their abstinence from eating young corn on the day of the first rainfall of the season. The clan members who belong to a sacred house are required not to consume corn either from their own farms or others. As long as it is called kaisou-gi-du’u ‘young corn’, they must not eat it for at least three months until the time comes for a ritual. While the corn is growing in the farms, the clan members must not pick anything from the farms. In addition, foods that are grown or planted along with the corn including taro, pumpkin, yam, and sugar- cane become taboo (see section 2.7.3). However, they can all be eaten following the corn- eating ritual. Prior to this period, these are hardly touchable by the clan members. During the ritual event of the Muta-asa-palu clan, four children under the age of ten alledgely picked sugar cane and ate it before the ritual. They were called to the sacred buna ‘stone-platform’ (see section 7.3.2.2.4) and the priest had to perform a ritual to cleanse their sins to prevent them from suffering illness. Touching, picking and eating the taboo food before the corn- eating ritual constitutes disrespect and illness.
As explained, the food taboos in association with farms involve those foods that are still growing in the farms during the sacred time. Such a taboo does not apply to similar foods that were harvested from previous seasons. The taboo is only applicable to the gi-du’u ‘young’ or gi-hu’uru ‘unripe’ food in the farms, the gi-gama ‘old’ stock of foods is still edible during this particular time. In ordinary life, food can be consumed anytime anywhere if one feels like eating it, unlike in traditional rituals where consuming food is regulated by certain taboos relating to time and space that are attached to the food.
7.3.3.3.2. Koi ‘rice’
Consuming koi ‘rice’ is forbidden during the rice season. The taboo starts from the day the rice-field cultivation ritual is held (see section 5.2.2). From this period on, clan members are forbidden to eat rice until the rice-eating ritual is held. When the rice is ready for harvest, the clan members must stay at the sacred rice-field during the harvest until the harvest is completed and the rice is transported home. Once the rice has been harvested, it must be placed in all four corners of the buna ‘stone-platform (see section 7.3.2.2). It must be put out
214 in the sun on the sacred stone-platform at the rice-field in order to dry. During harvesting, no one can pick any leaves for any purposes in the rice-field. Furthermore, males are forbidden to go to the females’ place and vice-versa during their stay at the rice-field. Males are the ones who can carry the rice during the harvest. Then the rice must be pounded at the rice-field. It must be cooked in bamboo containers at the rice-field and eaten there as a symbol of having a meal with the ancestors. When cooking, seven shrimp and seven eggs are added to the rice in several bamboo containers. Number seven is said to be a sacred number associated with the ancestors. For instance, food, drink, betels or chickens are lifted upwards seven times (see the attached videos of the ritual events of Leki-kabora, Latu-mutu, Muta-asa-palu, and Tuda- naha-buti; or, see interviews of Elvino, Ricardo and Brigida from Muta-asa-palu clan; Celestino from Leti-palu clan and Raimundo from Liba-tada clan). Celestino from Leti-palu clan explained that every time they offer something for ancestors, it is often seven in total, so he said something that is in quantity of seven during rituals is for ancestors.
Similar to the prohibition regarding corn, the taboo does not apply to the old rice in stores that was harvested in a previous season. This taboo is only applicable to the koi-supa ‘rice-new’ or new harvest from the rice-field. During this period, the clan members continue consuming rice provided that it is not from the fresh harvest.
7.3.3.4. Nonverbal behaviour
This section discusses the nonverbal behaviours with regard to sacred places, objects and foods in Makasae ritual events. The discussion focuses on the behaviours that need to be continued, maintained and observed during rituals and in ordinary situations. These include the sacred objects, which are not touched, are placed on high platforms and observation of silence during rituals.
7.3.3.4.1. Sacred objects not touched
Touching sacred objects during rituals is taboo. Sacred objects can often be seen by ritual participants, but only touched by certain persons during ritual events. Touching sacred objects is disrespectful behaviour towards the ancestors. Particularly, a female must not touch the sacred objects that are associated with males. For example, besi ‘metal’ (see section 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.3; and 6.1.3) which is used by the clan members to protect themselves in warfare
215 must not be touched by a female. Touching the sacred object by females would minimise its effectiveness and power that serves as protection. Touching a sacred object by unauthorized persons is a disrespectful to the ancestors and any unauthorized person who touches the sacred object will experience negative consequences. Similar reasoning is apparent in the speech community when a person attempts to avoid being sick as a result of touching sacred objects in the sacred houses which are a symbolic representation of the ancestors. Shreen (2010) discusses a similar pattern of behaviour in regard to the material objects for the rite of passage in the Nagarathar community in India: certain sacred objects can only be touched by certain people who are kinship members.
7.3.3.4.2. Sacred objects placed on high platforms
Apart from the need to avoid touching them, the sacred objects must not be placed directly on a floor without any pedestal underneath. They must be placed on a stretched mat covered with a red cloth (see section Figure 16 section 5.2.2.2 and Figure 22 section 5.2.6). Such careful placement indicates respect and caring for the ancestors. Red cloth or red colour is a symbol of sacredness associated with sacred entities that have potencies in Makasae. At sacred places, the sacred objects are hung up on a stick (see section see Figure 7 section 5.2.1.1; Figure 13 section 5.2.2.1; Figure 18 section 5.2.3) that stands upright in the center of the buna ‘stone- platform’ at an old farm. Inside sacred houses, sacred objects are stored on a high platform, which is designed specifically for the storage of sacred objects inside sacred houses (Sakai, 2006; Fowler, 2003) (see section 5.2; Figure 9 section 5.2.1.3; and 6.1.3). Thus sacred objects representing the ancestors are treated with respect and are symbolically given high places during ritual events. If the sacred objects are placed on flat levels for display during rituals events, they have to be placed on a mat covered with red cloths. In everyday life by comparison, such gestures are missing from clan members towards objects used.
7.3.3.4.3. Observation of silence
Observing silence is essential during ritual events, particularly when participants are inside sacred houses and in the presence of sacred objects (see sections 5.2 and 6.1.3). While walking towards sacred places, when sacred objects are carried in front (see Figure 5 section 5.2.1.1), all ritual participants must observe silence as was noted in rituals that are held at the sacred hills, mountains, farms, rice-fields and buffalo corral. Similarly, one must observe
216 silence when sitting inside the sacred houses attending rituals. No participant who enters the sacred houses can make a noise. Ritual participants simply whisper or give nonverbal signals to one another when they need to communicate something important or to ask something. The only voice that is heard inside the house is the voice of the dai ‘ancestors’. Participants can only talk when the dai, who is representing the ancestors, asks them to or wants them to interact with his descendants. When the participants speak loudly or make noise while the dai is talking or the traditional priest is performing a ritual, it indicates disrespect towards the ancestors. Noisy behaviour invokes the ancestors’ anger and will result in sickness: the taboo breacher will need to do reparation to receive forgiveness and recovery. A similar model of silence is found in the culture of the Akan of Ghana. According to Agyekum (2002), its purpose is to regulate social relationships among community members in relation to status and age. In the Igbo culture in Nigeria, according to Saville-Troike (2003), if silence is not observed during a ritual, sacrifices must be repeated and the offender must even perform additional sacrifice.
7.3.4. Avoiding what is sacred in everyday situations
7.3.4.1. An overview
Objects, spaces, food, and behaviour that are considered sacred and taboo in rituals are also avoided in day-to-day life in the speech community. This section will discuss several taboos observed in everyday life. Sacred objects and foods have been discussed in sections 7.2.3.
7.3.4.2. Objects
Objects used in ritual events of the Makasae speech community remain sacred at all times. They must not be used for other purposes in day-to-day life. For example, the sacred na’a ‘bag’ must not be used to carry things in everyday life and the teru ‘ritual plate’, which is used as ritual plate to serve ritual food, must not be used in daily activities (see section 6.1.3). Rather, ordinary objects along with their ordinary names are used in everyday activities. Both sacred and ordinary objects have their own separate names and functions, depending on whether they are in use in ritual events or the ordinary lives of clan people. The objects must be used according to their functions in their respective situations: it is forbidden to use them
217 interchangeably in the two situations. The taboos with regard to all sacred objects including those listed (see section 2.7.2) continue to be adhered to in both sacred and ordinary situations.
7.3.4.3. Food
Certain foods that are in the category of data ‘custom’ (see section 7.3.2..3.1) are forbidden in both sacred and ordinary situations. This taboo is a lifetime taboo food. Data ‘custom’ is closely connected to sacred ancestral houses in the speech community. Since these are closely associated with the ancestors, according to the clan belief they must always be avoided in all situations. The custom is that the taboo food must be continued in their day-to-day lives as a sign of showing respect and fear of the ancestors. There is no end time for the taboo food classified as data ‘custom’ in this particular speech community. Given that the consequences of eating one’s data has effects to their lives, no clan member would risk eat the food. This is a binding rule that every clan member observes and puts into practice in everyday living.
7.3.4.4. Behaviour
This section discusses behaviour that needs to be observed both during rituals and everyday situations. In ordinary situations, taboo behaviour associated with the ancestors and sacred things continues to be adhered to. The discussion includes both verbal and nonverbal behaviour.
7.3.4.4.1. Verbal behaviour
This section describes the verbal behaviour relating to ancestors, sacred objects, sacred places and foods that need to be avoided both in rituals and day-to-day lives. The discussion includes cursing using the names of the ancestors or sacred objects. Such avoidance continues upholding respect for the ancestors and it avoids their wrath.
7.3.4.4.1.1. Bararini ‘curses’
Cursing is strictly forbidden in Makasae traditional rituals (see section 6.1.3). Cursing is allowed only during a formal ritual event in which the priest invokes the spirits of the ancestors against the enemies of the clan. Cursing is also forbidden in everyday life. Cursing
218 and using the names of ancestors, sacred objects and sacred places are forbidden (as discussed in section 7.3.2.4.1.1). In addition, cursing a child or any family member by threatening with the action of dangerous animals, diseases or places and using verbs associated with killing, for instance teri ‘cut’, umu ‘die’ or saunu ‘stab’ is forbidden.
Cursing is forbidden during traditional ritual events and in everyday lives particularly in parts that are associated with the sacred things. It is believed that cursing a person using the names of the ancestors and sacred objects means invoking ancestors to take a person’s life or make a person to suffer. During ritual prayers, the ritual performers explicitly invoke the ancestors to take actions against the enemies of the clan, while praying for the wellbeing of clan members. As Kitz (2007) explains in reference to the curses in the Ancient Near East, “[C]ursing importuned these patron deities, as well as personal deities, to injure others so that the well- being of their tribal or city residents might be sustained” (p. 615). While cursing and swearing are not as strictly taboo in everyday interactions as they are during rituals, the names of the ancestors, sacred houses, objects, and places associated with rituals are not ever used in daily cursing.
7.3.4.4.2. Nonverbal behaviour
This sub-section describes nonverbal behaviour that is avoided in rituals, and also in everyday life. The taboo behaviour includes avoiding carrying any piece of metal resembling the clan’s sacred metal, avoiding picking things from farms and avoiding throwing part of taboo food at clan members.
7.3.4.4.2.1. Avoidance of carrying a piece of metal when entering farms
Given that besi ‘metal’ is a mark or symbol of the Muta-asa-palu clan (see section 7.3.2.2.1), one must not carry any kind of metals at all when entering the clan’s farms or rice-fields. Any metal, whether it is in the form of a knife, machete, spear, or in any other metal object is forbidden (see section 6.1.3). Carrying metal when entering a clan’s farm may have negative consequences for the person. It is believed that the person may be harmed with a piece of sharp metal at any moment after entering the farm. If one has committed such a wrongdoing, the person must see a male or female servant immediately to prevent an unwanted consequence. Carrying metal is forbidden particularly during a sacred time in which the clan
219 members are observing their taboo food and rituals associated with the farms and rice-fields (see sections 5.2.1.1 and 5.2.2.1). Even though metal is sacred and used for protection, it is forbidden to carry any similar piece of metal on entering the clan’s farms.
7.3.4.4.2.2. Avoidance of picking things from farms
Picking objects or anything from the clan’s farms or rice-fields is forbidden during the time prior to the corn-eating or rice-eating rituals. The taboo in this regard is only applied when the corn has been planted or the rice has been sown. Once the ritual has been held, the clan members can pick things from the farms or rice-fields. Nothing, whether it is objects, food or leaves must be picked or taken from the clan’s farms (see section 6.1.3). Rofina, the female servant from the Muta-asa-palu clan explained that during the period before the corn-eating and rice-eating rituals are held, clan members and other people are forbidden to pick things, even leaves, from the farms. It was observed during the corn-eating ritual of the Muta-asa- palu clan that a ritual was conducted to cleanse the sins of people who entered and picked the sugar cane from the clan’s farm prior to the ritual event. Often the clan’s farms are fenced, and picking anything beyond the fence that belongs to the clan is forbidden. Generally, clan members across the speech community who are aware of such dangers will not risk even coming near the farms, let alone entering them. Such prohibition prevents people from committing wrongdoing, so it is a symbol of respect and fear of the ancestors as well as respect for other people’s property and a means of putting that respect into practice.
7.3.4.4.2.3. Avoidance of throwing part of food taboo at clan’s members
Since certain foods are sacred and taboo, eating and touching or using part of the foods is entirely forbidden (see section 6.1.3). The prohibition on this behaviour applies not only to food, but also to leftover food. For certain clans, for example the Muta-asa-palu clan, throwing any part of or leftover of the taboo food must also be avoided in everyday life (see section 6.1.3). In this case, other people who eat the foods, and people who do not have taboo foods, must not throw the leftover foods at the clan members for whom the foods are taboo. Examples of such foods are corn, sugar cane and taro. Brigida and Ijolino from the Muta-asa- palu clan explained that the foods that they are forbidden during periods prior to ritual events must not be thrown at them. For example, the taro, corncobs or leftover of sugar cane must not be thrown at members of the clan who are forbidden to eat these foods during certain
220 periods of time. If this is done, the perpetrators will get sick or suffer from some unwanted consequence associated with the Muta-asa-palu clan’s sacred house.
7.3.5. Integrating the sacred into the ordinary
7.3.5.1. An overview
This section discusses the ritual taboos that are integrated into ordinary lives. This integration encompasses a variety of taboos that are associated with ritual places, objects, food, and behaviour that have already been discussed in previous sections. This is about things that are forbidden in rituals and continue to remain taboo in day-to-day lives. They are integrated into ordinary life because the clan members fear the possible impact on their lives and believe that it is essential to observe these taboos for their wellbeing. These taboos are associated with objects, food and behaviour.
7.3.5.2. Objects
This section describes the kinds of objects that, while used in traditional ritual events, at the same time are integrated into everyday life. In general, as noted in section 2.7.2 and 7.3.2.2, all ritual objects are sacred and continue to remain sacred both in rituals and in ordinary lives. However, the discussion in this section concentrates on besi ‘metal’, malu ‘betel leaf’ both of which are essential objects in rituals and also in daily life.
Besi ‘metal’ which the Muta-asa-palu clan refers to as Mau-besi ‘warrior-metal’ is a sacred object and used as a symbol of protection in both rituals and everyday lives (see sections 5.2.1.1; 6.1.2; and 7.3.2.2.3). The clan members use it to protect warriors in wars, and clan members and property in both rituals and ordinary situations. It is integrated into ordinary situations so that warriors carry besi to protect themselves from enemies. In everyday lives, the clan members use it to protect themselves and their property against people intending to harm them.
In addition, malu ‘betel leaf’ is a sacred object in all rituals across the clans in the Makasae speech community. It is a symbol of healing and protection (see section 7.3.2.2.3) for the clans and is integrated into ordinary situations. In daily life, elders or parents use betel leaves
221 regularly as a medicine to cure their children when they fall ill or are wounded by chewing it and then rubbing onto the bodies. As a symbol of protection, clan members carry betel leaves along to protect themselves from all bad things. This includes protection against evil spirits and people who have intentions to do harm to them in their day-to-day lives.
7.3.5.3. Food
This section explains the integration of food taboos into ordinary life. The food taboos during rituals are integrated into ordinary life, in some instances for a lifetime and in others for a short period of time only. The foods in the category of data ‘custom’ (see sections 6.1.4 and 7.3.2.3.1) are part of the rituals and everyday lives in all clans. Food taboo in the category of data ‘custom’ is continuously observed in both rituals and clan members’ everyday lives. No Makasae clan is allowed to eat the taboo food of their respective data ‘custom’ in all situations. There is a lifetime taboo for all clans of their respective data food that is determined by their clan’s mythology.
Furthermore, the temporary taboo foods associated with corn and rice remain forbidden during sacred times in both ritual and daily life. Even though such a prohibition applies only for a short period, it is observed in everyday lives as well as during ritual events. The foods can be eaten again once the rituals associated with the corn and rice are celebrated.
7.3.5.4. Behaviour
This section discusses verbal and nonverbal behaviours in rituals that have been integrated into everyday conversations in Makasae. Behaviours in rituals that demonstrate respect for and fear of ancestors are adopted in social interactions.
7.3.5.4.1. Verbal behaviour
The verbal behaviours described here are examples of the ritual behaviours that are practised by clan members in everyday interactions. These ritual behaviours include how the community members address one another in their day-to-day lives, and how to address the ancestors in their social interactions. The discussion covers kinship terms and name-calling among a kin membership and towards other people in the community.
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7.3.5.4.1.1. Address terms
Addressing co-ritual participants with respect is essential during ritual events. This is done by using kinship terms. It is forbidden for participants to address another person using personal names or personal pronouns such as ani ‘I’ and ai ‘you’ (see section 6.1.3 and Appendix H: 1). The personal pronouns of ani ‘I’ and ai ‘you’ are not used to address one another because to do so is considered disrespectful. A speaker, instead, uses a kinship term to address his or her interlocutor during interactions. Everyone must address one another with respect and this is done based on the use of kinship terminologies and other terminologies that together constitute expressing politeness.
There is a practice of using kinship terms to refer to one another instead of addressing one another by name during ritual events. Parents or kinship members are addressed using terms that show deference and distance, even closeness, in the community. There are also terms of address used to express intimacy and closeness with people who are the same age or status as the speakers. For example, the prefix da- is attached to a nickname to address a person whose status or age is the same as the addresser; instead of ai ‘you’; for example, da-Toni is used to address a person by the name of Antonio whose nickname is Toni as commonly heard during the corn-eating ritual held in the Muta-asa-palu clan. Another example of closeness is kakai derived from kaka ‘brother’ to express intimacy and closeness to one’s own brother or someone older that aan addresser.
Another distinct expression used during a traditional ritual is the honorific term anu-mata ‘person-child’. Metaphorically this is associated with the term ‘slave’. Culturally, in the Makasae Ossú dialect, it is a highly respectful term that a person uses to refer to oneself or lower oneself before his or her interlocutor in conversations. Carr (2004) clarifies the term in her study of Makasae genres, explaining that it is used for self-deprecation because it lowers oneself in interactions before his or her interlocutors. The term anu-mata is commonly used instead of the first singular pronoun ani ‘I’ and it is used in rituals and social interactions among the speech community members. Instead of referring to oneself as ani ‘I’ while interacting with kinship members or elders in the community or people with high status in the community, a person uses anu-mata. An elderly person can also use this term for self- reference when talking to an unknown or younger person who assumes a high position in the community. The second personal pronoun ai ‘you’ is not used in conversations when the
223 interlocutor is an adult or respectful person in the community. Instead, a proper kinship term to an interlocutor is used in conversations. This is equivalent to the address terms in Tetun (the official language of Timor-Leste), where interlocutors have a tendency to use the polite forms of pronouns ita ‘we-inclusive’ or ita-boot ‘we incl.-big’ instead of using o ‘you’ to address an interlocutor in interactions (Williams-van Klinken & Hajek, 2006).
7.3.5.4.1.2. Name-calling
According to Allan and Burridge (2006), addressing someone by mentioning or calling his or her name directly is considered taboo in many cultures. Instead, there is a practice for people to use a more respectful term or a euphemism. During ritual events in the Makasae community, calling someone by name is hardly heard, as ritual participants avoid referring to one another with their real names out of respect for others (see section 6.1.3). A married man or woman is addressed by attaching their first-born child’s name to his or her status. For example, as Patricio my consultant from Lia-luku explained, Maria gi mama (ina) ‘Mary- POSS-mother - Mary’s mother’, and Teresa gi bouba ‘Teresa-POSS-father - Teresa’s father’. Participants mainly used kinship terms to refer to one another during ritual events as noted above. Particularly the elders often used the clan’s name to refer to one another in their interactions.
As Rajah (2008) discusses in the case of the Sgaw Karen of Palokhi in northern Thailand, a respectful reference used by other people to refer to married spouses is the name of the eldest surviving child. Rajah further explains that a person can be addressed, depending on one’s sex, with a prefix that is the name of one’s first born child. Furthermore, there is a general rule in this community that kinship members or other people are never addressed by their own names. Mühleisen (2011) conducted a study examining forms of address in the Caribbean and found that avoiding using a person’s name in interaction is a key politeness strategy there too. The terms of address are not only indicative of the social position and identity of a person in a community but are also often used strategically in situations of potential conflict. There was evidence of a similar practice during my fieldwork. As an example in previous section about the use of the term kakai, a respectful kinship term for a brother or someone older. When an addresser uses such a term to address his brother, it will avoid anger from the addressed brother. Conversely, if kaka brother’ is used to address one’s brother, it will be considered disrespect to a brother.
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7.3.5.4.2. Nonverbal behaviour
In addition to verbal behaviour, much highly respectful nonverbal behaviour used in traditional rituals has been integrated into daily life in the Makasae speech community. These include kissing hands, respectful behaviour towards sacred objects, and food apportioning.
7.3.5.4.2.1. Kissing hands
Greeting by kissing hands is an important aspect of Makasae traditional rituals. A participant needs to remove hat, shoes, or flip-flops (see sections 5.2; 6.1.3; and 7.3.2.4.2.5) at the foot of the ladder that is used to enter a sacred house. As soon as the person steps over the doorway, he or she uses his right hand and grabs the right hand of the dai ‘ancestor’ and puts it either on his foreheads, lips or nose as symbol of kissing it (see Figure 24 section 5.2.5). Hand kissing was observed during the corn-eating and rice-field cultivation rituals of Muta-asa-palu, the corn-eating rituals of the Muta-asa-palu and Lia-luku, the initiation ritual of the Ula-buti, and the healing ritual of the Ara-diga clan (see section 6.1.3). The dai then put his right hand on the head of the hand-kisser, gives a kiss or blow on his forehead or pulls up the hand-kisser as a symbol of blessing. While kissing someone’s hand, the hand-kisser behaves with respect and humility. Kissing hands is a symbol of showing respect and asking for a blessing.
Every ritual participant, regardless of age, status or gender, performs kissing the hand of the dai during ritual events. Since clan members believe that the dai is powerful ancestors presenting inside houses, every participant needs to show respect by kissing his hand. This includes the wife of the mediator through whom a dai transforms himself. She also kisses his hand, as was observed during the corn-eating ritual of the Muta-asa-palu and the initiation ritual of the Ula-buti clan. This shows the strength of belief in their ancestors. A wife kisses the hand of the husband only occurs during rituals, but does not happen in everyday life. Kissing the hands of the ancestors inside the sacred house constitutes respect and the hand kissers expect to receive blessings, wellbeing and protection for good behaviour. As Senft (2009) explains for the Trobriand Islander greeting, the ritual greeting establishes a family’s attachment and denotes safety. Similarly, Agyekum (2008) explains the pragmatics of greetings in Akan of Ghana, saying that kissing hands implies politeness and a social bond between speakers in order to reduce anxiety and suspicion in social contact. Culturally, in everyday life, greeting kinship members in Makasae, including parents, uncles and
225 grandparents, using words without kissing hands is considered disrespectul of them. It is the obligation of every child in the Makasae speech community to kiss the hands of the parents, uncles and grandparents. The behaviour of kissing hands in Makasae is to show respect and be polite as well as humble; the children will then be safe and blessed as a reward.
7.3.5.4.2.2. Prohibition against carrying malu while toileting
Malu ‘betel leaf’ is one of the sacred objects in traditional rituals (see sections 5.2 and 7.3.2.2.3). In addition to healing, it is used as a symbol of protection for the clan members. Carrying malu ‘betel leaf’ protects against all dangers and evil spirits. Since malu is used as a symbol of protection, and is carried in their wallet, a person must leave it at a distance and it must not be carried while going to a toilet. It is believed that carrying malu while going to the toilet is disrespectful for the sacred and would minimise the magical power of the betel leaf and its sacredness, as well as its effectiveness in protecting against dangers or bad spirits. Such a proscription connotes a respect for sacred objects and symbolizes the ancestors’ presence accompanying people in everyday life.
7.3.5.4.2.3. Prohibition against tearing malu
As noted above, malu ‘betel leaf’ is a sacred object when used in rituals. Once it becomes sacred, the behaviour of the speech community members change towards it. It is forbidden to tear off the betel leaf during ritual events and in everyday life. Tearing off a betel leaf has negative connotation for clan members. It is only torn off with an intention to harm an enemy or when a person has bad intentions against particular clan members. As Domingas, the female servant of the Leti-palu clan explained that they would tear off betel leaves inside the sacred house then throw it out through the doorway of the sacred house as a symbol of destroying the life of the enemy. The tearing of the betel leaf must go hand in hand with ritual invocations comprising curses. Such a gesture is meant to send the enemy to his death like the torn betel leaf. The consultant further added that a gesture such as that of tearing off the betel must only be performed in an extreme situation because such a gesture destroys life and even kills people.
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7.3.5.4.2.4. Food apportioning
Food apportioning is a cultural practice that has generally been integrated into everyday life in the speech community. During rituals, portions of food are offered to ancestors inside the sacred houses and placed at sacred sites. All sacred objects are also apportioned a small amount of food before ritual participants eat ritual foods. A male is always assigned to place the food portions appropriately for all sacred places and objects that are associated with the ancestors. The food portions can be collectively placed in one central place providing that they are all symbolically invited through utterances that say to go to that particular place. As Antonio, an elder from the Muta-asa-palu clan who was assigned to bring the food explained, if he cannot reach all sacred places or objects, he simply acknowledges the names of each of the sacred in order to come for the food that is apportioned to them in a particular place.
During ritual events, apart from apportioning foods to the sacred things, the ritual key players and elders often lift either foods or drinks upwards for a few seconds before they eat and drink them. This is a symbol of honouring and paying a respect to the ancestors who have given them everyday food and drinks.
Such food apportioning is integrated in the everyday life of members of the Makasae community. The clan members, particularly elders, normally put aside a portion of food or wine from their plates or glasses in everyday life. Such a cultural practice is mostly done just prior to having a meal; for example, a very small portion of food is put aside before eating or, leftovers remain on a plate at the end of one’s meal. As well, a portion of palm-wine is poured out prior to drinking it. Such a practice is intended to show respect for the ancestors. It also symbolizes that the actors are remembering their deceased ancestors or thanking them for the food. A similar cultural practice exists in other parts of Timor-Leste, for instance amongst the Fataluku, a Non-Austronesian language community in the eastern part of the country. As McWilliam (2011) argues in the case of the Fataluku speech community, it is a casual practice to apportion and offer a small amount of food as a sign of respect for the ancestors. He further states that such food apportioning for ancestors can bring luck to the living descendants; in the case of that speech community, he is referring to hunting.
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7.3.6. Language
This section discusses terms and language used in traditional ritual events. They are terms that are believed to be the ancestors’ words and have been used in rituals since ancestral times. They are certain words or terms that are specifically associated with traditional rituals and are in reference to persons, places, objects and foods. These words are seldom heard in everyday interactions across the Makasae speech community.
Language is one of the components that plays an important role in rituals. According to Keane (1997), religious ‘observance tends to demand highly marked and self-conscious uses of linguistic resources’ (p. 48). Makasae has its own unique ritual words that are used in traditional ritual events. According to the ritual performers, male and female servants from the Muta-asa-palu and Lia-luku clans, the rituals include rich language with specific terms. In the past they included long recitations, but today’s recitations are shorter. In the past, they explained, ancestors sometimes did not need tools to kill an animal for sacrifices, but they simply recited the sacred words and the animals died. As Senft (2009) explains in reference to the Trobriand Islanders’ beliefs, sacred words have magical power to reach certain aims and to control nature, for example to heal and kill.
The clan members admitted that they did not perform the rituals in the past; therefore, they might have missed or lost many sacred words or pieces of language. They recite the words that they have been told orally by their fathers or grandfathers. Some of the current ritual performers participated in ritual events when they were still children, but they did not experience it by themselves. The ritual languages are believed to be the original words of ancestors, and the clan members including the ritual performers are the guardians of the ancestors’ words (Bovensiepen, 2014b; Fox, 2005; Hoskins, 1988). Guarding the words of the ancestors means that clans continue using them in rituals as a symbol of respect for ancestors and reinforcement of cultural identity (Keane, 1997). Such continuation of the use of the sacred language of the ancestors represents knowledge and clan members maintain the use out of respect for ancestors (Allan & Burridge, 2006; Bovensiepen, 2014b; Fox, 2005).
Various terms are used in reference to the ancestors and descendants during ritual events. The ancestors are referred to as people who have authority and power. They are people who are in higher positions in comparison to their descendants. Such differences in positions or statuses
228 are apparent in the ritual prayers and in the interactions during ritual events. For example, the clan members refer to the ancestors as uru-watu ‘moon-sun’, da’e-koru ‘head-pick’, abo ‘grandfather’, palunu ‘taboo’ and da’ana ‘sacred’ (see secton 5.2.1.2 and 5.2.1.4 and Appendix G: 3). The term uru-watu ‘moon-sun’ is associated with God in the Makasae context. The term uru-watu is used to denote that the ancestors are higher than everything else on earth and watch over the living descendants from above. The term da’e-koru ‘head-pick’ denotes a similar meaning to uru-watu; however, it denotes the ancestors are higher than human beings over their heads. The ancestors are also addressed as palunu ‘taboo’ and da’ana ‘sacred’ (see section 2.7) in ritual prayers and interactions during ritual events. This highlights the interrelationship between the taboos and sacredness for the Makasae. Such forms of address are also used to avoid their names. As they are sacred, their names must not be mentioned. Saville-Troike (2003) explains that instead of mentioning the deities names, the more respectful terms can be used to please them and avoid their wrath. These terms denote the meaning of power, height, authority, tabooness and sacredness of the ancestors in comparison to their descendants.
Conversely, during ritual events and interactions the descendants refer to themselves as people who are subordinate, small, powerless and vulnerable in comparison to the ancestors. The terms are, for example, dada-wai ‘grandchild-SUFFIX’, mata-wai ‘child-SUFFIX’, ko’idiki-harai ‘small-small’, isa-gugu ‘feeling-mute’, mutu-molu ‘heart-lost’, ‘innocent’ or ‘get lost’, asa-haria ‘chicken-orphan’, olo-haria ‘dove-orphan’, olo-isa-gugu ‘dove-naive’, asa-isa-gugu ‘chicken-naive’, gi-uha-u-hani ‘POSS-egg-one-like’, depa-mata-u-hani ‘dog- child-one-like’ and bai-mata-u-hani ‘pig-child-one-like’ (see section 5.2.1.1; 5.2.2.1; 5.2.2.2; 5.2.3; and Appendix G: 1). The terms dada-wai ‘grandchild-SUFFIX’ and mata-wai ‘child- SUFFIX’ are used to denote respect to the ancestors using kinship terms and also closeness between them using or adding the suffix –wai (see Appendix G: 2). The suffix –wai alongside with –lai, -kai are used with kinship terms in Makasae to show respect, closeness and intimacy. They also refer to themselves using the terms orphans and terms of the most vulnerable animals to denote their vulnerability, weaknesses, naivety, innocence, powerless and humility before their ancestors. In such taboo expressions, is recognition the descendants need the ancestors for protection and security in their everyday lives. The clan members have to self-deprecate when they conduct interactions. The use of these terms indicates that Makasae people show respect to ancestors not only through language but also nonverbal behaviour in their ritual interactions.
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In addition to various terms used to refer to ancestors and descendants, many objects used in ritual events are given their cultural or sacred names, which are different from the ordinary names of similar objects (see Table 1 section 2.7.2). When objects become sacred, their ritual names must be used to refer to them during rituals. The sacred names of the objects must not be uttered in everyday interactions and, in contrast, similar objects in everyday use must not mention their ordinary names during ritual events. Even though both sacred and ordinary objects have similar materials, they have different functions. Once objects become sacred, they represent the bodies of the ancestors inside the sacred houses. Therefore, their names must not be uttered in ordinary situations, to do so is considered disrespectful to the ancestors.
Sacred objects are named after the powerful ancestors (see section 7.3.2.2.7), so that people show respect to them. Once a sacred object is named after a powerful ancestor, it is forbidden to touch the sacred object. For example, the sacred drum (see section 5.2.1.2) of the Leki- kabora clan is named after a powerful ancestor called Bere-loi. Once it is named in such a way, clan members, other than the designated person, cannot touch or play the drum. During ritual events, the sacred drum is addressed as Bere-loi not by its ordinary name boubakasa. An elder of another clan, whose ritual was not observed for the study, but who was interviewed, named their sacred drum Liurai Noko-sahe ‘lord-noko-sahe’ after their powerful ancestor (see section 6.1.4). Noko-sahe is the name of one of the ancestors of the Liba-tada clan.
Once objects used in rituals have their names changed, and sometimes they are named after powerful ancestors, the clans’ attitudes and behaviour towards the sacred objects also changes. The sacred objects or foods receive special treatment in the traditional rituals. During ritual events, the sacred objects are treated differently from ordinary ones. The clan members in daily life use terms that are normally used to refer to human beings or living things. They use verbal constructions rather than nouns to refer to them. For example, they say, ai-dada-rai- apu-mau ‘your-grandfather-out-carry-come’ meaning to carry the ancestor out in reference to the sacred objects during ritual events (6.1.3). The word apu ‘carry’ in Makasae is only used to refer to human beings or living entities; for example to carry a baby or person. In everyday interactions, they would use the verb nake ‘take’ to refer to carrying objects; however, since sacred objects are treated as the representation of the ancestors, the word apu ‘carry’ is used to refer to them. When the clan members intend to carry the sacred objects out from their storage for ritual events or carry to sacred places, they do not refer to them as objects, but as
230 persons. My consultants explained that sacred objects represent the body of ancestors and thus the objects must be handled with great care using two hands or the right hand (see also Wardhaugh (2006).
Sacred foods or food taboos also are treated with great care by clan members (6.1.3). Ritual food is referred to as seka, not tinani, the term used to refer to ordinary food. The verb used to refer to eat seka is sapu’u, not nawa, which is the verb used to eat ordinary food. The female servant would invite the ritual participants by saying, seka-sapu’u, but not seka-nawa or tinani-nawa ‘food-eat’ (see section 6.1.3). The term sapu’u ‘eat’ is only associated with seka ‘ritual food’. The term nawa ‘eat’ is only used in reference to eating rice or other food in everyday life. A similar distinction is applicable to other food taboos. For example, the verb sauku is used to refer to eating the corn and rice, which are in the category of food taboos for certain periods of time. The term sauku ‘eat’ is opposite to palunu ‘taboo’. The term sauku is also only used or associated with rituals. Such words are not heard in everyday interactions; they are only used in rituals to refer to eating ritual food and foods that are forbidden from being eaten before a ritual is held (see section 2.6). Such sacred ritual words or language are seen as the words of the ancestors which have been used in rituals for generations (Bovensiepen, 2014b; Hoskins, 1988). Therefore, the descendants must continue to maintain and use them in rituals to show respect to the ancestors. Using ordinary words in reference to sacred objects and foods, instead of the original words of the ancestors, is disrespectful to the ancestors and is believed to minimise the sanctity of the ritual objects and cause the ancestors’ anger. Using the sacred words in reference to sacred objects and foods is done out of respect for the ancestors and, as a result, the clan members can expect to be blessed with wellbeing.
7.3.7. Conclusion
Taboo is adhered to cultural resources during ritual events as a means of showing respect and fearing ancestors. The ritual house itself is a form of taboo expressed in ritual practices. It is a two-level house distinct from the ordinary houses across the Makasae community. Ritual participants express taboo when entering the sacred houses and sacred places. Sacred objects are venerated and used as a means to provide protection to the clan members. Certain foods associated with the origin of the ancestors must never be eaten and others are not eaten for a certain period of time, but a ritual food must be eaten for the clan’s wellbeing. There are certain behaviours that must be observed and certain words not used during the ritual events.
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All these taboo behaviours are expressed out of respect and fear of the ancestors who play a central role in every ritual event.
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CHAPTER EIGHT CONCLUSION
8.1. Introduction
The concluding chapter provides a summary of the thesis. The summary covers the Makasae belief system, ritual practices, taboo practices and resources that are used to express taboo to show respect and fear of the ancestors and so embrace a reflection of the cultural identity of the Makasae people. The first section provides an overview of the revival of the Makasae belief system and ritual practices (section 8.2). The second section provides a summary of research findings associated with understanding taboo observances (section 8.3). The chapter also provides an overall conclusion of the thesis (section 8.4). The last section of this chapter highlights some of the limitations of the study and implications for future studies (section 8.5).
8.2. Reviving belief system and ritual practices
The central focus of this study is the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae people. A belief system of ancestor worship has been practised by the Makasae speech community for generations, long before the arrival of the Europeans with their cultural influences. In this belief system, and in the ritual practices, ancestors are the central players. The Makasae people worship their ancestors by way of venerating sacred objects through which interactions are established between the living descendants and the ancestors. Rituals become the means by which Makasae people express their belief, pay homage and express their fear of the ancestors.
The ritual practices were disrupted for several decades due to the Japanese invasion during World War II (1942-1945) and Indonesian occupation (1975-1999). These particular periods are difficult times that a few of the elders across the community still remember vividly. Some of the living generation experienced the conflicts when they were younger. They became living witnesses of the destruction of their ancestral houses and the loss of precious artifacts associated with their beliefs and rituals. It was unfortunate that most of the living elders today did not have opportunity to experience the ritual practices back then. As their places of worship were destroyed, they were forced to move away from their ancestral lands and were
233 relocated to unfamiliar landscapes or settlements that had no connection whatsoever to their past. They were thus disconnected from their roots and identities. These lands that they were forced to leave are the lands that give the Makasae people protection, security, wellbeing and life.
Despite the hardships and their removal from their lands by occupying powers, particularly the Indonesian regime, the clans’ belief in their ancestors remained strong. Some of the clan members continued to establish their interactions with the ancestors through some of the remaining heirlooms that they had managed to save from destruction or looting in privately owned spaces (Barnes, 2011). A privately owned space is a space inside an ordinary house and is used to store sacred objects in the absence of a sacred house. While struggling for their survival, the clans’ hearts and minds continued to long to return to their homelands. Living in unfamiliar places in those days made them felt insecure and unprotected. The war dragged on for decades and the Makasae clans were unable to openly practise their ritual practices until the year 2002 when Timor-Leste became an independent, sovereign nation.
Following independence, while the political leaders were preoccupied with rebuilding the nation in the capital cities, the Makasae community members made every effort to return to their ancestral lands, to rebuild their ancestral houses and revive ritual practices that had been abandoned. Since 2002, the belief system and ritual practices have been strengthened and this has reaffirmed their identity. The focus on returning to the ancestral lands has meant not only resettling the lands, but also rebuilding the sacred houses, which are critical to the revival of the ritual practices and social organization (Barnes, 2011, p. 44). The revival of the sacred houses and ritual practices has also enabled community members to strengthen the ritual practices and taboo values that are associated with the belief system. The ritual practices reflect the way the clan members across the Makasae speech community celebrate their traditional rituals. They also reflect the seasons and harvest times as well as the life cycle of the Makasae people.
This study demonstrates that taboo is at the heart of the Makasae rituals and culture. Ritual practices are the principal means by which taboo is practised and respect and fear are shown the ancestors. Many practices and artifacts associated with the rituals such as ritual sites, objects and food become sacred and significant for the clans across the speech community. Since the ancestors are at the centres of the ritual events, the spaces, objects and food
234 associated with the ancestors become sacred and taboo. As they are sacred, taboo is practised in rituals in order to show respect and fear of the ancestors.
8.3. Understanding sacred and taboo practices
Based on the guidance of the research questions and ethnographic methodology of participant observation, I immersed myself into the ritual life of the Makasae people for the period of ten months. I participated in many sociocultural activities to try to learn and understand the community life in its natural settings. While participating, I observed the communicative behaviour of the community members with the focus on taboo practices in traditional rituals. My intention was to explore ritual practices and the main resources used to express taboo. Following the observation, I interviewed several key ritual players who had traditional knowledge about the belief system and ritual practices.
The research findings show that the belief system of ancestor worship in Makasae community remains strong. The community practises taboo as an essential part of the Makasae ritual practices. Practising taboo is the key to protection against illness and evils and the key to wellbeing and life. Fear of, and respect for, the ancestors motivates the Makasae people to return to their roots, which means resettling the ancestral lands, rebuilding ancestral houses and practising rituals and taboos. The findings from this study confirm previous studies that the purpose of taboos in Makasae rituals is observed out of fear and overall respect to the ancestors as Allan & Burridge (2006, p. 11) discussed about taboos in other cultures.
Taboo in the Makasae culture not only rests on behaviour, but also sacred houses and sacred places, sacred objects, foods and language. Sacred houses are places where rituals are held in order for the Makasae community members to express their belief. Sacred objects are stored and clan members gather for ceremonial purposes in the sacred houses. In addition to sacred houses, hills and mountains are also become sacred places and are associated with the ancestors. The way a sacred house and high platforms are built symbolize humility and respect, thus reflect the cultural identity of the Makasae people. This is part of the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae speech community that has been practised for generations. Such a practice has been part of the Makasae community’s way of life, thus reflects their identity as a a clan and community.
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Objects particularly, those inherited from the ancestors, play important roles in traditional rituals. The objects were owned by the ancestors and have been used in rituals from one generation to the next. They represent the bodies of the ancestors inside sacred houses and so the community members venerate them and they become symbols of protection and the means of establishing communication channel between the descendants and the ancestors.
Foods also play important roles in rituals and are associated with the ancestors. In Makasae ritual practices, there are certain types of food that must never be eaten by each clan and there are certain foods that cannot be eaten for certain periods of time. In contrast to these two types of food taboos, ritual food called seka must be eaten during ritual events. The way food is prepared, cooked, served and eaten in a particular community has a symbolic meaning for members of the community.
8.4. Conclusion
The belief system of ancestor worship has been practised since the times of the ancestors and remains intact today. Ritual practices that reflect the seasons, harvest times and natural life cycle in the Makasae speech community and by which the Makasae people pay homage to the ancestors were abandoned, but have now been revived and strengthened. Reviving ancestral houses and practices and returning to the ancestral lands symbolizes Makasae people’s intimate relationship with their ancestors and symbolizes the returning to the roots of their belief and identity. Rebuilding ancestral houses and living near the ancestral lands as well as observing the taboos symbolize protection, wellbeing and life for the Makasae people. Practising rituals regularly and repeatedly annually and seasonally, strengthens the cultural identity of the Makasae people as a community. The younger generation continues to participate, play roles and learn from the elders during ritual events and this helps them discover a sense of belonging and attachment to the lands and ancestral practices. The language spoken in the community and used in ritual practices continues to be maintained. The generations of the Makasae clans and community then pass the practices to the next generations and share its cultural values with others in the society.
Taboo associated with sacred houses and sacred places in Makasae culture is a symbol of the power of the ancestors and the humility of the descendants before the ancestors. The houses are also symbols of unity, peace, protection and wellbeing. Sacred objects symbolize power
236 and protection and taboo food symbolizes healing. Taboo behaviour and language enhance cohesion among the community members and so provide a means to survive as a clan and community.
In all ritual events, the taboo behaviour embodies fear and respect. Taboo is expressed as a response to sacredness in rituals. Patterns of taboo behaviour and its cultural values have become guidance for the Makasae people in their day-to-day lives and enable them to show respect for kinship members and other community members in society, respect for other people’s property and nature. Such a belief system and ritual practices helps the Makasae people establish who they are and where they belong and thus reinforces their cultural identity. Cultural identity refers to one’s sense of belonging to a particular group of people and way of life. A way of life in this case is the belief system and taboo practices that is shared by the Makasae speech community.
8.5. Limitations and implication for future studies
One fundamental limitation of this study is that it focuses on the taboo practices in traditional rituals in the Makasae community. Another limitation of this study is that it has not analyzed code-switching used in ritual events. Different languages are used in rituals and often there are code-switches during the ritual events. In addition, the speech acts, for instance opening and closing of the ritual events, are beyond the discussion of this study. Thus, a study of code- switching and speech acts in rituals could form the basis of future research. A study of comparing taboo in rituals and everyday interactions would also be worth further study.
The results presented in this study are very much the beginning of understanding the taboo practices in the ritual practices of the Makasae people. The current study conducted research in this Makasae speech community focusing on the sample of seven clans and ten ritual events. The ethnographic qualitative methodology and participant observation method used in this study were appropriate and enabled me to live and immerse myself in the community and observe the community members’ lived experiences. The purposive sampling enabled me to select the knowledgeable community members who played key roles in rituals alongside their traditional and cultural knowledge about the belief system and ritual practices to sit for interviews. These reflected the strengths of the research and thus the study provides a significant contribution to understanding.
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This study contributes knowledge about taboo practices in the Makasae context. As noted, the purpose of this study was to document and understand the belief system and ritual practices of Makase people. Since every activity is centralized in the capital city of Timor-Leste, there is a tendency for young people to migrate from the community for a better future and life. Such migration may impact on the future of the culture of the Makasae community and across the territory in general. This study can be a contribution to the preservation of endangered cultures. It also may encourage other ethnographic researchers to conduct further studies on taboo and other aspects of the cultures of this particular speech community and others across Timor-Leste.
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21 November 2013 APPROVED - Project number 13-182
Mr Prudencio Da Silva Faculty of Arts & Design University of Canberra Canberra ACT 2601
Dear Prudencio,
The Human Research Ethics Committee has considered your application to conduct research with human subjects for the project Cultural Identity: Taboos in Ritual Speech in the Makasae Speech Community (Timor-Leste).
Approval is granted until 25 November 2015.
The following general conditions apply to your approval.
These requirements are determined by University policy and the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2007).
Monitoring: You, in conjunction with your supervisor, must assist the Committee to monitor the conduct of approved research by completing and promptly returning project review forms, which will be sent to you at the end of your project and, in the case of extended research, at least annually during the approval period. Discontinuation You, in conjunction with your supervisor, must inform the Committee, giving reasons, if the research is not of research: conducted or is discontinued before the expected date of completion. Extension of If your project will not be complete by the expiry date stated above, you must apply in writing for extension of approval: approval. Application should be made before current approval expires; should specify a new completion date; should include reasons for your request. Retention and University policy states that all research data must be stored securely, on University premises, for a minimum storage of data: of five years. You must ensure that all records are transferred to the University when the project is complete.
Contact details All email contact should use the UC email address. You should advise the Committee of any change of and notification address during or soon after the approval period including, if appropriate, email address(es). of changes:
Yours sincerely Human Research Ethics Committee
Hendryk Flaegel Ethics & Compliance Officer Research Services Office T (02) 6201 5220 F (02) 6201 5466 E [email protected]
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Appendix B
Participant Information Form
Project Title Cultural Identity: Taboos in Rituals in Makasae Speech Community of Timor-Leste
Researcher Prudencio da Silva PhD candidate (u115125) Faculty of Arts and Design University of Canberra ACT 2601 Email: [email protected]
Supervisor Assistant Professor Deborah Hill Faculty of Arts and Design University of Canberra ACT 2601 Email: [email protected] Ph.: (02) 6201 2626
Project Aim The aim of this research is to explore taboo language in communicative rituals in order to understand the cultural identity of the Makasae speech community.
Benefits of the Project The result of this research will contribute to ethnographic studies of speech community in Timor-Leste context and will contribute to future studies across cultures for researchers in the relevant areas including linguistic anthropology, anthropology, sociolinguistic, culture and communication across cultures and Timor-Leste in particular.
General Outline of the Project This research will explore the taboo language in rituals in Makasae speech community in Timor-Leste context. The general outline of the project will be a description of taboo language and its scope in Makasae and the scope of rituals to be covered in this study where taboo language will explored for the purpose of this research. This project is part of language and culture documentation of cultural practices in the Makasae speech community.
Participant Involvement The informants who agree to participate in the research will be asked to sign a consent form and to allow the researcher to record the rituals, and to participate in an interview with the
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researcher at a time that is convenient for the informant in which they will provide answers to research questions related to taboo language in ritual. The interview will last from fifteen to thirty minutes and be audiotaped with permission from the informant. The interview questions will be about their understandings and perspectives on taboo language in ritual.
Please be noted that: participation in this research is absolutely voluntary and you may refuse to allow the researcher to record and observe the ritual event, or participate in interview, or you may refuse to answer any particular question in the research if you decide to do so, or even you may withdraw from the research at any time you want to and there will be no consequences if you decide to withdraw from participating in this research.
Confidentiality Please be assured that all the collected data will be stored securely and only the researcher will have the right to access it. As well, please be assured that your identity will be kept anonymous and confidential at all times. The research data may be presented at few conferences and be part of a future published article, however, the researcher will ensure and protect the privacy and confidentiality of your participation in this research.
Anonymity Your identity as an informant in this research will be kept anonymous and confidential once you decide to participate in it. Your identity will not be mentioned explicitly, instead codes will be used to refer to your personal information to facilitate the research to track it. However, the identity of the researcher will be known and the purpose of the study will also be explained to you as an informant.
Data Storage The data recorded and collected will be stored securely on a password-protected computer throughout the project and stored at the University of Canberra. The softcopies such as video and audio recordings will be archived as part of language and culture documentation and hardcopies will be stored for the required five-year period after which it will be destroyed.
Ethics Committee Clearance The project has been approved by Human Research Ethics Committee of University of Canberra.
Queries and Concerns If you have any questions and queries related to this research study, please do not hesitate to contact me or my supervisor through our contact details provided at the top of this form.
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Appendix C
Informed Consent Form
Project title: Cultural Identity: Taboos in Rituals in Makasae Speech Community of Timor-Leste
Consent Statement
I……………………………………………………………………………………(name in capital letters) have read/been briefed on the information sheet concerning with this research study and understand it. All concerns and questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I understand that I am free to request further information at any stage. I also understand that my participation in this research study is completely voluntary and my identity and information will be kept anonymous and confidential at all times.
Thus, I agree to …………………………………………………………. (please tick the box and write your name and sign if you agree).
allow the researcher to record and observe the ritual event.
participate in interview.
be audio and video-recorded and photographed
Name……………………………………………………………………….………………… …...... …
Signature…………...... ……………………
Date ………………………………….
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Appendix D
Research questions
1. What is the purpose of taboo in rituals? 2. What are the resources within the culture and language to express taboos in Makasae? 3. How is taboo behaviour expressed in rituals? 4. How does taboo in rituals strengthen the identity of the speech community?
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Appendix E
Date: 26 May 2013 Mr. Cândido Henrique da Silva Sub-district Administrator of Ossu Viqueque, Timor-Leste Subject: A request for an authorization letter to conduct research
Your Excellency Mr. Cândido,
My name is Prudencio da Silva. I am conducting a research study as part of my doctoral degree at the Faculty of Arts and Design at the University of Canberra (Australia). The purpose of this research is to document and understand the belief system and ritual practices of the Makasae people.
The objective of this letter is to ask for your permission and authorization for me as a researcher to conduct the research in your sub-district particularly in the villages of Uagia, Uabubo and Ossorua. Upon your approval, I will proceed with contacting the village chiefs of each village respectively to start my field research to document and observe ritual events as well as conduct interviews with potential consultants who have the traditional and cultural knowledge about the Makasae belief system and ritual practices. Digital recordings will be used to record data as part of the study. Taking part in this study will be entirely voluntary for the consultants and their identities will be anonymous and kept confidential. Any consultant may withdraw his/her participation anytime if he/she decides not to participate. The collected data will be kept in a secure location at the University of Canberra and only be reviewed by the researcher.
Any questions about the study, you may contact me at [email protected]; or my supervisor Asst. Professor Deborah Hill at [email protected]
Thank you very much for your kind cooperation and I appreciate your support in this regard.
With kind regards,
Prudencio da Silva University of Canberra ACT 2601 Australia
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Appendix G: Video transcriptions
Appendix G:1_Kaisou-sauku (Muta-asa-palu) (KSMP) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Saturday, March 14, 2015 12:56 AM
Su'a ua'a kili ua'a le'ere Custom REL tradition REL DEM These custom and tradition, TC 00:00:10.770 - 00:00:15.203 00:00:15.203 - 00:00:18.426 ai Anu-Lai ai ua'a Meta-Lai 2SG NOM 2SG REL NOM you, Anu-Lai and Meta-Lai, ai ene su'a u ere gini, 2SG EMP custom one DEM make who founded this custom TC 00:00:18.426 - 00:00:20.763 ai ene kili u ere gini 2SG EMP tradition one DEM make and this tradition
Anu-Lai Meta-Lai NOM NOM Anu-Lai and Meta-Lai TC 00:00:20.763 - 00:00:23.666 ai mini ma Lu-Gari gi tana hisi, 2SG again PREP NOM 3SG hand in you endowed it to Lu-gari TC 00:00:23.666 - 00:00:26.546
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Modo-Gari gi tana hisi Lu-Gari Modo-Gari NOM 3SG hand in NOM NOM and Modo-Gari Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:00:26.546 - 00:00:28.778 mini-gali ma la'a Raku-Siba gi tana hisi, Gari-Siba gi tana hisi again-return PREP go NOM 3SG hand in NOM 3SG hand in again passed on to Raku-siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:00:28.778 - 00:00:31.586
Raku-Siba Gari-Siba NOM NOM Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:00:31.586 - 00:00:34.211 mini-gali ma la'a Lu-Gari gi tana hisi, Modo-Gari gi tana hisi again-return PREP go NOM 3SG hand in NOM POSS hand in then passed it on to Lu-gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:00:34.211 - 00:00:37.923 na'u-nisi su'a u ere gini, kili u ere gini EMP-still custom one DEM do tradition one DEM do they continued practising this custom and tradition TC 00:00:37.923 - 00:00:40.026
Raku-Siba Gari-Siba na'u mini-gali ma'u ma NOM NOM EMP again-return come PREP Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba again TC 00:00:40.026 - 00:00:45.091
Lu-Gari gi tana hisi Modo-gari gi tana hisi NOM 3SG hand in NOM 3SG hand in passed it on to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari
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na'u-nisi su'a u ere gini, kili u ere gini EMP-still custom one DEM do tradition one DEM do they continued practising this custom and tradition TC 00:00:45.091 - 00:00:47.715 ni-ge'e to hau liri to hau dobana. REF-POSS NEG IND throw NEG IND throw they never abandon their custom and tradition. TC 00:00:47.715 - 00:00:49.900 00:00:49.900 - 00:00:51.816 ma'u Bere-Lu Naha-Lu Leki-Lu, Lu-Modo, Leki-Modo, Doe-Rubi come NOM NOM NOM NOM NOM NOM Then Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu Leki-Lu, Lu-Modo, Leki-Modo, and Doe-Rubi TC 00:00:51.816 - 00:00:54.875 ma gi tana hisi gi tana hisi PREP 3SG hand in 3SG hand in passed it on to their hands TC 00:00:54.875 - 00:00:57.346 00:00:57.346 - 00:01:03.051 na'u-nisi ni-ge'e to hau liri to hau dobana EMP-still REF-POSS NEG IND throw NEG IND throw they continue practising it TC 00:01:03.051 - 00:01:06.571
Ma'u, Labi-Leki hisi Anu-Leki hisi come NOM in NOM in Then Labi-Leki Anu-Leki continue it on TC 00:01:06.571 - 00:01:14.563 00:01:14.563 - 00:01:16.375 ma'u Gamu-Du'u hisi Leki-Bere hisi come NOM in NOM in Then Gamu-Du'u and Leki-Bere
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TC 00:01:16.375 - 00:01:20.613 sisi la'a aperta, ooro la'a aperta illness go close cough go close suffered from diseases and illnesses TC 00:01:20.613 - 00:01:24.986 i deti-gini gau i uori ene hau deti-gini 2PL wrong-do for 2PL DEM EMP IND wrong-do because you committed sins or they committed sins TC 00:01:24.986 - 00:01:28.700 00:01:28.700 - 00:01:31.283 uori ene hau deti-gini hau deti-la'a DEM EMP IND wrong-do IND wrong-do they committed sins and practised it wrongly TC 00:01:31.283 - 00:01:34.226 na'u-nisi hau liri mahe hau dobana EMP-still IND throw CONJ IND throw and they continued abandoning it TC 00:01:34.226 - 00:01:37.060 00:01:37.060 - 00:01:39.923 sisi la'a mini-gali aperta, ooro la'a mini-gali aperta illness go again-return close cough go again-return close then they again experienced and suffered from diseases TC 00:01:39.923 - 00:01:43.706 oma hai mini-gali gi'a-gini home IND again-return re-do therefore, they rebuilt their (sacred) house TC 00:01:43.706 - 00:01:47.771
Ani hai la'a meti hisi uo'i, hai la'a tasi hisi uo'i 1SG IND go sea I n DEM IND go sea in DEM
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I reached the ocean TC 00:01:47.771 - 00:01:51.003 perdaun seti ajuda seti ani sentimentu forgiveness ask help ask 1SG feeling to ask for forgiveness and help I felt sad TC 00:01:51.003 - 00:01:56.980 00:01:56.980 - 00:02:00.403 ani gali-diu ani gali-ma'u 1SG again-step 1SG again-come and decided to return TC 00:02:00.403 - 00:02:03.980 00:02:03.980 - 00:02:06.043 ani ni-ge'e gi da'e hisi gamu, 1SG REF-POSS 3SG head in hold I hold his head TC 00:02:06.043 - 00:02:11.138 ani ni-ge'e gi tana hisi gamu 1SG REF-POSS 3SG hand in hold and hands ani ni-ge'e ete-rei, ani ni-ge'e nama-rei 1SG REF-POSS up-pull 1SG REF-POSS up-pull I pull him up TC 00:02:11.138 - 00:02:13.515 ani ni-ge'e guba serbisu, terus 1SG REF-POSS CONJ work suffer I work with him and suffer TC 00:02:13.515 - 00:02:17.483 sofre ani hala'o suffer 1SG undergo
265 though I suffer but continue to work TC 00:02:17.483 - 00:02:19.778 asi-ge'e to mi-da serbisu, REF-POSS NEG follow-through work ft@SurimiaSauku when you TC 00:02:19.778 - 00:02:25.611 asi-ge'e to mi-da la'a REF-POSS NEG follow-through go do not follow my instructions ani gau isa-uluru ani gau isa-amara sada-mera'a 1SG to feel-angry 1SG to feel-angry chest-sharp it makes angry and furious TC 00:02:25.611 - 00:02:29.250 ani ai ma usa baku, ani ai ma gamu baku 1SG 2SG PREP light beat 1SG 2SG PREP night beat I beat you day and night TC 00:02:31.275 - 00:02:34.211 ani ni-ge'e mini-gali ma ni gata gi'a-goolo, 1SG REF-POSS again-return PREP REF at re-hug later on, I am aware and embrace you TC 00:02:34.211 - 00:02:41.786 ni-ge'e ma ni gata gi'a-sipa'a REF-POSS CONJ REF at re-handle and work together again ani gata terus, ani gata sofre 1SG at suffer 1SG at suffer I suffer a lot
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TC 00:02:41.786 - 00:02:46.275 ai ua'a asi dada ai ua'a asi nanu 2SG REL REF grandparent 2SG REL REF great-grandchild you, my grandfathers and my great grandfathers TC 00:02:46.275 - 00:02:49.786 ai ni-ge'e hisi gena mara, ai ni-ge'e hisi buna mara 2SG REF-POSS in see IMP 2SG REF-POSS in see IMP now you take a good care of them TC 00:02:49.786 - 00:02:53.363
Ehani ai-ge'e ko'idiki, ai-ge'e harai now 2SG-POSS small POSS small Now, they are young TC 00:02:53.363 - 00:02:56.555 ai-ge'e isa-gugu, ai-ge'e mutu-molu 2SG-POSS feel-mute 2SG-POSS in-lost yours are ignorant and naive TC 00:02:56.555 - 00:02:58.491 ai-ge'e olo-isa-gugu, asa-isa-gugu 2SG-POSS bird-feel-mute chicken-feel-mute the are like birds and chicks that are ignorant and naive TC 00:02:58.491 - 00:03:02.106 ai-ge'e olo-haria, asa-haria 2SG-POSS bird-orphan chicken-orpahn they are like birds and chicks that are orphanes TC 00:03:02.106 - 00:03:03.931 ai-ge'e ko'idiki harai 2SG-POSS small small
267 they are young TC 00:03:03.931 - 00:03:07.595 ai-ge'e gi-uha u ere hani, 2SG-POSS POSS-egg one this like they are like an egg TC 00:03:07.595 - 00:03:10.771 ai-ge'e gi-lapu u ere hani 2SG-POSS POSS-live one DEM like and the living ai-ge'e depa mata u hani, bai mata u hani 2SG-POSS dog child one like pig child one like they are like a puppy and a piggy TC 00:03:10.771 - 00:03:13.100 nisi hai riba-ria, hai riba-oliri still IND random-run IND random-scratch therefore they have made mistakes and committed sins TC 00:03:13.100 - 00:03:15.563 nisi hai deti-gini, hai deti-la'a to ue'e still IND wrong-do IND wrong-go PREP DEM certainly they have made mistakes and committed sins TC 00:03:15.563 - 00:03:18.491 ere ai ene la'a ni-ge'e gi budikai sope, DEM 2SG EMP go REF-POSS 3SG forehead recognise you are the ones who TC 00:03:18.491 - 00:03:23.203 gi panukai sope 3SG face recognise
268 know each of them ai la'a ni-ge'e gali nake, ai la'a ni-ge'e gali-bura 2SG go REF-POSS again take 2SG go REF-POSS again-herd you are the ones who go and bring them back to their home TC 00:03:23.203 - 00:03:27.611 ai ni-ge'e ma duu mutu he hatama, 2SG REF-POSS PREP home in here put you bring them TC 00:03:27.611 - 00:03:30.363 ni-ge'e ma oma mutu he hatama REF-POSS PREP house in here put back into the house
Naire'e ene tonai ai budikai, naire'e tonai ai panukai who EMP NEG 2SG forehead who NEG 2SG face those who do not reflect your foreheads and faces, TC 00:03:30.363 - 00:03:33.843 reseu to ma ai gini respeitu to ma ai gini fear NEG PREP 2SG give respect NEG PREP 2SG give who do not show fear of and respect for you TC 00:03:33.843 - 00:03:36.418 ai hau ma uoi dobana mara, ai hau ma uoi liri mara 2SG IND PREP DEM throw IMP 2SG IND PREP DEM throw IMP you throw them away TC 00:03:36.418 - 00:03:41.771 reseu u noto ma ai gini, respeitu u noto ma ai gini fear one NEG PREP 2SG give respect one NEG PREP 2SG give ft@SurimiaSauku who do not show fear of and respect for you
269
TC 00:03:41.771 - 00:03:44.556 ai la'a kastigu u ma ma-gini, borgol u ma ma-gini 2SG go prison one PREP give handcuff one PREP give you are the ones who punish them and handcuff them TC 00:03:44.556 - 00:03:52.300 ai ene mi-gena ai ene mi-ma'ene 2SG emp follow-look 2SG emp follow-know you are the ones who keep an eye on them and know them TC 00:03:52.300 - 00:03:55.140
Ai dada ai mata 2SG grandchild 2SG child Your grandchildren and children TC 00:03:55.140 - 00:03:57.140 terus ai nai gana ai-ge'e, sofre gana ai-ge'e nai suffer 2SG only CONJ 2SG-POSS suffer CONJ 2SG-POSS only relieve their sufferings TC 00:03:57.140 - 00:03:59.618 ere ene debu hisi da serbisu DEM EMP buffalo-corral in IMP work working in buffalo corral we have done it all TC 00:03:59.618 - 00:04:03.258 hai sa'i serbisu, ira hisi da serbisu hai sa'i serbisu IND finish work water in IMP work IND finish work working on rice-field we have done it TC 00:04:03.258 - 00:04:05.906 ama hisi da serbisu hai sa'i serbisu farm in IMP work IND finish work
270 working on the farm we have done it TC 00:04:05.906 - 00:04:08.300 to ma'ene gau ene hai mini ma sarani mi-da-gini NEG know to EMP IND again PREP baptise follow-side-do we do not know that's why we follow the Christians way TC 00:04:08.300 - 00:04:12.140 sarani mi-da-gini, na'u-nisi baptise follow-side-do EMP-still Christians way, TC 00:04:12.140 - 00:04:15.986 ira ua'a ata ua'a Muta-Asa-Palu Surimia water REL fire REL taro-leaf-taboo NOM however, the water and the fire of Muta-asa-palu Surimia TC 00:04:15.986 - 00:04:20.203 to hau liri to hau dobana NEG IND throw NEG EMP throw we never abandon it TC 00:04:20.203 - 00:04:22.466 ni ira ni ata na'u-nisi REF water REF fire EMP-still We continue practising and holding on to the water and fire TC 00:04:22.466 - 00:04:26.546 gaha-sipa'a. Ehani to ma'ene tight-hold Now NEG know Nowadays, they still do not know TC 00:04:26.546 - 00:04:29.100 ani ma usa-usa gamu-gamu ani ma ni-ge'e
271
1SG CONJ light-light night-night 1SG PREP REF-POSS I teach them everyday and night TC 00:04:29.100 - 00:04:32.651 gau lolo, ni-ge'e hanorin to ma'ene to say REF-POSS teach NEG know inform and teach them things they do not know TC 00:04:32.651 - 00:04:34.690 00:04:34.690 - 00:04:36.723 ani na'u-nisi i ua'a 1SG EMP-still 2PL REL I continue to serve you TC 00:04:36.723 - 00:04:39.226 gi dada gi nanu, ani gata terus 3SG grandchild 3SG grea-grandchild 1SG at suffer I continue to suffer while serving you TC 00:04:39.226 - 00:04:41.275 ani i ua'a gi dada gi nanu 1SG 2PL REL 3SG grandchild 3SG great-grandchild I continue to serve you TC 00:04:41.275 - 00:04:43.826 ani tu na, i iti sipa'a, i ara olere 1SG front stand 2PL foot hold 2PL feet hold I stand before you, respect you TC 00:04:43.826 - 00:04:47.171 sibiki'i ani gau aturiza, ani ene gali ruba little 1SG to authorise 1SG EMP again modify I have a bit of authority and I have modified it a bit TC 00:04:47.171 - 00:04:50.163
272 ofisial mandadu ani nisi hai ruba official messenger 1SG still IND modify as a messenger, I have modified it TC 00:04:50.163 - 00:04:54.451 ehani lubu to hau dobana to hau liri now shoots NEG IND throw NEG IND throw but, we do not abandon the (sacred) shoots TC 00:04:54.451 - 00:04:57.946 apa-lebe to hau dobana to hau liri stone-flat NEG IND throw NEG IND throw we do not abandon the (sacred) flat-stone TC 00:04:57.946 - 00:05:00.060 rota oro to hau liri to hau dobana rattan spear NEG IND throw NEG IND throw we do not abandon the leadership baton TC 00:05:00.060 - 00:05:04.346 ani ni-ge'e na'u-nisi ma gi tana hisi. 1SG REF-POSS EMP-still CONJ 3SG hand in We continue to practise it. TC 00:05:04.346 - 00:05:10.706
Duu oma ani to gau lolo, Home house 1SG NEG to say I am not against the house, to hau liri, to hau dobana, ani ni-ge'e gaha-sipa'a. NEG IND throw NEG IND throw 1SG REF-POSS tight-hold I do not abandon it, I continue to hold on it and practise it.
Ai Du'u-Lasa, ehani ai asi dada
273
2SG NOM now 2SG POSS grandfather You, Du'-Lasa, you, my grandfather TC 00:08:59.616 - 00:09:06.338
Asa-pana u ua'a le'ere ai Du'u-Lasa Maku-Lasa chicken-female one REL DEM 2SG NOM NOM This chicken is for you - 'Du'u-Lasa' and 'Maku-Lasa' TC 00:09:06.338 - 00:09:13.435 su'a ua'a le'ere ma ue uou, ai Kai-Api, Api-Kai custom REL DEM CONJ DEM put 2SG NOM NOM This tradition, You, Kai-Api and Api-Kai TC 00:09:13.435 - 00:09:16.803 ma'u Lu-Kai Modo-kai come NOM NOM then Lu-Kai and Modo-kai TC 00:09:16.803 - 00:09:18.580 ai ene su'a ere ma he uou, ai ene kili ere ma he uou 2SG EMP custom DEM CONJ DEM put 2SG EMP tradition DEM CONJ DEM put you were the ones who initiated and founded this custom TC 00:09:18.580 - 00:09:20.963 ma'u ai asi dada asi nanu come 2SG POSS grandfather POSS great-grandfather then you, my grandfathers and my great grandfathers TC 00:09:20.963 - 00:09:26.546 uai ma Unu-Lai gi tana hisi uai ma Meta-lai gi tana hisi leave CONJ NOM POSS hand in leave CONJ NOM POSS hand in passed it on to Unu-Lai and Meta-Lai TC 00:09:26.546 - 00:09:32.571
274 ma'u Meta-Lai Unu-lai come NOM NOM Meta-lai and Unu-Lai TC 00:09:32.571 - 00:09:34.300 uai ma Lu-Gari gi tana hisi, Modo-Gari gi tana hisi leave CONJ NOM POSS hand in NOM POSS hand in passed it on to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:09:34.300 - 00:09:37.203
Lu-Gari Modo-gari ma'u Raku-Siba Gari-Siba NOM NOM come NOM NOM Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari passed it on to Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:09:37.203 - 00:09:42.475
Raku-Siba Gari-Siba mini-gali ma'u Bere-Lu Naha-Lu NOM NOM again-return come NOM NOM Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba then passed it on to Bere-Lu and Naha-Lu TC 00:09:42.475 - 00:09:45.555 volta, na'u teni gali-la'a asi dada again EMP again again-retun POSS grandfather Then again my grandfathers TC 00:09:45.555 - 00:09:54.035
Raku-Siba Gari-Siba; Raku-Siba Gari-Siba NOM NOM NOM NOM Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba mini-gali ma'u Lu-Gari Modo-Gari again-return come NOM NOM passed it on to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:09:54.035 - 00:09:57.491
275
Lu-Gari Modo-Gari mini-gali double teni mini-gali mara NOM NOM again-return double again again-return IMP Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari passed it on to TC 00:09:57.491 - 00:10:01.475 asi nanu Raku-Siba Gari-Siba POSS great-grandfathers NOM NOM my great grandfathers Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:10:01.475 - 00:10:03.460 ai ene su'a ere ma ue uou, 2SG EMP custom DEM CONJ DEM put You were the ones who initiated TC 00:10:03.460 - 00:10:05.195 ai ene kili ere ma ue uou 2SG EMP custom DEM CONJ DEM put and founded this custom ma'u ai mata Lu-Gari Modo-Gari come 2SG child NOM NOM then passed it on to your sons Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:10:05.195 - 00:10:07.955
Loi-Raku gi tana rai NOM 3SG hand put then to Loi-Raku TC 00:10:07.955 - 00:10:09.883 ma'u anu mitu mini ma Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu Leki-Lu come person three again PREP NOM NOM NOM then to Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu, and Leki-Lu TC 00:10:09.883 - 00:10:12.883
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Leki-Modo Lu-Modo gi tana rai Doe-Riba gi tana rai NOM NOM 3SG hand put NOM 3SG hand put then to Leki-Modo and Lu-Modo then to Doe-Riba TC 00:10:12.883 - 00:10:16.323 00:10:16.323 - 00:10:18.443
Ma'u Olo-Leki Labi-Leki ma'u Leki-Bere come NOM NOM come NOM then to Olo-Leki and Labi-Leki then to Leki-Bere TC 00:10:18.443 - 00:10:34.851 00:10:34.851 - 00:10:37.643 nami-du'u, ma'u ni hahalok ni serbisu male-young come REF behaviour REF work but he was a bachelor and did not change his bad behaviour and way of life TC 00:10:37.643 - 00:10:41.340 uai ma pa-gini pa-rai, leave CONJ damage-do damage-put spoiled the work, it was said that you, TC 00:10:41.340 - 00:10:45.891 lolo ai ua'a asi dada asi nanu say 2SG REL POSS grandfather POSS great-grandfather my grandfathers and great-grandfathers, anu ere hau naua, ini ua'a ai dada ai mata ere hau naua person DEM IND eat 1PL REL 2SG grandchild 2SG child DEM IND eat killed the person and killed all your grandchildren and children TC 00:10:45.891 - 00:10:48.235 i ene ma'u ini gini umu, ini gini molu hani dete 2PL EMP come 1PL make die 1PL make lose like ROG it was said that you were the ones who caused death on us, TC 00:10:48.235 - 00:10:55.578
277 ai ma ira-lala gau asara, ai ma meti-ai gau asara 2SG PREP water-boil to send 2SG PREP sea to send caused disappearances, then you were sent for work ai ma ira-lala gau asara, ai ma meti-ai gau asara 2SG PREP water-boil to send 2SG PREP sea to send for boiling water TC 00:10:55.578 - 00:11:04.331 ma'u he'e, ini ma'u uru noto leere come here 1PL come moon NEG split then every month TC 00:11:04.331 - 00:11:06.811 uru-daho hisi desara umu, uru-daho hisi desara umu moon-six in fall die moon-six in fall die every six months one of us died TC 00:11:06.811 - 00:11:09.498 ini tonai 1PL NEG we are not TC 00:11:09.498 - 00:11:13.443 tonai sena gi nokoranu, tonai lia gi nokoranu NEG steal 3SG bad NEG steal 3SG bad thief and we are not bad people TC 00:11:13.443 - 00:11:15.546 ini reseu ma la'a, ini respeitu ma la'a 1PL fear PREP go 1PL respect PREP go we practised the custom on the basis of respect TC 00:11:15.546 - 00:11:17.555
278 ma'u he'e asi raku asi bada come here POSS fellow POSS friend then my friends and fellows TC 00:11:17.555 - 00:11:20.811 uali ma uali'i, nana ma ena ear PREP hear eye PREP see listened and saw it with their eyes TC 00:11:20.811 - 00:11:24.298 uru-daho umu, uru-daho umu moon-six die moon-six die died every six months TC 00:11:24.298 - 00:11:26.011 ehani ma'u ani Rikalai gi tana hisi now come 1SG NOM 3SG hand in Now, the custom is passed on to me, Rika-Lai TC 00:11:26.011 - 00:11:28.243 ehani ani su'a ere mini gia-na, now 1SG custom DEM again under-stand now I am the one TC 00:11:28.243 - 00:11:31.163 kili ere mini gia-na eregau su'a kili tradition DEM again under-stand therefore custom tradition in charge of it and shoulder it, that's why, this custom TC 00:11:31.163 - 00:11:37.691 ani nai ene, ai ua'a asi dada asi nanu 1SG alone EMP 1SG REL POSS grandfather POSS great-grandfather I am the only one who knows it TC 00:11:37.691 - 00:11:39.778
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hamulak ani hau sa'i lolo, pray 1SG IND finish say I pray and do everything, Nowadays, TC 00:11:39.778 - 00:11:42.578 ehani ai dada ai mata ai niki now 2SG grandchild 2SG child 2SG great-grandchild your grandchildren, children, great grandchildren, ai niki ai abu, 2SG great-grandchild 2SG great-great-grandchild great-grandchildren great-great-great grandchildren, TC 00:11:42.578 - 00:11:45.178 na'i ua'a gi-nai hamulak to ma'ene what REL 3SG-name pray NEG know have no idea about how to perform rituals and utter the utterances hai sa'i matenek, IND finish intelligent they are all well-educated TC 00:11:45.178 - 00:11:47.380 ehani hai na'u ma igreja mi-da-gini, kabela mi-da-gini mais now IND EMP PREP church follow-side-do chapel follow-side-do CONJ now we follow the Christianity way TC 00:11:47.380 - 00:11:50.763 parte naigalu ai asi dada ma asi tana hisi, ini to sau rai. part where 2SG POSS grandfather PREP POSS hand in 1PL NEG IND throw however, every parts of the custom that you passed them on to us, we never abandon it and continue to practise it.
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Appendix G: 2_Koi-sauku (Lia-luku) (KSLL) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Saturday, March 14, 2015 12:53 AM
Ani wa'a ai dada ai mata, ani uaboku digara. Anu oho ni-gau I am your grandson and your son. If someone TC 00:00:14.405 - 00:00:16.683 ani gau guni-lolo, ani gau bora-lolo talk behind me and conspire against me TC 00:00:16.683 - 00:00:18.636 asi dedera oho pa-gini, asi uaipasu oho pa-gini damage my belongings and property TC 00:00:18.636 - 00:00:21.500 ani gau guni-lolo, ani gau bora-lolo hapa dawa if talk behind me and conspire against me TC 00:00:21.500 - 00:00:24.220 ai ene nana malara, ai ene wala malara you are the ones who have wide eyes and ears TC 00:00:24.220 - 00:00:27.548 ai ene roso leka bere, ai ene pahalai asa you are the ones who have strong chest and arms TC 00:00:27.548 - 00:00:29.660 ira-wahe mutu la'a dawa, ai ene guba ira-uahe mutu la'a If crossing the river, you cross with them, TC 00:00:29.660 - 00:00:34.323
281 ate misa ai ene guba ate misa, climbing a tree, you climb with them TC 00:00:34.323 - 00:00:35.973 kareta misa, ai ene guba kareta misa boarding cars, you board with them TC 00:00:35.973 - 00:00:38.133
Sisiri ooro oho ene ini wa'a ai dada gau woi da-ma'u If diseases and coughs coming to affect your grandchildren, TC 00:00:38.133 - 00:00:41.420
Sisiri ooro oho ene ai dada gau woi da-ma'u, if the diseases and coughs coming to affect TC 00:00:41.420 - 00:00:44.500 ai mata gau woi da-ma'u hapa dawa, your grandchildren and sons and daughters ai bu'u-lolo ma gau hisi duma, lari-lolo ma gau hisi duma you direct them to the hills and hill-sides TC 00:00:44.500 - 00:00:49.09
Sisiri gana ooro gana, buro, sagi, uli, baga gana bu'u-lolo Direct the diseases, coughs, skin diseases, itches, wounds, TC 00:00:49.091 - 00:00:54.516 mi-woi-desi-la'a, lari-lolo mi-uoi-sa'e la'a to go uphills and downhills
Ai dada ai mata gana na'u hau uli rarau, na'u amu rarau Thus, your grandchildren, your sons and daughters are always healthy TC 00:00:54.516 - 00:00:59.020
282
Ai dada ai mata hai la'a meti mege rou goba gini, dai mege rou goba gini Your grandchildren, sons and daughters reach the oceans and do things that foreigners do TC 00:00:59.020 - 00:01:03.020
Ni susar ma la'a ue haga mara, ni terus ma la'a ue haga mara to fulfill their needs and to lessen their sufferings TC 00:01:03.020 - 00:01:06.891
Du'u hani ni nana ma la'a ue gaana mara, usa ni nana ma la'a ue gaana mara Stay up for nights and days TC 00:01:06.891 - 00:01:10.260
Ni-gau gi-ira gi-lamara ni-gau uai la'a If their souls TC 00:01:10.260 - 00:01:12.620
Ate gata he dege mara oho daua, apa gata he dege mara daua remains on trees, and on rocks TC 00:01:12.620 - 00:01:15.108
Orasu uatu u ere goba sa'i mini ma'u, ai la'a ni-ge'e gi budi sope, ni-ge'e gi panu sope; gi budi gali haiki ma'u, gi panu gali haiki ma'u gana Bring them all back here today, you go and recognize their foreheads, faces; bring their foreheads and faces back, so that TC 00:01:15.108 - 00:01:21.740 gana ira gau ma'u gana ira mutu he rai, gana malu gau ma'u gana malu gata he rai. Orasu ai ge'e gana ni ira tia-tobana gana mutu-ria, ni ira ma ni gata daua gana mutu-ria. if they come for their water, their souls can come in to the water, if they come for their betels, they can come in to the betels. Later, if they come towards their springkled water, let them come in to it, if they bring their water, let it come in to it. TC 00:01:21.740 - 00:01:32.060
283
Ani lolo ma asi dada gau hato'o ene ere, asi nanu gau hato'o ene ere This is what I would like to present to you my grandfather and my great-grandfathers TC 00:01:32.060 - 00:01:38.181
Eregau asi geere digara, asi ma'ene digara, ani na'u uai ere hisi he mege lolo, This is because I am a short-minded person, lack of knowledge, TC 00:01:38.181 - 00:01:42.868 na'u uai ere hisi he mege ma'ene. Dadai, so this is my words because this is what I know. Excellency gradnfather, TC 00:01:42.868 - 00:01:47.060 ani dadai gi lolo tu'ara, dadai gi sobu tu'ara, uatu'u asi dada uoi da-ma'u I change your excellency grandfather's talks and words, in my grandfathers' time TC 00:01:47.060 - 00:01:51.516 . anu ma tata-baliki, riku ma tata-baliki they possessed both human and wealth TC 00:01:51.516 - 00:01:53.350
Riku he desi anu nama-ria, anu he desi riku nama-ria If you lost wealth, you gained human; if lost human, you gained wealth TC 00:01:53.350 - 00:01:56.901
Le ere dete, ani uai he'e ani ni-gau geere That is why, I now think TC 00:01:56.901 - 00:02:02.021
Ani dadai gi lolo u ere na'u mini tu'uara, dadai gi sobu u ere na'u mini tu'ara, to change your excellency grandfathers' talks and words, TC 00:02:02.021 - 00:02:06.876 ani tonai dadai kontra ba but I am not againts you, your excellency grandfathers
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Le ere, riku gana ra'isa anu gana tama, anu gana ra'isa riku gana tama, What I want to have is that if I lose wealth, gain in human, TC 00:02:06.876 - 00:02:14.323
Le ere dete ani ere uai gaha-sipa'a, ere he'e uai ma ere uai ma ani gau bati, if I lose human, gain in wealth, entrust this to me, ere uai ma ani gau suri para ani uai he'e ere he'e mi-da la'a, ere he'e mi-da lolo. leave this to me so that I can follow both in doing and talking TC 00:02:14.323 - 00:02:20.171
Ere he'e gau, ini ai dada ai mata opoloi That is why, today, we, your grandchildren and children, TC 00:02:20.171 - 00:02:22.156 ani ruru-lima resi-daho for fifty six years TC 00:02:24.411 - 00:02:26.876 ua'aere ani ruru-lima-resi-daho gi mutu, ini iana mini gini saara mini gini today in its fifty six years, we have rebuilt a shadowy and dried places TC 00:02:26.876 - 00:02:33.948 ni loki mini gini, ni uari mini gini, protective places TC 00:02:33.948 - 00:02:35.691
Loki mutu he gaana, he pooro In this protective places, we grow TC 00:02:35.691 - 00:02:40.076
Ehani hai la'a KK (kepala keluarga) hai la'a ruru-loloa'e-resi-lima Now, it has reached 25 households
285
TC 00:02:40.076 - 00:02:44.285
Gi anu lapu'u totalmente ehani hai la'a rasa-u-ruru-u-resi-u it now has one hundred and eleven grandchildren and children TC 00:02:48.428 - 00:02:53.205
Ere he'e gau, mini masiru ani gana ena gana rasa-lola'e ere gau-ria Therefore, next year I want to see growing towards two hundreds. TC 00:02:53.205 - 00:02:56.508
Ere he'e dete ana ai dairi People will speak high of you for this. TC 00:02:59.123 - 00:03:03.276
Ai dairi hani dane ere he'e ma ai dairi, ai lolo hani dane ere he'e ma ai lolo. Speaking high of you for this and talking about for this. TC 00:03:03.276 - 00:03:06.483
Ba erau umu nai ma gau gini, erau sobu nai ma gau gini However, do not cause them death, do not cause them problems TC 00:03:06.483 - 00:03:10.140
Umu ma'u molu ma'u. Be'u ini gau ma'u mais ini gana Death and loss come interchangeably. They may come for us, but let us TC 00:03:10.140 - 00:03:14.276 le ere hani ini gana ni gau na'u deti lolo, ini gana ni gau na'u deti la'a not dieying as effect of those, but as a result of our own mistakes in utterances and go stray TC 00:03:16.596 - 00:03:20.421
Ere he'e dete, ini gana ere he'e na'u gau sisiri, ere he'e na'u gau umu ba We may become sick and died of our own words and go stray. TC 00:03:20.421 - 00:03:24.236
286
Erau na'u muhunu na'u ma gau la'a, erau hulana na'u ma gau la'a, dadai. Grandfathers, please give us not the deseases and death TC 00:03:24.236 - 00:03:27.981
Ere ene la'a do asi sobu, ere ene la'a do asi lolo These are my words and these are my sayings. TC 00:03:27.981 - 00:03:31.196
Tupu mata, uoi da-mara dane ere o If our sisters and daughters are married away, TC 00:03:31.196 - 00:03:34.491 turu uoi da-mara ere o gana turu uoi riini mara nana, turu uoi topana mara nana let their seeds growing in numbers TC 00:03:34.491 - 00:03:37.716
Erau sisiri ma gau gini la'a, erau ooro ma gau la'a Protect them from deseases and from cough TC 00:03:37.716 - 00:03:42.216
Ai loki mutu ra'isa to ue'e, ai uari mutu ra'isa to ue'e They are your children and grandchildren TC 00:03:42.216 - 00:03:48.300
Ere he'e gau, nana sera ma do hisi gena, uali sera ma do hisi uali'i Therefore, always keep an eye on them and take care of them TC 00:03:48.300 - 00:03:51.588
Ere ene la'a do asi olo, ere ene la'a do asi sobu These are my words and these are my sayings. TC 00:03:51.588 - 00:03:53.900
Dadai. He mege. Your excellency Stop here.
287
TC 00:03:53.900 - 00:03:55.388 00:03:55.388 - 00:03:56.628
Ai ua'a asi dada, Ai ua'a asi nanu, You are my grandfathers, you are my great grandfathers, TC 00:04:33.628 - 00:04:36.236 ai ene su'a le ma he uou, ai ene kili u le ma he uou You were the one made this tradition for us, TC 00:04:36.236 - 00:04:40.605 ai uai ma Lu-olo gi-tana hisi, uai ma Saba-Olo gi-tana hisi You endowed it to Lu-Olo and Saba-Olo TC 00:04:40.605 - 00:04:45.491
Uai ma Loe-Olo gi-tana, ma Rubi-Olo gi-tana, ma Susu-Olo gi-tana, ma Mau-Olo gi-tana hisi Endowed to Loe-Olo, Rubi-Olo, Susu-Olo, and Mau-Olo TC 00:04:45.491 - 00:04:49.946
Susu-Olo, Mau-Olo uai ma, Susu-Olo and Mau-Olo endowed it TC 00:04:53.603 - 00:04:56.436
Gari-Su gi-tana, uai ma Modo-Su gi-tana, uai ma Loi-Mau gi-tana hisi Gari-Su, Modo-Su, Loi-Mau TC 00:04:56.436 - 00:05:00.228
Loe-Olo, Rubi-Olo uai ma Rubi-Loi gi-tana hisi, uai ma Leki-Loi gi-tana hisi Loe-Olo and Rubi-Olo endowed it to Susu-Olo and Leki-Loi TC 00:05:00.228 - 00:05:05.668
Lu-Olo, Saba-Olo uai ma Loi-Saba gi-tana hisi Lu-Olo, Saba-Olo endowed it to Loi-Saba TC 00:05:05.668 - 00:05:09.600
288
Na'u naga su'a u ere mi-gini, na'u naga kili u ere mi-gini Until today, we, your chidlren and grandchildren continue to practice this tradition TC 00:05:09.600 - 00:05:13.180
Ua'asi tarata, ua'a-uatu u ere tarata up to the present. TC 00:05:13.180 - 00:05:14.828
Rubi-Loi, Leki-Loi uai ma asi tana hisi Rubi-Loi and Leki-Loi endowed to me. TC 00:05:14.828 - 00:05:16.445 00:05:16.445 - 00:05:18.660
Gari-Su, Modo-Su uai ma asi tana hisi Gari-Su and Modo-Su endowed it to me TC 00:05:18.660 - 00:05:20.765
Loi-Saba uai ma asi tana hisi, ere ene ani su'a ere na'u naga mi-gini ere, Loi-Saba endowed it to me, and TC 00:05:20.765 - 00:05:27.276 kili ere na'u naga mi-gini ere I continue to practice this inherrited tradition
Ani, asi lolo to ho dugala gi-ge'e, asi sobu to ho dugala gi'ege, gi pu hisi deti lolo hapa nana, If what I have said are not complete, and what I have said are incorrect, TC 00:05:27.276 - 00:05:36.615 gi sula hisi deti lolo hapa nana, ai a asi dada ene sa'i lolo mara, ai a asi dada sa'i gini mara You, my grandfathers, complete it and correct it.
Ai gana gi pu lolo guara, gi sula lolo guara. You correct the beginning, you correct the ending. TC 00:05:36.615 - 00:05:45.163
289
Ani depa hani, asi nana gaana ma'u, asa hani asi liha pooro ma'u I am like a puppy, when my eyes are open, and I am like a chick
Ai a asi dada hai sau to he'e, asi nanu hai sau to he'e You, my grandfathers and great grandfathers, no longer alived TC 00:05:45.163 - 00:05:47.876
Ani lolo u to uai gaha-nehe, sobu-hobu u to uai gaha-nehe I do not even remember a saying and a word TC 00:05:47.876 - 00:05:50.485
Didiga u na'u gaha-nehe, tatapu u na'u gaha-nehe Just remember a bit of it. TC 00:05:50.485 - 00:05:52.773
Ere ene ani na'u ma didiga lolo ere, na'u tatapu lolo ere, That's why, I say it in brief, TC 00:05:52.773 - 00:05:58.851 ai asi dada gana sa'i lolo, ai asi nanu gana sa'i lolo. you, my grandfathers and gerat grandfathers complete it
Ai dada ai mata, ehani la'a meti mege rou, dai mege rou, You grandchildren and children have spread out all over the places TC 00:05:58.851 - 00:06:02.988
Gi ira, gi lamara ni-gau uai la'a rou gata uoi dege mara oho daua, If their souls remain on grasses, TC 00:06:02.988 - 00:06:09.276 uai la'a pae gata uoi dege mara oho daua, uai la'a ate gata uoi dege mara oho daua, if their souls remain on trees and woods
290 uai la'a apa gata uoi dege mara oho daua. Orasu uatu u le'ere ai gana la'a if remain on rocks. today you go TC 00:06:09.276 - 00:06:13.180 kuda hani, arabau hani, ai la'a ni-ge'e gi budi sope si panu sope and liker horses and buffaloes, you know them perfectly and identify them TC 00:06:13.180 - 00:06:15.971 gali bura ma'u, gali haiki ma'u gana ira gau ma'u, gana malu gau ma'u, bring them back to the water, to the betels, TC 00:06:15.971 - 00:06:21.045 gana ira gata he suri, gana malu gata he suri so that their souls can come in to the water and the betels
Gana orasu ni-ge'e tia mara gana sanu-ria, ni-ge'e ma ni-gata gana sanu-ria So that when they chew their betels and carry them along they can come in to them TC 00:06:21.045 - 00:06:26.005
Anu oho ni-gau ani gau guni-lolo, ani gau bora-lolo, ani gau kokoro, ani boboto If people talk behind me, conspire against me, and hate me TC 00:06:26.005 - 00:06:31.091 ai ene la'a ma do birulai gini, ai ene ma do mu'u-mata gini You are the ones go and cut them like cut a wild banana tree TC 00:06:31.091 - 00:06:33.636
Ai ene ate misa daua guba ate misa, ira-uahe mutu la'a guba ira-uahe mutu la'a, If they climb a tree you climb with them, if they cross a flooded river you cross with them, TC 00:06:36.771 - 00:06:48.495 kareta misa ai la'a guba kareta misa, ai ene nana lolo, ai ene uali lolo they board a car you board with them, you see them, you hear them
291
Ani ma ai ua'a asi dada seti, ai asi nanu seti I plead you, my grandfathers and great gardnfathers TC 00:06:48.495 - 00:06:50.838
Sisiri oho ene ani gau uoi da ma'u, ooro oho ene ani gau uoi da ma'u Any deseases that migh come, any cough that might come TC 00:06:50.838 - 00:06:54.476 budoe ani gau uoi da ma'u, babao ani gau uoi da ma'u any other deseases that might come towards us TC 00:06:54.476 - 00:06:57.011
Ai bu'u-lolo ma do gau hisi duma, ai lari-lolo ma do gau hisi duma you direct them to the hills TC 00:06:57.011 - 00:07:00.516 hi'a-bere ma do gau hisi duma, hi'a-mata ma do gau hisi duma show them the way TC 00:07:00.516 - 00:07:02.628 gana bu'u-lolo mi uoi desi la'a, lari-lolo mi uoi desi la'a, gana bu'u-lolo mi uoi da misa-la'a, lari-lolo mi uoi desi-la’a let the deseases going uphills and downhills TC 00:07:02.628 - 00:07:07.781
Ani gau uli rau ere gana ani gau he da-ma'u, ani gau amu rau ere gana ani gau he da-ma'u Give me instead a good health TC 00:07:07.781 - 00:07:11.148
Ai dada hai riala, ai mata hai riala. Your grandchildren and children have increased in numbers TC 00:07:11.148 - 00:07:12.788
292
Ma'u dadai gi ilu nake gau ma'u, dadai gi sae nake gau ma'u We come to get your excellency's 'saliva' and 'candlenut' TC 00:07:12.788 - 00:07:19.381 ni-ge'e sera kuidadu ni-ge'e sera sentidu look after them take a good care of them TC 00:07:19.381 - 00:07:23.276 00:07:23.276 - 00:07:27.285
Ani lolo hani, ani dadai gi lolo tu'ara, gi sobu tu'ara ene ani As I have said, I change your excellenecy grandfathers' words and sayings TC 00:07:27.285 - 00:07:30.181 ani tu'ara, ger-geri uoi da-ma'u, asi dada I change, formerly my grandfathers TC 00:07:30.181 - 00:07:34.756 anu ma tata baliki, riku ma tata baliki took a good care of persons and wealthies TC 00:07:34.756 - 00:07:36.476
Ehani ani Today, TC 00:07:36.476 - 00:07:39.445 ani riku ra'isa anu gana tama , anu ra'isa riku gana tama I lose wealthies gain individuals, I lose an individual gain in wealthies TC 00:07:39.445 - 00:07:43.131 tanba ani ere he'e karaka ere he'e piara because this what I want and believe in TC 00:07:43.131 - 00:07:45.716 ere he'e gau ene asi lolo la'a do ani ma ni dada gi lolo tu'ara, ma ni nanu gi sobu tu'ara This is why I change my sayings with mh gradfathers sayings and great grandfathers words
293
TC 00:07:45.716 - 00:07:51.421 asi lolo la'a do ere hisi he mege, asi sobu la'a do ere hisi he mege. This is the end of my sayings and my words TC 00:07:51.421 - 00:07:55.203
Ani ua'a lolo ere naga gaha-nehe to mi-gini, mi-lolo Remember what I say and put it in practice and follow it TC 00:07:55.203 - 00:07:59.931
Lolo ani ua'a gini ere ani lolo ere mutu gaha-nehe hapa u daua ere gau dete ani In order to remember and continue to do what I have said TC 00:07:59.931 - 00:08:04.708
Ani ere para ma abo gau apresenta I present to grandfarher TC 00:08:04.708 - 00:08:08.323
Era gi sobu dane ere o ani ma abo gau mi-lolo I will forward their words to you my grandfather TC 00:08:08.323 - 00:08:10.403
Ah, uaipasu ani gapu ma'u dane ere ene he'e ere These are things that we bring to you TC 00:08:10.403 - 00:08:14.308
Arabau ere ani ehani nanau le he'e to koronel la nanau gau ta puni-lolo para le he'e gisa dete gapu debu hisi la'a In regard with the bufallo, I am still discussing with colonels TC 00:08:14.308 - 00:08:23.956
Ani, koronel la nanau abo gau durubasa and colonels will translate to you, grandfather TC 00:08:23.956 - 00:08:27.243
294
Tauderi la hei guta dete, debu gau uai he'i, ini mini gapu ma'u dete ma, bai he guba he whether we slaughter the animals there and eat and drink there or TC 00:08:27.243 - 00:08:34.996 gehe he naua, koronel la anu pa hai he'e eat and drink here, the four colonels are here already TC 00:08:34.996 - 00:08:38.316
Naga nanau abo gau durubasa to abo gana ni-lolo ra'isa, ni-sobu ra'isa dete ani they are going to translate to our grandfathers and we will listen to our grandfathers TC 00:08:38.316 - 00:08:41.781 ani ma hisi gini la'a. then we can proceed with it. TC 00:08:41.781 - 00:08:43.131
Ehani, ai dada ai mata Today, your garndchildren and children TC 00:08:43.131 - 00:08:58.236 pi dada Lu-Kasa Leki-Kasa our grandfathers Lu-Kasa and Leki-Kasa TC 00:08:58.236 - 00:09:02.660 00:09:02.660 - 00:09:05.908 mini ma Loi-Me Modo-Leki endowed to Loi-Me and Modo-Leki TC 00:09:05.908 - 00:09:09.460
I ua'a koronel da'ekoru, ehani, You, colonels and gods, today TC 00:09:09.460 - 00:09:17.820
295 i hai isanelu, i hai uai nelu have forgotten you TC 00:09:17.820 - 00:09:22.083 na'u nisi ma'u reseu to ma Don Jeremias gini, gi ga'auai poer, gi neuai ra'i they still do not pay a respect to Don Jeremias, His place is dirty TC 00:09:27.228 - 00:09:33.405
Ere hani, ehani uatu u ere dete Today TC 00:09:33.405 - 00:09:36.556 hai la'a gi bobu gi dada ai ua'a gau ua ma their uncles and grandfathers you who own it TC 00:09:36.556 - 00:09:39.460 i ua'a Don Lucas gi-tana hisi Don Antonio gi-tana hisi endowed to Don Lucas endowed to Don Antonio TC 00:09:41.620 - 00:09:44.413
Ehani dete mini-gali ni-ge'e gia-la'a, ehani dete ni-ge'e mini-gali tetu-la'a Now, they rebuild and visit again their long abandoned house TC 00:09:45.756 - 00:09:49.701
Ehani bai u, ehani arabau u, Now, one pig and one buffalo TC 00:09:49.701 - 00:09:54.788 ehani asa ate u-resi-pitu Now, chicken in total seventeen TC 00:09:54.788 - 00:09:58.668 mini ma ate iti sipa'a, ara olere s a symbol of asking for forgiveness
296
TC 00:09:58.668 - 00:10:01.163
Le ere ai ge'e gi ki'i, gi ko'o They are your minors TC 00:10:01.163 - 00:10:04.500
Ehani mutu metana ma serbisu, Now, they work but as thogu they kne nothing TC 00:10:04.500 - 00:10:08.771
Ehani dete ni-ge'e mini-gali supa harii, ni-ge'e mini-gali supa hala'o ene ere They now re-start everything from new TC 00:10:08.771 - 00:10:12.628
Ehani ai ene ni-ge'e gi uaboku loke, gi albu loke Now You are the ones open their mind and heart TC 00:10:12.628 - 00:10:15.380
Gi gau hi'a-bere darlai gana hi'a-bere mi-la'a show them their way back, so that they can follow their way TC 00:10:15.380 - 00:10:21.163 gana uli rarau, amu rarau so that they safe and sound TC 00:10:21.163 - 00:10:23.083 ai ua’a Don Lucas, ai ua’a Don Antonio You, Don Lucas and Don Antonio gi ba Rubi-Kasa, ai ua’a Leki-Kasa Their father Rubi-Kasa, you Leki-Kasa TC 00:10:39.196 - 00:10:40.876
297 ai a Loi-Mau, Gari-Mau you, Loi-Mau, Gari-Mau TC 00:10:40.876 - 00:10:46.613
Ai ene ni-ge'e gi uaboku loke, ni-ge'e gi albu loke You are the ones open their mind and heart TC 00:10:46.613 - 00:10:49.156
Le ere asa gi uai-ria to he'e, olo gi uai-ria to he'e They are the remaining of chicken and turtledove (orphans) TC 00:10:49.156 - 00:10:52.236
Ni isa-gugu hai ma gini, ni mutu-molu hai ma gini They do it from knowing nothing TC 00:10:52.236 - 00:10:55.341
Uatu u ere dete mini-gali gi'a-la'a mini-gali tetu-la'a This the day they come again to this house TC 00:10:55.341 - 00:10:58.083 ai ge'e gana uli rau, amu rau dete give them (grandchildren and children) a good health TC 00:10:58.083 - 00:11:00.171 duu ere mini-gali gi'a-gini, oma ere mini-gali gi'a-gini so that they can rebuild the sacred house TC 00:11:00.171 - 00:11:03.268
Kapitaun u gana Lialuku gana mini-gali lapu'u A captain in LIaluku can revive TC 00:11:03.268 - 00:11:07.165 mini-gali ni panukai gau la'a salvasaun perdaun. to go forward salvation and forgiveness
298
TC 00:11:07.165 - 00:11:11.563
Lu-Doe pana, uai ma Modo-Doe pana Teach Lu-Doe and Modo-Doe TC 00:11:13.643 - 00:11:52.651
Ere dete Liu u ua'a le ere troka then change this TC 00:11:52.651 - 00:11:55.461
Nai ua'a le ere troka Samalari gi tali uai gali-dane change this name give back the rope of Samalari TC 00:11:57.708 - 00:11:59.940
Lialuku ma do hisi rai. Lolini u ere i mahe ene uai ma Lu-Doe gua-rai, uai ma Modo-Doe gua-rai Put Lialuku's name. You two endowed this saying to Lu-Doe and Modo-Doe TC 00:12:02.971 - 00:12:07.163
Hateten u a le ere i mahe ene uai ma Lu-Doe gua-rai, uai ma Modo-Doe gua-rai You two endowed this saying to Lu-Doe and Modo-Doe TC 00:12:07.163 - 00:12:10.500
Ere dete ua'asi uatu u ani That's why, today I TC 00:12:10.500 - 00:12:12.588
Lu-Doe Modo-Doe uai ma Uai-Loi gua-rai, uai ma Lu-hare gua-rai Lu-Doe and Modo-Doe endowed it to Uai-Loi and Lu-Hare TC 00:12:12.588 - 00:12:15.405
Ere dete ani na'u-nisi ere mi-da la'a, ere mi-da rakunu I continue to do the same TC 00:12:15.405 - 00:12:19.251
299
Ai olo ai asa Lialuku Your turtledove and chicken (orphans) of Lialuku TC 00:12:19.251 - 00:12:20.788
Na'u-nisi ani mi tuiwawai, ani mi taliwawai, era gau ga'awai mini hisi duma, newai mini hisi duma They continue to urge me to identify for them a place TC 00:12:20.788 - 00:12:27.340
Ni ga'awai mini sare-gini nana do'e, ni hatete mini sare-gini nana do'e Maybe they want to clean again their place, and their sayings TC 00:12:27.340 - 00:12:31.556
Ni ledana sare-gini nana do he'e to clean their backyard TC 00:12:31.556 - 00:12:32.850
Ni ga'awai sare-gini nana do he'e to clean their place TC 00:12:32.850 - 00:12:34.895
O Jeremias, Lukas ai gau ehani asa u ere Oh, Jeremis, Lucas this chicken is for you. TC 00:12:34.895 - 00:12:37.003
Paru ua'a gi-bosa hau kola, kalasa gi-bosa hau kola hey want to replace the shirt and trouser TC 00:12:39.251 - 00:12:50.348
Ai ma'u sa'a-bu'u mini hau ma ga'awai rai, bata-mumu mini hau ma ga'awai rai You, come and replace them with steel poles TC 00:12:50.348 - 00:12:53.405
300
Ani eregau wa'asi guba ma'u do This is why, I come today TC 00:12:53.405 - 00:12:55.116
I ge'e sa'a-mumu ma i gau mi-lolo gau ma'u, bata-mumu ma o i gau mi-lolo gau ma'u to tell you about steel poles TC 00:12:55.116 - 00:12:58.860
Uatu'u Lialuku nai bo ehani hai mini hau la'a Lialuku sa'a-mumu do wo'i, bata-mumu do wo'i. Formerly, only Lialuku, but now it is Lialuku and steel poles TC 00:12:58.860 - 00:13:02.485
301
Appendix G: 3 Kaisou-sauku (Latu-mutu) (KSLM)
file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Saturday, March 14, 2015 1:09 AM
Gana sisi hau dana, ooro hau dana To burn the diseases, the cough TC 00:00:03.428 - 00:00:06.253
Eregau ani ma he nama-dane, para ai gana iti ma gata-diu, tana ma gata-gamu That's why, I raise this wine to you to touch with your feet and hands TC 00:00:06.253 - 00:00:12.091 gana palunu gana da'ana. to be tabooed and sacred TC 00:00:12.091 - 00:00:14.053
Ai dada ai mata gana ma ni duunu ma ni raana. To improve Your grandchildren and children's health TC 00:00:14.053 - 00:00:17.546 gi uli mi-ria gi sapa mi-ria O, asi dada, asi maromak. flow all over their skin and bones Oh, my grandfather, my god TC 00:00:17.546 - 00:00:19.740 00:00:19.740 - 00:00:21.573
Onu ua'a le'ere, ma ua'a le'ere o o, asi da'e-koru, asi maromak This cup and this wine oh, my god, my god TC 00:00:21.573 - 00:00:50.466 00:00:50.466 - 00:00:52.163
Onu ua'a le'ere ma ua'a le'ere, This cup and this wine TC 00:00:52.163 - 00:00:53.698 00:00:53.698 - 00:00:56.260
303 ira ua'a le'ere gana ai dada let this water makes your grandchildren TC 00:00:56.260 - 00:00:59.675 gana mutu u nai ari u nai, erau ta gau boboto, ta gau kokoro united, do not have bad intentions towards one another TC 00:00:59.675 - 00:01:05.580
Eregau dete ani ma ai gau nama-dane, iti ma gata he diu tana ma gata he gamu This is why, I raise it up to you, touch with your feet and your hands TC 00:01:05.580 - 00:01:09.283 gana palunu gana da'ana, ma no pitu gau nama-dane. Do da-misa no pitu, to be tabooed and sacred, raising up to the seven layers. Seven layers up, TC 00:01:09.283 - 00:01:14.283 ho-desi no pitu, uoi da-mara no pitu, he da-ma'u no pitu seven layers down, seven layers to the right, and seven layers to the left
Eregau nama-dane, gana gata-diu gata-gamu gana palunu gana da'ana This is why, it is raised for it to be tabooed and sacred TC 00:01:14.283 - 00:01:18.836 gana isi uli mi-ria, isi amu mi-ria to flow all over our skins and our bones TC 00:01:18.836 - 00:01:21.331 o, asi da'e-koru, asi maromak. Asi noko asi kaka Oh, my god, my god My younger and old brothers TC 00:01:21.331 - 00:01:23.275 00:01:23.275 - 00:02:51.948 asi ina asi tupu pi komesa mula'a barara my mothers and sisters let's start our prayer TC 00:02:51.948 - 00:02:53.380 00:02:53.380 - 00:02:56.988
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Asi umurae asi la'ida asi palunu asi da'ana My deceased ancestors, my taboos and sacred TC 00:02:56.988 - 00:03:00.620 00:03:00.620 - 00:03:02.403 o, asi da'e-koru asi maromak oh, my god, my god TC 00:03:02.403 - 00:03:04.251 ai dada ai mata hai ma'u your grandchildren and children are here today TC 00:03:04.251 - 00:03:07.891 bulata gia he'e, hai ma'u uara'e gia he'e under the heads, under the shoulders TC 00:03:07.891 - 00:03:11.011 hai ma'u ai iti gia he'e hai ma'u hai ara gia he'e have come under your feet TC 00:03:11.011 - 00:03:14.940 ai gau mula'a gini nana, ai gau barara gini nana to pray and make speeches TC 00:03:14.940 - 00:03:18.173 ai gau ue soiri gini nana, ai gau ue pagunu gini nana to raise to you, to pray to you TC 00:03:18.173 - 00:03:25.851 uatu ua'are'e, oras minutu le'ere gi mutu Today, thi time and minute TC 00:03:25.851 - 00:03:29.228 pi anu noko anu kaka we, as brothers
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TC 00:03:29.228 - 00:03:31.376 inaua'e, tamene, uaihula, tupu, mata, raku, bada siblings, middles, youngests, sisters, children, friends, pals TC 00:03:31.376 - 00:03:34.068 pi mula'a gini nana, pi barara gini nana, uere gini gia uoi-diu nana to pray and make speeches, to step under what we do TC 00:03:34.068 - 00:03:36.820 00:03:36.820 - 00:03:40.140 uere lolo gia uoi la'a nana ni uaboku hau dane, nia albu hau dane to enter what we say open your mind and heart TC 00:03:40.140 - 00:03:43.771 00:03:43.771 - 00:03:45.803 uaboku ta'e daua hau duuru, albu ta'e daua gana hau duuru wake your mainds and heart up TC 00:03:45.803 - 00:03:49.260
Uatu ua'a re'e oras tuku ruru-resi-lola'e Today, at twelve oclock TC 00:03:49.260 - 00:03:52.155 00:03:52.155 - 00:04:03.308
Domingo uatu ruru-resi-daho, uru Marsu ani rihun-lola'e-ruru-u-resi-loloha Sunday, 16 March 2014 TC 00:04:03.308 - 00:04:14.980
Pi dada-uai mata-uai We, as grandchildren and children TC 00:04:14.980 - 00:04:17.283 ta-puni bulata toili, ta-punii uara'e toili together shoulders to shoulders TC 00:04:17.283 - 00:04:20.036
306 gana pi lokono gana pi iana to give us shadows TC 00:04:20.036 - 00:04:22.180 ni mutu naga-naga ma ta-gini ni ari naga-naga ma ta-gni love one another always TC 00:04:22.180 - 00:04:25.563 ula puni u nai anu puni u nai together we are one TC 00:04:25.563 - 00:04:27.083 gi du'u gi bala'a naga-naga ma puni naua always eat young and ripe together TC 00:04:27.083 - 00:04:30.051 ua imi ua buti naga-naga ma puni naua Ehani minutu u gi mutu always eat red and white seeds together Now, in this minute, TC 00:04:30.051 - 00:04:31.771 00:04:31.771 - 00:04:35.220 pi ni da'e ma ho-deini, ni budi ma ho-deini we put our heads down, our foreheads down TC 00:04:35.220 - 00:04:38.771 deti uligiri, sala uligiri, pi mula'a gia uoi diu, barara gia uoi la'a afraid of sins, under the prayer TC 00:04:38.771 - 00:04:42.363
Ni deti ni sala sa'i-sa'i Remember all one's sins TC 00:04:42.363 - 00:04:46.021 mi-geere, nigau ue hani teri-la'a ta gau guni-lolo, ta gau pa-lolo if you talk behind one's back, if you speak badly to one another
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TC 00:04:46.021 - 00:04:51.060 ta gau sobu rou, sobu rai hapa daua have ba intention to one another, TC 00:04:51.060 - 00:04:53.916 ni-ge'e sa'i-sa'i mi-geere, hau sa'i ma naruta gau rai la'a remember all sins, and leave them all behind us TC 00:04:53.916 - 00:04:56.883
Pi dada, pi nanu, pi moe, pi niki, pi sode, pi raraha, pi ira Our grandfathers, great-grandfathers, great-great-grandfathers, great-great-great-grandfathers, great-great-great-great grandfathers TC 00:04:56.883 - 00:05:08.845
Loro, Latumutu mutu ue'e Loro, in Latumutu TC 00:05:08.845 - 00:05:11.315 00:05:11.315 - 00:05:13.275 palunu da'ana gata apa butiri Darunira gata ue'e taboo and sacred the white rock in Darunira TC 00:05:13.275 - 00:05:17.283 00:05:17.283 - 00:05:26.836 uere hisi da ehani gamurisi uatu uoi da-mara through that today, tomorrow, the day after tomorrow TC 00:05:26.836 - 00:05:28.476 00:05:28.476 - 00:05:32.276
Ini anu noko, anu kaka, we as brothers TC 00:05:32.276 - 00:05:35.188 inaua'e, tamenehe, uaihula, tupu, mata siblings, middles, youngests, sisters, children TC 00:05:35.188 - 00:05:37.403
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hai noto ta gau ila-lolo, hai noto ta gau bora-lolo will no longer talk behind one's back, will no longer conspire against one another TC 00:05:37.403 - 00:05:40.108 hai noto ta gau kokoro, hai noto ta gau boboto will no longer hate one another TC 00:05:40.108 - 00:05:42.588 hai noto ta gau ue-ruku, hai noto ta gau ue-di'ala. Ini gana mutu u nai ara, ini gana ari u nau ara. will no longer provoke one another. Let's all become one in our heart TC 00:05:42.588 - 00:05:46.491
Ata gana li'a mutu ini gau naga tana Let fire keep burning in our kitchen TC 00:05:46.491 - 00:05:50.508 ini gau naga usa, ini gau naga ku'ulu, dane gana ini gau gauara, gaua gana ini gau lumuru to give us light, to keep us warm, the air can keep blowing TC 00:05:50.508 - 00:05:54.923
Ira gana boru mutu ini gau erau saara Keep the urn full of water TC 00:05:54.923 - 00:06:00.988 erau legiri, ira gana kusi mutu ini gau not pour out TC 00:06:00.988 - 00:06:07.963 erau legiri erau li'iri Ini gana naga-naga the water in the urn not to pour out We remain TC 00:06:07.963 - 00:06:10.060 00:06:10.060 - 00:06:15.158
309 ta ma ilubana, ini gana naga-naga ta ma papuhu. together and united TC 00:06:15.158 - 00:06:18.766
Do da-misa no pitu, ho-desi la'a no pitu, uoi da-mara no pitu, he da-ma'u no pitu Seven layers up, seven layers down, seven layers right, and seven layers left TC 00:06:18.766 - 00:06:23.123 ai ene gi da'e-koru ai ene gi maromak uru, uatu, lekiluru, uaira'e, You are their god, You are their god The moon, the sun, the stars, TC 00:06:23.123 - 00:06:25.270 00:06:25.270 - 00:06:27.296 lo, mu'a, ai ene gi da'e-koru ai ene gi maromak. the sky and the earth, You are their god TC 00:06:27.296 - 00:06:30.155 ai ene gi usa gaha-sipa'a, ai ene gi gamu gaha-sipa'a You are the one controlling the day and the night TC 00:06:30.155 - 00:06:32.811
Ai dada ai mata, ai ene ma You make grandchildren and children TC 00:06:32.811 - 00:06:36.940 asa-nami gini, ma depa-nami gini ma gutu he siili, ma gutu he nenana to be super roosters, male-dogs to guard TC 00:06:36.940 - 00:06:40.788 ai gau gi du'u, gi bala'a, hai sabara, hai gisa, ai gau The young and ripe have been offered to you TC 00:06:40.788 - 00:06:46.628 ua imi, ua buti, hai tina hai tu'ulu red and white seeds have been cooked for you
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TC 00:06:46.628 - 00:06:49.095 00:06:49.095 - 00:06:50.731
Ai gau arabau imiri, bai imiri, asa imiri, Red buffalo, red pig, red chicken, TC 00:06:50.731 - 00:06:53.891 asa-uha, hai tu'ulu hai lalara. Gi du'u gi bala'a eggs, have been roasted for you The young and the ripe TC 00:06:53.891 - 00:06:57.396 00:06:57.396 - 00:06:59.875 ua imi ua buti ai ene gi dada ai ene gauha red and white seeds You are the owner of them all TC 00:06:59.875 - 00:07:04.083 00:07:04.083 - 00:07:06.070
Arabau imiri, bai imiri, asa-uha, asa imiri, ai ene gi dada ai ene gauha. Red buffalo, red pig, red chicken, eggs, you are the owner of them all TC 00:07:06.070 - 00:07:09.748
Naua ua'a le'ere, seu ua'a le'ere malu ua'a le'ere, bua ua'a le'ere These foods and these meats These betels and these areca nuts TC 00:07:09.748 - 00:07:12.091 00:07:12.091 - 00:07:16.260 badu ua'a le'ere usu ua'a le'ere these candles TC 00:07:16.260 - 00:07:17.771 ma ue soiri, ue pagunu, tia-nake, tia-simu, iti ma gata-diu, tana ma gua-gamu, raise it up there, bless it there, accept it, touch it with your feet and hands, TC 00:07:17.771 - 00:07:26.683 i'ia gua-iana, rarasa gua-lokono, gana palunu, gana da'ana protect them, make it taboo and sacred
311 gana tepara gana loroko. Ai dada ai mata make it effective. Your grandchilren and children TC 00:07:26.683 - 00:07:28.571 00:07:28.571 - 00:07:30.453 naua gi uli pukala, gi amu pukala ai dada ai mata eat them and make them healthy Your grandchilren and children TC 00:07:30.453 - 00:07:34.580 00:07:34.580 - 00:07:36.820 tia ma ni duunu ma ni radunu gi uli rau gi amu rau chew it to rub their bodies for them to be healthy TC 00:07:36.820 - 00:07:38.620 00:07:38.620 - 00:07:40.211 ai dada ai mata badu-usu gata de'ini Your grandchilren and children light the candles TC 00:07:40.211 - 00:07:41.955 00:07:41.955 - 00:07:46.283 gi amu gau ku'ulu warm their bodies TC 00:07:46.283 - 00:07:49.053 gau ba'ara gi budi gi panu hisi usa hisi daara warm them and lighten their foreheads and faces TC 00:07:49.053 - 00:07:51.845 ma sisi hau hula-tana, ma ooro hau muhu-tana. cure all the diseases and cough TC 00:07:51.845 - 00:07:54.331
O, asi da'e-koru Oh, my god TC 00:07:54.331 - 00:07:56.683 00:07:56.683 - 00:07:58.340
Ira ua'a le'ere ma ua'a le'ere ma ue soiri ma ue pagunu this water and this wine raise it up there and bless it there
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TC 00:07:58.340 - 00:08:20.456 00:08:20.456 - 00:08:22.091 tia-nake, tia-simu, iti ma gata-diu, tana ma gua-gamu, accept it, touch it with your feet and hands, TC 00:08:22.091 - 00:08:25.020 i'ia gua-iana, rarasa gua-lokono, gana palunu, gana da'ana shadows cover over it, make it taboo and sacred TC 00:08:25.020 - 00:08:28.588 gana tepara gana loroko make it effective and to be effective TC 00:08:28.588 - 00:08:32.221 00:08:32.221 - 00:08:34.340 ma ai dada ai mata tobana, ma ai dada ai mata saiki in order to springkle towards your grandchildren and children TC 00:08:34.340 - 00:08:40.636 gi ari sabara, gi ari teere gi lubu susulu, gi lai susulu make them grow make them grow TC 00:08:40.636 - 00:08:45.660 00:08:45.660 - 00:08:47.115 gana riini, gana topana increse in numbers TC 00:08:47.115 - 00:08:48.828 ai dada ai mata gehe Your grandchilren and children drink from it TC 00:08:48.828 - 00:08:51.700 gi ura mi-ria gi sapa mi-ria flow all over their nerves and bones TC 00:08:51.700 - 00:08:53.763
313 ma deti hau bane ma sala hau bane ai dada ai mata to remove sins Your grandchilren and children TC 00:08:53.763 - 00:08:55.468 00:08:55.468 - 00:08:57.731 hai ma mutu-mutu uai-uai have lengthy and greatly TC 00:08:57.731 - 00:09:00.308 mula'a barara hai ma mu'i-mu'i lara-lara mula'a barara invoke and curse TC 00:09:00.308 - 00:09:03.131
Uai ma mata-uai gi tana hisi entrega, uai ma dada-uai gi tana hisi entrega. Have endowed to children and to grandchildren TC 00:09:03.131 - 00:09:10.755
O, asi da'e-koru asi maromak. Soe pitu ma do nama-dane misa Oh, my god, my god. Raise it up seven times TC 00:09:10.755 - 00:09:13.755 00:09:13.755 - 00:09:45.963
Ira-benu malu-asa badu-usu The water, the betels the candles TC 00:09:45.963 - 00:09:48.020 00:09:48.020 - 00:09:51.498 gapu la'a ma ni duunu ma ni radunu ni tobana ni saiki take them for your health springkle it TC 00:09:51.498 - 00:09:54.656 00:09:54.656 - 00:09:56.653 ni hi'a hisi leno hisi mutini gana tetunu gana sobana lighten your way to make them flat TC 00:09:56.653 - 00:09:59.291 00:09:59.291 - 00:10:01.331
314 mula'a barara hai-sa'i, pi anu noko, anu kaka, inaua'e, tamenehe, uaihula, tupu, mata, raku, bada This is the end of the prayer, we as brothers, siblings, middles, youngests, sisters, children, friends and pals TC 00:10:01.331 - 00:10:07.683 pi palunu da'ana gi damen gi baz gapu la'a. go with the peace of our taboos and sacred. TC 00:10:07.683 - 00:10:14.780
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Appendix G: 4 Kaisou-sauku (Tuda-naha-buti) (KSTNB) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/tx@TudaBu'uloloLarimata.eaf Saturday, March 14, 2015 1:14 AM
Franscisco, Afonso, Agostinho, Asala, Moises, Rui, Raimundo, Gilberto Franscisco, Afonso, Agostinho, Asala, Moises, Rui, Raimundo, Gilberto TC 00:00:46.856 - 00:01:10.018
Thomas, Henrique, Marito, Januario, Ronavio, Jelu, Dodo, Maulai, Ano. Thomas, Henrique, Marito, Januario, Ronavio, Jelu, Dodo, Maulai, Ano.
Dada ua'a mata ua'a do abo asukai gi-ge'e, ini ua'a ai dada ai mata ua'are'e uatu'u ini ua'a ma'u le'ere These are the grandchildren and children of grandfather, we all have gathered here TC 00:01:10.018 - 00:01:42.491
Uatu-Gamu, ere gi dada gi mata uasi uatu kaisou naua gi uatu The grandchildren and children of Uatu-Gamu, today is the day of wet season ritual cerimony TC 00:01:42.491 - 00:01:51.728
Asa u bai u ua'a le'ere, Uatu-Gamu ni dada guba ni mata guba This chicken and pig are brought to you by Uatu-Gamu with his grandchildren and children TC 00:01:51.728 - 00:01:56.330 ni apu guba ni uaini guba, ni uli guba ni tau guba with all his children TC 00:01:56.330 - 00:01:58.625 ere ene asa u bai u ere gapu ma'u they are the one bring this chicken and pig TC 00:01:59.953 - 00:02:02.561
317 gi du'u ene hai tauru gi bala'a ene hai tauru the young and ripe are ready TC 00:02:02.561 - 00:02:04.113 eregau ma do gi du'u gi tali, gi bala'a gi tali that's why, it is meant for the rope of the young and ripe TC 00:02:04.113 - 00:02:07.233 gi namu ene liurai sada ene liurai gau he dane you are the king, that's why it's given to you TC 00:02:07.233 - 00:02:09.690 ma do ma i neuai hamos nana, i fatin hamos nana it is meant for the cleaning of your place TC 00:02:09.690 - 00:02:13.736 ba erau sisiri ma do gau saunu, erau ooro ma do gau saunu protect them from diseases and illness TC 00:02:13.736 - 00:02:17.661 uli rarau amu rarau give them good health TC 00:02:17.661 - 00:02:19.056
Lia da'e naga ma i gau pala, namu da'e naga i gau pala so that they are always ready to serve you TC 00:02:19.056 - 00:02:22.665 ua meta naga ma i gau pala, ua imi naga ma i gau pala they prepare foods TC 00:02:22.665 - 00:02:26.153
Erau sisiri ma do gau saunu, erau ooro ma do gau saunu give them good health
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TC 00:02:26.153 - 00:02:30.536
Mata u ua'a naigalu ue da mara to gau bora oho ila oho, i la'a gi naruta gata, If people have bad intentions towards them, conspire against them, you protect them, TC 00:02:30.536 - 00:02:36.785 ma la'a ira mutu tuli-dane, ma la'a kareta mutu sapi-dane throw the culprits into water and throw them out of cars ma la'a ate gua tuli-dane, ni uli ni tau make them fall down from climbing a tree TC 00:02:36.785 - 00:02:39.713 ni dada ni mata ni olo ni asa your grandchildren, your children (referred to as birds and chicks) TC 00:02:39.713 - 00:02:41.721 ni-ge'e hisi gena gana uli rarau amu rarau take a good care of them so that they are always in good health TC 00:02:41.721 - 00:02:43.880 ai ge'e olo haria do uai he'e, asa haria do uai he'e they are orphaned (referred to as orphaned birds and chicks) TC 00:02:43.880 - 00:02:46.650
Na'i ua'a naigalu ene i ua'a la'iri la uoi da mara gini What you, ancestors, do TC 00:02:46.650 - 00:02:49.616 i ge'e olo haria do uai he'e, asa haria do uai he'e they are your orphaned birds and chicks TC 00:02:49.616 - 00:02:52.025
319 to ma'ene, to gaha-nehe, ere dete they do not know and they do not remember, TC 00:02:52.025 - 00:02:53.650 eregau ani uasi ma'u era ere gi duru lolo gi sobu ma lolo that's why I speak for them and what I say are their words TC 00:02:53.650 - 00:02:56.865 ba i erau ere gau biiri, ere gau gora'a but do not get offended TC 00:02:56.865 - 00:03:00.368 isa-gugu to ue'e, gi-bei do ue'e, sisiri toili ooro ene toili to eregau they are such an ignorance, and because of illness and diseases TC 00:03:00.368 - 00:03:03.761 duu ere rau gini oma ere rau gini they want to rebuild the sacred house TC 00:03:03.761 - 00:03:05.610 ba no-ba'e hatete no-ba'e lolini, ani ere gi duru do lolo gi sobu ma do lolo but they are not good speaking, so I speak for them TC 00:03:05.610 - 00:03:09.896
Eregau i olo i asa naigalu ene meti-ula sa'i rou meti-da'e sa'i rou Therefore, those your 'birds' and 'chicken' who scatter from the north to the south TC 00:03:09.896 - 00:03:14.425 la'a uatu-isi sa'i rou, uatu-misa sa'i rou from the east to the west TC 00:03:14.425 - 00:03:16.976
320 la'a ni-ge'e nana heli ma do mi-gena, nana tane ma do mi-gena, sisiri ene gau uoi da ma'u, ooro ene gau uoi da ma'u look after them and protect them from any diseases and illness TC 00:03:16.976 - 00:03:22.361 ni-ge'e gutu da gutu sata. Mata ua'a naigalu uere hisi ue'e to uri oho ma gau gini, bora oho ma gau gini, Whenever there are people conspiring against them and had bad intentions towards them TC 00:03:22.361 - 00:03:26.433 i ene ni ma redi gini, ni ma aba gini you become their protectors TC 00:03:26.433 - 00:03:28.608 ni ma gutu-lari, ni ma gutu-sata protect and shield them TC 00:03:28.608 - 00:03:30.256
Erau sisiri ma do gau saunu, erau ooro ma do gau saunu, gana Protect them from diseases and illness that come to them TC 00:03:30.256 - 00:03:33.481 uai he'e gana i ge'e neuai naga hamos nana, fatin naga hamos nana so that they keep your places clean TC 00:03:33.481 - 00:03:36.750
I ua'a namu ene liurai, sada ene liurai you are the king TC 00:03:36.750 - 00:03:40.193 i ua'a bu'u-mata lari-lolo, i nai naga tamu nana, i nai naga lauru nana You, the hill and hill-side (Bu'u-mata Lari-Lolo), to continue mention your names TC 00:03:40.193 - 00:03:43.971
321
Ere dete ua'a-asi asa u ere gapu ma'u, bai u ere gapu ma'u That's why, this chicken and pig are brought here TC 00:03:43.971 - 00:03:46.945 ma do gi du'u gi tali gini nana, ma gi bala'a gi tali gini nana do gapu ma'u they are meant to be the rope for the young and ripe TC 00:03:46.945 - 00:03:50.201
Ba nigau era ge'e oma mutu duu mutu, nigau bu'i oho na'u gi gata he'e oho, gi sika oho na'u gi gata he'e oho However, if there are something still not right in the house TC 00:03:50.201 - 00:03:55.233 asa ere gi ari gana na'u sau nuruku hau biruku, nakunu hau biruku, demi hau biruku, let the liver of the chicken and pig rotten TC 00:03:55.233 - 00:03:58.740 semolate uara'e hau biruku, uaimomo uairala hau biruku, let them rotten TC 00:03:58.740 - 00:04:01.265 ba nigau hai-sau irara pukala ge'e dawa, asa ere gi ari, bai ere gi ari na'u sau but if everything in the house is okay, let the liver of the chicken and pig TC 00:04:01.265 - 00:04:07.776 hai uri asana, ai gata asana. Asa u ua'a le'ere Uatu-Gamu clean and clear. This chicken, Uatu-Gamu TC 00:04:07.776 - 00:04:09.665 00:04:09.665 - 00:04:26.281 ni mata guba, ni apu guba, ni uaini guba, ni uli guba, ni ta'u guba, with his children and grandchildren TC 00:04:26.281 - 00:04:33.465
322 asa u ua'a le'ere gapu ma'u who bring this chicken TC 00:04:33.465 - 00:04:37.340 gi du'u ene hai tauru, gi bala'a ene tauru the young and ripe are ready TC 00:04:37.340 - 00:04:39.361 ere dete i ua'a Bu'u-lolo, Lari-mata that's why, you the Hill and Hill-side TC 00:04:39.361 - 00:04:41.601 00:04:41.601 - 00:04:43.488
Tuda Naebuti Tuda Naebuti TC 00:04:43.488 - 00:04:45.616
Eregau asa u ere ma i ere gi-nai tamu, to offer you this chicken TC 00:04:45.616 - 00:04:49.505 gi-nai lauru for the sake of your names TC 00:04:49.505 - 00:04:51.593
Sisiri ene gau uoi da ma'u, ooro ene gau uoi da ma'u, ni-ge'e gutu-da, ni-ge'e gutu-lolo protect them from any kind of diseases and ilness TC 00:04:51.593 - 00:04:55.050
Anu oho nigau he da mara gau bora oho ila oho gini dawa, i ene ni ma redi gini, ni ma aba gini Whenever there are people conspiring against them, have bad intentions towards them, protect them and shield them TC 00:04:55.050 - 00:04:59.713
323 mata u nigau uri oho bau oho gapu ma do if there are people who hate TC 00:04:59.713 - 00:05:03.673 i olo i asa your grandchildren and children (referred to as 'birds' and 'chicken') TC 00:05:03.673 - 00:05:05.913 gau ma'ene oho people hate them TC 00:05:05.913 - 00:05:07.545 i ene ni ma redi gini aba gini, ni-ge'e gutu-da, gutu-sata make yourselves as protectors and shields for them TC 00:05:07.545 - 00:05:10.793 gana uli rarau amu rarau dete so they always stay healthy TC 00:05:10.793 - 00:05:13.513 i gau li'a da'e pala, naua da'e pala, naga-naga ma do i ua'a They are the ones who will prepare everything for you in order to maintain you, TC 00:05:13.513 - 00:05:18.605
Bu'u-lolo gi-nai tamu, Lari-lolo gi-nai tamu 'Bu'u-Lolo' and 'Lari-Lolo', names and continue bring your names forward
Erau sisiri ma do gau saunu, erau ooro ma do gau saunu protect them any kind of diseases and illness TC 00:05:18.605 - 00:05:23.250
Ua mata ma do i gau pala ene uere, mane-ai ma do i gau pala ene uere They are the ones prepare foods for you TC 00:05:23.250 - 00:05:28.656
324 liada'e nama da'e naga ma i gau pala nana ene uere so that they always serve you TC 00:05:28.656 - 00:05:33.561
i gau serbi nana ene uere, i gau hanai nana uere they are here to serve you and to praise you TC 00:05:33.561 - 00:05:36.465 eregau ni-ge'e hisi gena girau, ni-ge'e sentidu girau. therefore, take a good care of them and protect them TC 00:05:36.465 - 00:05:39.376
Ba ani nigau deti-lolo deti-pagunu hani dawa, If what I have said are wrong, TC 00:05:39.376 - 00:05:46.433 uatu-misa ani sau terini, uatu-hisi ani sau terini, bulata ani sau tahan do, ani mini-gali lolo. let the east and west and sky stop me, and I repeat it.
Ba ani nehe-lolo nehe-pagunu hani dawa, But if what I have said are right TC 00:05:46.433 - 00:05:53.976 uatu-misa hau diini, uatu-hisi hau diini, bulata hau diini. let the east, the west and the sky break TC 00:05:53.976 - 00:05:56.170
Na'u-nisi era ge'e oma mutu, rese mutu gi bu'i gi sika oho nigau If there are something are not right in the house TC 00:05:56.170 - 00:06:07.945 ne'egu sa'i lolo-gini hani dawa, if something has not been settled yet
325
asa ere gi ari gana nuruku hau biruku, nakunu hau biruku, demi hau biruku, garlasi hau biruku. let the liver of the chicken rotten TC 00:06:07.945 - 00:06:14.016 semolate uara'e hau biruku, uaimomouirala hau biruku let them rotten TC 00:06:14.016 - 00:06:17.041 ba hai sa'i irara hai sa'i pukala hapa dawa, asa ere gi ari gana na'u sau hai uri asana, hai gata asana. But if everything is alright, let the liver of the chicken clean and clear. TC 00:06:17.041 - 00:06:23.368
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Appendix G: 5 Dai-rai-waara (Ula-buti) (DRWUB) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Saturday, March 14, 2015 1:38 AM
Ai dada ai mata Ula-Buti mutu Your grandchildren and children in the house of Ulabuti TC 00:04:24.215 - 00:04:26.701 00:04:26.701 - 00:04:30.181
Watu'u gitu duu oma a le ere hai la'a Formerly, this house built TC 00:04:30.181 - 00:04:33.310 00:04:33.310 - 00:04:36.415 hai la'a, bu'u ua'a lari ua'a hai gali rou scatter around hills and hiilsides TC 00:04:36.415 - 00:04:45.070
Uainua hisi, Uaitutumata hisi tan funu ene gini, sala ene gini in Uainua and Uaitutomata due to the wars TC 00:04:45.070 - 00:04:48.110 00:04:48.110 - 00:04:52.190
Japones ene gini Australia ene gini, Portugal ene gini caused by Japanese Australia and Portugal TC 00:04:52.190 - 00:04:54.711 00:04:54.711 - 00:04:57.110
Ere ene duu ere duhu, oma ere hau duhu as a result this house was burnt TC 00:04:57.110 - 00:05:00.750
Ai ge'e haria, wairoko Your grandchildren and children left orphaned TC 00:05:00.750 - 00:05:07.846
327 katuas Lu-Loi, Naha-Loi The elders are Lu-Loi and naha-Loi TC 00:05:07.846 - 00:05:22.230
Lu-Loi, Naha-Loi, nisi ere hani la'a u la'a Ermera hisi, They went on their own ways one went to Ermera TC 00:05:22.230 - 00:05:26.198 00:05:26.198 - 00:05:30.973 u wai Uaguia hisi the other remained in Uaguia TC 00:05:30.973 - 00:05:37.335
Anu mahe, u ere la'a serbisu ni-ge'e hala'o everyone did his own works TC 00:05:37.335 - 00:05:41.270 u ere o la serbisu to ajuda none helped one another TC 00:05:41.270 - 00:05:45.861
Ere dete anu mahe nisi hai la'a, dada-wai mata-wai your grandchildren and children TC 00:05:45.861 - 00:05:50.061 ai-ge'e ko'idiki harai, ai-ge'e serbisu salole they are young TC 00:05:50.061 - 00:05:55.430 ai ene oma he gini, ai ene duu ua'a Ulabuti gini oma a Ula-Buti gini You were the one who built the house of Ulabuti TC 00:05:55.430 - 00:06:00.206 ai ene ni-ge'e harii, hala'o you built it and served it
328
TC 00:06:00.206 - 00:06:02.623 ai ene su'a ere gini, ai ene kili ere gini you were the one who introduced this custom TC 00:06:02.623 - 00:06:04.856 ere hani, ma'u Indonesia gi tempu then during Indonesian time TC 00:06:04.856 - 00:06:08.758 mini ma la'a tasi mutu uoi hau suri, meti mutu uoi hau suri leave the in the ocean TC 00:06:08.758 - 00:06:14.246 dai mutu uoi hau suri leave them among foreigners TC 00:06:14.246 - 00:06:17.526
Ni-ge'e reseu hai mini-gali gini, respeitu hai mini-gali gini We now would like to restore our fear and respect to our ancestors TC 00:06:17.526 - 00:06:22.150 hai la'a ere Eremera hisi rou, hai mini-ma'u Bahalia hisi rou Everyone again come together TC 00:06:22.150 - 00:06:27.775
Ai mini mutu u hari u, ai mini iti u tana u we now are united again TC 00:06:27.775 - 00:06:30.813
Ni-ge'e hai gaha-sipa'a damu, from now on we uphold it and continue to practise it TC 00:06:30.813 - 00:06:35.775
329
I a serbisu salole. Ai ene gi waboku loke, gi albu loke You who work. You are the one who open their hearts TC 00:06:35.775 - 00:06:37.998 00:06:37.998 - 00:06:40.278
Gana ira wa'a wai mi-deere hani Kuda kabalo hi'a mi-ria hani As water flowing in the river and as horse galloping TC 00:06:40.278 - 00:06:43.438 00:06:43.438 - 00:06:46.470
Budikai gau la'a, panukai gau la'a They can succeed TC 00:06:46.470 - 00:06:49.598 ai ge'e to-be'u ni naruta gau gali-la'a and do not make them fail TC 00:06:49.598 - 00:06:52.221
Gana na'u gi-rau dete duu ere gi'a-gini so that they are always healthy to rebuild the house TC 00:06:52.221 - 00:06:55.430 to-be'u la'a turbou gi newai, to-be'u la'a kalau gi newai do not make them suffer TC 00:06:55.430 - 00:06:58.966
Ehani anu noko anu kaka hai mini-gali puni-dula, hai mini-gali puni di'ara Now all the family members come together and gather in this place TC 00:06:58.966 - 00:07:03.598
Ai ge'e gana so that they are TC 00:07:03.598 - 00:07:06.686 amu rarau dete ga'awai he row, gana uli rarau dete ga'awai he rou always in a good health to continue your custom and worship you
330
TC 00:07:06.686 - 00:07:10.495
Duu a Ula-Buti, oma a Ula-Buti The house of Ulabuti TC 00:07:10.495 - 00:07:14.158 gana ehani reseu u ma ma-gini, respeitu u ma ma-gini people can fear and have respect for it TC 00:07:14.158 - 00:07:17.101 piara ma gini believe in it TC 00:07:17.101 - 00:07:20.013 kompri ma ma-gini, ai ge'e gana duu mutu, oma mutu he sanir trust in it, so that your grandchildren and children can grow in the house TC 00:07:20.013 - 00:07:24.543
Ai ge'e gana ira u gini, ama u gini give them an abundant of results from the farm and rice-field TC 00:07:24.543 - 00:07:28.590 ai ge'e riku u hakiak, and increase in numbers for their cattle TC 00:07:28.590 - 00:07:33.326 ai ge'e gana domin, gana paz give them peace TC 00:07:33.326 - 00:07:37.830 00:07:37.830 - 00:07:40.366 gana ko'ini patana gau la'a give them intelligence to be leaders TC 00:07:40.366 - 00:07:46.095
331 gabinete mutu di'ara, kantor mutu di'ara to sit in a cabnet and become a civil servant TC 00:07:46.095 - 00:07:51.566 ai ma gau hatudu, gana duu a Ula-Buti show them the way, so that children of the house of Ulabuti TC 00:07:51.566 - 00:07:57.798 gana kadeira u mutu mi kadeira u hisi serbisu can get a position and find a job TC 00:07:57.798 - 00:08:01.301 00:08:01.301 - 00:08:05.416
Ai ua'a duu ua'a Ula-Buti mutu, You, the house of Ulabuti TC 00:08:05.416 - 00:08:10.726 oma a Ula-Buti mutu, gi dada gi nanu watu'u its ancestors could not TC 00:08:10.726 - 00:08:14.350 buta huruf, to iskola read and write and did not go to school TC 00:08:14.350 - 00:08:18.670
Ere dete ai ni-ge'e gini Then you make yours TC 00:08:18.670 - 00:08:22.950 00:08:22.950 - 00:08:25.598 ai ge'e hai mini besi become a metal TC 00:08:25.598 - 00:08:28.470 00:08:28.470 - 00:08:31.878 ere gapu punu, ere gapu sala, Timor hai mini-gali ukun rasik and used it in wars and now Timor has got its independence
332
TC 00:08:31.878 - 00:08:37.133
Ere hani gana budikai, ere hani gana panukai gau la'a Now on, it can make progress towards the future TC 00:08:37.133 - 00:08:40.646
Loromonu Lorosa'e, ma'a-ula, ma'a-da'e From the east to the west, from south to the north TC 00:08:40.646 - 00:08:46.006 hai goba mini-gali lapu'u now we are back alive TC 00:08:46.006 - 00:08:50.535 ai a Ula-Buti ere o gabinete mutu serbisu, kantor mutu serbisu You, Ulabuti, can also sit in a cabinet and become civil servant TC 00:08:50.535 - 00:08:57.366
Ula-Buti mutu ene hai la'a parlamentu ere Children in Ulabuti may one day work in the parliament TC 00:08:57.366 - 00:09:02.110
Ula-Buti ene hai la'a presidente ere and may become president TC 00:09:02.110 - 00:09:07.015
Ula-Buti mutu ene hai la'a kapitaun, hai alfersi ere and may become captain and sergeant TC 00:09:07.015 - 00:09:09.581
Ula-Buti hai la'a major sersan ere and become major and sergeant TC 00:09:09.581 - 00:09:13.141
333 mini la'a buta huruf nai However, the children of Ulabuti are not well educated TC 00:09:13.141 - 00:09:17.773
Watu'u gitu, naigalu hai la'a kadeira hi'a-bere ma gau taka Formerly, who had got a position tended to block their ways TC 00:09:17.773 - 00:09:21.150 00:09:21.150 - 00:09:24.688 to sa'i serbisu and did not find a job TC 00:09:24.688 - 00:09:27.575
Na'ire'e hai liurai, hai kapitaun, na'ire'e hai la'a whoever in power as a king or a captain TC 00:09:27.575 - 00:09:31.126 hai baino, hai la'a rata-mata or a prince, or slaves TC 00:09:31.126 - 00:09:34.030 tetap baino, tetap rata-mata, whoever was a prince would remain a prince, whoever was a slave would remain a slave TC 00:09:34.030 - 00:09:36.981
Ehani mundu liberdade loke fali, Nowadays, the world becomes more liberal and open TC 00:09:36.981 - 00:09:40.406 ai ene ni-ge'e gau hi'a-bere hatudu you are the one who show them ways TC 00:09:40.406 - 00:09:44.815 hi'a-bata hatudu, dalan hatudu to show the way
334
TC 00:09:44.815 - 00:09:46.950 ana gana ai piara, ai kompri nana so that people can trust and believe in you TC 00:09:46.950 - 00:09:50.581
Duu ua'a Ula-Buti mutu he'e, oma ua'a Ula-Buti mutu he'e in the house of Ulabuti TC 00:09:50.581 - 00:09:54.261
Salvasaun, perdaun. Lu-Loi, Naha-Loi Salvation and forgiveness. Lu-Loi and Naha-Loi TC 00:09:54.261 - 00:09:58.486 00:09:58.486 - 00:10:11.501 gi apu, gi wa'ini and their children and grandchildren TC 00:10:11.501 - 00:10:14.166 dei-dei rou, lebe-lebe rou, bati-bati rou they lived separately in different places TC 00:10:14.166 - 00:10:18.381 wa'asi watu u, wa'asi gamu u today, and tonight TC 00:10:18.381 - 00:10:20.718 00:10:20.718 - 00:10:23.110 hai mini-gali puni-dula, hai mini-gali tata-dula you all come together and are united again TC 00:10:23.110 - 00:10:26.301 hai mini mutu u, hai mini hari u consider one another TC 00:10:26.301 - 00:10:29.166
335 iti hai puni-diu ene ere, tana hai puni-gamu ene ere to be united as one family TC 00:10:29.166 - 00:10:31.421
Le ere gi ti'iri u hisi gamu dawa Once you are united, you will TC 00:10:31.421 - 00:10:34.270 gana ha'ehe, gi taili u hisi gamu dawa gana ha'ehe share all the burden together TC 00:10:34.270 - 00:10:36.701 gana anu noko gi-rau, anu kaka gi-rau, ni iti hai mini puni-diu, ni tana hai mini puni-gamu consider one another as a united brothers TC 00:10:36.701 - 00:10:42.021
Ere gana mutu u nai, gana hari u nai to become one only TC 00:10:42.021 - 00:10:45.328 gana i ua'a matebian rorokasa la ere o gana i badu-husu gaha-sipa'a all ancestors, please take a good care of them so that they can continue to hold your candles TC 00:10:45.328 - 00:10:51.878 gana i ate-puhu gaha-guara and your flowers TC 00:10:51.878 - 00:10:53.478
I ua'a koronel la duu mutu oma Ula-Buti mutu dane ere o gana And also you all colonels in the house of Ulabuti, TC 00:10:53.478 - 00:10:59.518 i gau gi uha sentidu, gi deta sentidu they can continue to care for you
336
TC 00:10:59.518 - 00:11:02.258 i gau ua imi sentidu, i gau ua buti sentidu in preparing you foods TC 00:11:02.258 - 00:11:04.773 ere dete gana ta-puni so that they can be united TC 00:11:04.773 - 00:11:07.398 i anu nai-roba ere o gana nia dada kuidadu, ni mata kuidadu and you, ancestors, also take a good care of your grandchildren and children TC 00:11:07.398 - 00:11:10.941
Era anu nairoba dane ere o gana i anu nairoba kuidadu in return your chiclren and grandchildren will also continue to care for you TC 00:11:10.941 - 00:11:15.326 ta-puni mutu u, ta-puni hari u let us be united TC 00:11:15.326 - 00:11:18.181 to i hai la'a woi rou mara, hai la'a, duu hani dane ni nana ma woi gaana mara, osa hani dane ni nana ma woi gaana, i anu nairoba your grandchildren and chicldren have spread out all aorund, you (ancestors) TC 00:11:18.181 - 00:11:26.215
Ni-ge'e gi budi sope, ni-ge'e gi panu sope recognize your TC 00:11:26.215 - 00:11:29.350 ni-ge'e ula-teri mi-ma'ene, ni-ge'e ula-hasa mi-ma'ene grandchildren and children and bring them back TC 00:11:29.350 - 00:11:32.878
337
Gana duu a Ula-Buti mutu tama. Baba sarani, into the house of the Ulabuti The god-father, TC 00:11:32.878 - 00:11:37.126 00:11:37.126 - 00:11:41.198
Lialuku, pontu ere sa'a nenehe wai ma the house of Lialuku would like to TC 00:11:41.198 - 00:11:44.541 ate hani wai ma gutu-wou hani ene hai ma ehani gutu-wou, apa hani ma gutu-daru hani dane ma ere hani gutu-daru ere give this advice, so that the house of Ulabuti can continue to thrive. TC 00:11:44.541 - 00:11:50.181
Obrigado. Thank you. TC 00:11:50.181 - 00:11:51.541
338
Appendix G: 6_Koi-sauku (Muta-asa-palu) (KoiSMP) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/RESEARCH/Video Extra/[email protected] Sunday, March 15, 2015 1:30 AM
Asa pana u a le ere. Ai ua'a Du-u-Lasa gau ene asa pana u ere. Ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini, ai ene hau ma soko-gini, ai ene hau ma soli-gini This chicken is for you, Du'u-lasa. You are the one who cut (them) off, kill (them), disapear (them), harelip (them), and crook (their) lips TC 00:00:02.636 - 00:00:10.060
Ira mutu la'a ai ene guba ira mutu la'a, kareta misa ai ene guba kareta misa going into water you go with (them), boarding a car you board with (them) TC 00:00:10.060 - 00:00:13.443 ate misa ai ene guba ate misa, ma gehe ai ene guba ma gehe climbing a tree you climb with (them), drinking wine you drink with (them) TC 00:00:13.443 - 00:00:15.451
Su'a a le ere, ai ua'a asi dada, This custom, you, my grandfather TC 00:00:15.451 - 00:00:49.340
Unu-Lai, ai ua'a asi nanu Unu-lai Unu-Lai, my great-grandfather Unu-Lai TC 00:00:49.340 - 00:00:51.268
Ai ua'a asi nanu Meta-Lai my grandfather Meta-Lai TC 00:00:51.268 - 00:00:53.068 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, ai ene kili ere ma he wou you were the one who introduced this custom
339
TC 00:00:53.068 - 00:00:55.660
Ma'u Raku-Siba, Gari-Siba Then, Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:00:55.660 - 00:00:58.615
Ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, ai ene kili ere ma he wou. Ma'u Lu-Gari, Modo-Gary you were the one who introduced this custom, then Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:00:58.615 - 00:01:01.621 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, ai ene kili ma he wou you were the one introducing this custom TC 00:01:01.621 - 00:01:04.540
I ene su'a ere ma he wou, kili ere ma he wou You all were who practised them TC 00:01:04.540 - 00:01:06.405
Ma'u Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu, Then, Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu TC 00:01:06.405 - 00:01:08.636
Leki-Lu. Ai ene su'a ere na'u-nisi ma he wou, kili ere ma he wou and Leki-Lu, you were the one introduced this custom TC 00:01:08.636 - 00:01:11.756
Ini ai dada, ai mata, ini ehani olo gi haria, asa gi haria we as your grandchildren and children, now we are orphans TC 00:01:11.756 - 00:01:15.540 su'a ere na'u-nisi kontinua hala'o, kili ere na'u-nisi kontinua hala'o we continue to practise the customs TC 00:01:15.540 - 00:01:18.388
340
Anu ua'a naigalu ene ai pa-lolo, ai pa-duma, ai ene hau ma whoever talk bad about you, you TC 00:01:18.388 - 00:01:21.565 umu-gini, ai ene hau molu-gini, ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini kill (them), disappear (them), cut (them) off TC 00:01:21.565 - 00:01:24.436
Ai ua'a Du'u-Lasa ene ofisial mandadu ma la'a gata-laka you, Du'u-Lasa who sends off the agents to TC 00:01:24.436 - 00:01:29.285 hau ma umu-gini, hau ma molu-gini kill (them), disappear (them), TC 00:01:29.285 - 00:01:31.573 hau ma teri-la'a gini, hau ma tau-la'a gini, hau ma soli-gini, hau ma soko-gini who cut (them) off, kill (them), disapear (them), harelip (them), and crook (their) lips, TC 00:01:31.573 - 00:01:34.588 hau ma lakilaka-gini, hau ma duabi-gini snake (them), TC 00:01:34.588 - 00:01:37.845 hau ma bururu-gini, hau ma sagi-gini itch (them) TC 00:01:37.845 - 00:01:39.788
Ai ene mane-teri ma gau, ai ene mane-soili ma gau la'a you cut off (their) neck, crook (their) neck TC 00:01:39.788 - 00:01:42.156
Ate misa ai ene guba ate misa, kareta misa ai ene guba kareta misa climbing trees you climb with (them), boarding cars you board with (them)
341
TC 00:01:42.156 - 00:01:46.118 ma gehe ai ene guba ma gehe, ira mutu la'a ai ene guba ira mutu la'a drining wine you drink with (them) TC 00:01:46.118 - 00:01:49.156
Ere ene asa pana u ere. Ere hani, this chicken is for you Now, TC 00:01:49.156 - 00:01:50.708 00:01:50.708 - 00:01:57.508 ai dada ai mata gi ra'isa, gi rairou your garndchildren and children have scattered all around TC 00:01:57.508 - 00:01:59.803 00:01:59.803 - 00:02:00.950
Ai ge'e ni gau bibi mata u hakiak, bai mata u hakiak if they want to tame goats, pigs TC 00:02:00.950 - 00:02:04.236 asa mata u hakiak, ira u gini, ama u gini and chickens; if they want to work on farms and rice-fields TC 00:02:04.236 - 00:02:07.571 ai ge'e duu mutu, oma mutu yours in the house TC 00:02:07.571 - 00:02:11.468
Na'u-nisi bibi hakiak, bai hakiak, asa hakiak they also tame goats, pigs, and chickens TC 00:02:11.468 - 00:02:14.036
Ira u gini, ama u gini, Na'u-nisi ana gi'ge'e work on farms and rice-fields people still TC 00:02:14.036 - 00:02:20.143 00:02:20.143 - 00:02:24.528
342 sena, gi-ge'e lia Amigo pahana steal theirs friends TC 00:02:24.528 - 00:02:27.731 00:02:27.731 - 00:02:29.940
Ehani koronel da'e-koru now, colonel of gods TC 00:02:29.940 - 00:02:35.670 duu Maubesi mutu he'e, oma Maubesi Surimia in the house of Maubesi and Maubesi Surimia TC 00:02:35.670 - 00:02:38.155 mutu he'e, mini-gali serbisu Pamilia pahana work again family TC 00:02:38.155 - 00:02:41.203 00:02:41.203 - 00:02:45.228 ai sa'i persiza, ai sa'i karaka hai sa'i ma'u gia-ria, gia-la'a they all need and want you they come to you for help TC 00:02:45.228 - 00:02:48.956 00:02:48.956 - 00:02:51.356 bibi hakiak, bai hakiak, asa hakiak tame goats, pigs, and chickens TC 00:02:51.356 - 00:02:54.331 00:02:54.331 - 00:02:55.950 ira gini, ama gini when they work on farms and rice-fields TC 00:02:55.950 - 00:02:57.845
Na'u-nisi anu la'a reseu to ma ma-gini, respeitu to ma ma-gini ft@Koi-Sauku there is still no fear and no respect for them TC 00:02:57.845 - 00:03:01.775
Na'u-nisi gi-ge'e sena, gi-ge'e lia ft@Koi-Sauku people still steal theirs
343
TC 00:03:01.775 - 00:03:04.788
Ehani ma'u, ni-ge'e gi uha u ma gau operese, gi lapu u ma gau operese today, they come to offer you the eggs and the living TC 00:03:04.788 - 00:03:10.738
Ni-ge'e ofisial hasai mandadu hasai Ehani gi hasil hai noto he'e send off its agents there is not much crops TC 00:03:10.738 - 00:03:12.708 00:03:12.708 - 00:03:15.283 gi lapu hai noto he'e I ua'a Anu-Lai, i ua'a Meta-Lai their life is in vain you, Anu-Lai and Meta-Lai, TC 00:03:15.283 - 00:03:17.131 00:03:17.131 - 00:03:19.251
I ua'a Raku-Siba, i ua'a Gari-Siba You, Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:03:19.251 - 00:03:24.936
Raku-Siba, Gari-Siba wai ma Lu-Gari gi tana hisi, wai ma Modo-Gari gi tana hisi Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba passed on to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:03:24.936 - 00:03:29.028
Lu-Gari, Modo-Gari mini ma la'a Raku-Siba gi tana, Gari-Siba gi tana hisi Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari then passed on to Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:03:29.028 - 00:03:32.780
Lu-Gari, Modo-Gari mini-gali ma ma ma'u Raku-Siba gi tana hisi, Gari-Siba gi tana hisi Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari then passed on to Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:03:32.780 - 00:03:38.220
Na'u mini-gali ma la'a Then again TC 00:03:38.220 - 00:03:40.676
344
Raku-Siba, Gari-Siba na'u mini ma Lu-Gari gi tana hisi woi rai, Modo-Gari gi tana hisi woi rai Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba again passed on to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:03:40.676 - 00:03:45.455
Lu-Gari, Modo-Gari mini-gali ma Bere-Lu gi tana hisi, Naha-Lu gi tana hisi Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari passed on to bere-Lu, Naha-Lu, TC 00:03:45.455 - 00:03:49.611
Leki-Lu gi tana, Lu-Modo gi tana hisi, Leki-Modo Leki-Lu, Lu-Modo, and Leki-Modo TC 00:03:49.611 - 00:03:52.196 gi tana hisi. Ma'u, Antoni Sobu-Lari Then passed on to Antonio Sobu-Sobu-Lari TC 00:03:52.196 - 00:03:57.291
Rika-Naha, Leki-bere, Labi-Leki, Anu-Leki Rika-Naha, Leki-bere, Labi-Leki, Anu-Leki, TC 00:03:57.291 - 00:04:00.156 00:04:00.156 - 00:04:02.636
Rubi-Naha gi tana hisi Gamu-naha gi tana hisi. Sibiki'i, Rubi-Naha, Gamu-Naha. They are a little bit TC 00:04:02.636 - 00:04:04.836 00:04:04.836 - 00:04:07.756 ni isa-gugu ma gini, ni mutu-molu ma gini ignorant and lack of knowledge TC 00:04:07.756 - 00:04:10.836 hai ma ira mi woi rai hisi, hai meti mi woi rai hisi, it is all thrown in the water and ocean TC 00:04:10.836 - 00:04:14.436
345 hai ma wai mi woi rai hisi. Ehani ni terusu negena, ni sofre negena and in the river. Now they have realized their sufferings TC 00:04:14.436 - 00:04:18.460
Duu Maubesi hai mini gia-la'a, Oma a Maubesi hai mini gia-la'a We have once again come under the protection of the house of Maubesi TC 00:04:18.460 - 00:04:22.811
Duu Surimia hai mini gia-la'a, Oma Surimia hai mini gia-la'a and Surimia TC 00:04:22.811 - 00:04:26.988
Ehani hai mini duulu, hai mini pelunu now it looks beautiful TC 00:04:26.988 - 00:04:30.371
Familia gi seluk ma'u Other family members TC 00:04:30.371 - 00:04:33.011 familia boubounu, hai goba piara, hai goba karaka and many more family members all now believe in it and want TC 00:04:33.011 - 00:04:36.316 hai goba ma'u ni-ge'e gia-ria, ni-ge'e gia-la'a, ni-ge'e ofisial hai hasai, ni-ge'e mandadu hai hasai to come under its protection, they have offered agents TC 00:04:36.316 - 00:04:40.756
I ua'a su'a ere gini, i ua'a kili ere gini you, who introduced the customs TC 00:04:40.756 - 00:04:45.708
346 i ere mi-su'a nana hani hai mega ma ere hani gini ere, i ere we continue to practise the customs you have introduced to us TC 00:04:45.708 - 00:04:48.485 mi-kili damu ene hai mega ma ere hani gini ere and wil continue to do it TC 00:04:48.485 - 00:04:50.180
Sibiki'i, ai ge'e isa-gugu, mutu-molu your children and grandchildren are a little bit ignorant TC 00:04:50.180 - 00:04:53.405 00:04:53.405 - 00:04:55.180 gi uha u hani, gi lapu u hani, asa hani gi liha pooro, depa hani gi nana gaana they are like new born puppies and chicks TC 00:04:55.180 - 00:04:59.908
Ere dete sibiki'i hai ma gau rubah this is why, there has been a little bit changes TC 00:04:59.908 - 00:05:03.820
Ni gau iana gia, ni koi ma gia gi'ara, saara ni-ge'e ma gia gi'ara so that we can come to you for protection TC 00:05:03.820 - 00:05:09.268
Butiri hai ma he lekara, metana hai ma he lekara white and black have been displayed TC 00:05:09.268 - 00:05:13.516
To-be'u ere ma boubounu geere, do not think too much over it TC 00:05:13.516 - 00:05:17.436 ai ge'e ene to ma'ene, lilin u hai ma dua they are ignorant and have lit candles here
347
TC 00:05:17.436 - 00:05:23.396 ni-ge'e ofisial, ni-ge'e Du'u-Lasa organize your agents, Du'u-Lasa, TC 00:05:23.396 - 00:05:26.331
Maku-Lasa atur, debu, Maka, ere atur gana la'a mi-haga, mi-soro gana Maku-Lasa, 'debu', 'maka', so that they can go after and hunt down TC 00:05:26.331 - 00:05:33.045 la'a tikidau, ma maboku ma gua wo'i bururu sagi ma gua wo'i put snails and palm trees on (them) make (their) skin itching TC 00:05:33.045 - 00:05:36.588 00:05:36.588 - 00:05:40.668 ulakae ma gua wo'i, arabau da'e ma gua wo'i snake (them) and put buffalo heads on TC 00:05:40.668 - 00:05:44.916 ate misa guba ate misa, climbing trees (you) climb with (them) TC 00:05:44.916 - 00:05:48.491 kareta misa guba kareta misa boarding cars (you) climb with (them) TC 00:05:48.491 - 00:05:53.203 la'a ira mutu la'a guba ira mutu la'a entering water (you) enter with (them) TC 00:05:53.203 - 00:05:58.350
Reseu to ma ma-gini, respeitu to ma ma-gini, if there is no fear and respect TC 00:05:58.350 - 00:06:01.196
348 wai ma woi tuli-dane hisi, wai ma woi sapi-dane hisi push (them) down TC 00:06:01.196 - 00:06:03.100
I terus ma gau woi rai, sofere ma gau woi rai make (them) suffer TC 00:06:03.100 - 00:06:07.620
Mini ma'u gia-desara, gia-la'a if (they) regret and ask for forgiveness TC 00:06:07.620 - 00:06:10.236 ni lia hau duma, ni sena hau duma dawa, if (they) regret and confess TC 00:06:10.236 - 00:06:12.716 ira ere mini-gali ma la'a kose, malu ere mini-gali ma la'a pururu use the water and betel to heal TC 00:06:12.716 - 00:06:16.565 gana mini-gali ni mi-ma'ene, gana reseu u mini-gali ma ai dada, ai mata gini, respeitu u mini-gali ma ai mata gini so that (they) are aware of their sins in order to fear and have respect towards your grandchidren and children TC 00:06:16.565 - 00:06:24.220 ai dada, ai mata gini gana ai gau hakruuk and (they) can obey you TC 00:06:24.220 - 00:06:27.476 ai gau kontanisi piara ma la'a, kompri ma la'a and respect you (they) can believe and follow order TC 00:06:27.476 - 00:06:30.045 00:06:30.045 - 00:06:33.451
349 gana bu'u-lolo, lari-lolo mi woi desi la'a dane ere o gana ai piara, ai kompri so that if (they) walk down the hills (they) still believe in you and follow your order TC 00:06:33.451 - 00:06:36.908
Ai ge'e ai dada, ai mata, gi ra'isa gi rai rou your garndchildren and children who live afar TC 00:06:36.908 - 00:06:38.928 duu mutu oma mutu, ehani ni gau bua hai ma he hasai, malu hai ma he hasai they have now come to receive the betel-nuts for the house TC 00:06:38.928 - 00:06:42.820 ai la'a ni-ge'e gi budikai sope, ni-ge'e gi panukai sope so that you know and recognize them TC 00:06:42.820 - 00:06:45.580 mini-gali ma duu gau rakatiki, oma gau rakatiki and bring them back to the house TC 00:06:45.580 - 00:06:49.436
Na'ire'e ai noto piara, ai noto kompri whoever do not believe in you and follow your order TC 00:06:49.436 - 00:06:53.971 ai la'a terusu u ma gau woi rai, sopere u ma gau woi rai give them sufferings TC 00:06:53.971 - 00:06:57.356 ira mutu la'a dawa ai ene ma gau hatudu, ate misa dawa ai ene ma gau hatudu when (they) go into water you show (them) water, when (they) climb trees you indicate (them) trees TC 00:06:57.356 - 00:06:59.925
350 ai ge'e, ai bua ai malu hai la'a hisi wo'i those your grandchildren and children who carry your betel-nuts TC 00:06:59.925 - 00:07:02.868
Ai la'a ni-ge'e ere ma ni duu gau gali-rakatiki, ni oma gau gali-rakatili you bring them back to the house where they belong TC 00:07:02.868 - 00:07:07.076
Ai ge'e gi ra'isa gi rai rou for those who live afar TC 00:07:07.076 - 00:07:09.260
Ai ge'e duu mutu, oma mutu ai ni-ge'e ma ni oma gau rakatiki, ni duu gau rakatiki. and those in the house, bring them bak to the house they belong to TC 00:07:09.260 - 00:07:12.621
Ai a Maku-Lasa, You, Maku-lasa TC 00:07:12.621 - 00:07:27.750 ai ene, ai a asi dada Unu-Lai, ai a asi dada Meta_lai you, my grandfathers Unu-Lai and Meta-Lai TC 00:07:27.750 - 00:07:32.611 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, ai ene kili ere ma he wou you were the one who introduced this custom TC 00:07:32.611 - 00:07:34.950
Ma'u Raku-Siba, Gari-Siba passed on to Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:07:34.950 - 00:07:38.256 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, ai ene kili ere ma he wou you were the one who introduced this custom
351
TC 00:07:38.256 - 00:07:40.420
Lu-gari, Modo-Gari, Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:07:40.420 - 00:07:41.780 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, kili ere ma he wou you were the one who introduced this custom TC 00:07:41.780 - 00:07:43.956
Mini ma'u Raku-Siba, Gari-Siba then Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:07:43.956 - 00:07:46.716 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, kili ere ma he wou, ini ai dada ai mata you were the one who introduced this custom. we as your grandchildren and children TC 00:07:46.716 - 00:07:49.100 ehani olo haria, asa haria we now become orphans TC 00:07:49.100 - 00:07:50.628 ini na'u-nisi su'a ere gini, kili ere kontinua gini we continue to practise the custom TC 00:07:50.628 - 00:07:53.611
Asi dada Lu-Gari, Modo-Gari, you, my grandfather Lu-Gari Modo-Gari TC 00:07:53.611 - 00:07:55.148 00:07:55.148 - 00:07:57.508 ai ene su'a ere ma he wou, kili ere ma he wou you were the one who introduced this custom TC 00:07:57.508 - 00:08:00.211
352
Mini-gali ma'u Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu, Leki-Lu then Bere-Lu, Naha-Lu and Leki-Lu TC 00:08:00.211 - 00:08:02.460
Na'u-nisi su'a ere tetap gini, kili ere tetap mi-gini continue practising the custom TC 00:08:02.460 - 00:08:05.685
Mini-gali ma'u, ini ua'a matawai, Lu-Leki, Labi-Leki then come to us, as children Lu-Leki and Labi-Leki TC 00:08:05.685 - 00:08:07.845 00:08:07.845 - 00:08:11.380
Sobu-Lari, Leki-bere, Sobu-Lari Leki-Bere TC 00:08:11.380 - 00:08:14.828 00:08:14.828 - 00:08:19.908 wai ma matawai gi tana hisi, dadawai gi tana hand over to your children and grandchildren TC 00:08:19.908 - 00:08:21.843 su'a ere tetap gini, kili ere teap gini. continue to practise the custom TC 00:08:21.843 - 00:08:25.003
Nai re'e ene ai pa-lolo, ai pa-duma, ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini whoever talk bad about you, you cut (them) off, TC 00:08:25.003 - 00:08:28.588 ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau molu-gini, you kill (them) and disappear (them) TC 00:08:28.588 - 00:08:30.323 ai ene hau ma soili-gini, ai ene hau ma tepu-gini you crook (them), you break (them),
353
TC 00:08:30.323 - 00:08:32.068 ai ene arabau da'e ma gau la'a, ai ene bidua ma gau la'a, ai ene lakilaka ma gau la'a let (them) hit by buffaloes, bitten by nakes TC 00:08:32.068 - 00:08:37.428 ai ene muri-nuruku ma gau la'a, muri-amu'u ma gau la'a make (their) noses rotten and stink TC 00:08:37.428 - 00:08:40.556 ai ene mane-teri ma gau la'a, ai ene mane-soili ma gau la'a you cut of and crook (their) necks TC 00:08:40.556 - 00:08:44.043
Ma gehe ai ene guba ma gehe, kareta misa ai ene guba kareta misa drinking wine you drink with (them), boarding cars you board with (them) TC 00:08:44.043 - 00:08:48.011
Ai ua'aa apa-lebe, you, the flat-stone TC 00:08:48.011 - 00:09:09.563 ai ene nana ma mi-gena, wali ma mi-buna you are the one who keep an eye on and hear (them) TC 00:09:09.563 - 00:09:18.060 ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini you are the one who kill and disappear (them) TC 00:09:18.060 - 00:09:20.380 ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini you cut (them) off TC 00:09:20.380 - 00:09:22.588
354
Nai re'e ene ai pa-lolo, nai re'e ene ai pa-duma, arente, parente whoever talk bad about you, friends, TC 00:09:22.588 - 00:09:27.045 ai dada ai mata, ira hisi rai rou, ama hisi rai rou your grandchildren and children work in the farms and rice-fields TC 00:09:27.045 - 00:09:29.933 gi gau reseu u to ma ma-gini, respeitu u noto ma ma-gini people have no fear and respect towards them TC 00:09:29.933 - 00:09:32.236
Ai ene hau ma soili-gini, ai ene hau ma soko-gini you are the one who crook and harelip (them) TC 00:09:32.236 - 00:09:34.771 ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini you kill and make (them) disappear TC 00:09:34.771 - 00:09:36.420
Ai ua'a apa-lebe ere ene mi-ma'ene. Ere ene ai gau asa pana u ere. you, the flat-stone know where (they) are. this chicken is offered to you TC 00:09:36.420 - 00:09:39.116
Ai asi niki, ai ua'a asi nanu, you, my great-great-grandfather and great grandfather TC 00:09:39.116 - 00:09:44.228 ai su'a ere ma he wou, kili ere ma he wou you were the one who introduced this custom TC 00:09:44.228 - 00:09:45.941
Ini dada-wai, mata-wai, we as your grandchildren and children
355
TC 00:09:45.941 - 00:09:47.756 ma isi dada, isi nanu gi tana hisi, mini-gali ma'u you passed it on to my grandfathers and great grandfathers, then TC 00:09:47.756 - 00:09:51.420 muda ma asi dada, asi dada mini-gali ma'u passed it on to my grandfather, and then TC 00:09:51.420 - 00:09:53.251 teni mini-gali ma'u asi nanu, teni mini-gali repete again back to my great grandfather and great-grandfather, and again TC 00:09:53.251 - 00:09:55.500 ma'u asi dada. Asi dada ehani mini-gali ma'u ini a mata lapu passed it on to my grandfather and then to TC 00:09:55.500 - 00:09:57.611
Asi baba. Asi baba ehani ma'u asi mata my father and then to his son TC 00:09:57.611 - 00:09:59.836 matawai gi tana hisi. Anu reseu to ma ai gini, respeitu to ma ai gini People have no fear and respect to you TC 00:09:59.836 - 00:10:02.988 ana ai sa'i pa-lolo, ai sa'i pa-duma people talk bad about you TC 00:10:02.988 - 00:10:05.976 00:10:05.976 - 00:10:08.365
Ai meta mutu lapu tai mais you live in the dark or unseen, but TC 00:10:08.365 - 00:10:12.150
356 ehani, ini ai dada ai mata we, as your grandchildren and children TC 00:10:12.150 - 00:10:15.540 wai-he'e, tonai hau lita matenek mais even though, we are not well educated, TC 00:10:15.540 - 00:10:19.565 ni-nai sibihibi mata gutu sope. Ehani ana reseu to ma ai gini, respeitu to ma ai gini we can read and write. Nowadays, people have no fear and respect TC 00:10:19.565 - 00:10:22.748
Ehani ai ge'e arente parente now your friends TC 00:10:22.748 - 00:10:26.021 ira hisi rai rou, ama hisi rai rou, ai dada ai mata work in the farms and rice-fields TC 00:10:26.021 - 00:10:28.541 ma'a-ula rou, ma'a-da'e rou, ehani live in the east to the west TC 00:10:28.541 - 00:10:31.196 gi ge'e sasan oma mutu their belongings and things in the house TC 00:10:31.196 - 00:10:35.491 gi lawa, gi kuda, gi arabau, gi asa, gi bai their money, horses, buffaloes, chickens, pigs, TC 00:10:35.491 - 00:10:38.660
357 gi gaha sena ere gau, ai ua'a lubu to apa-lebe ene ma'ene. I ua'a maria Mateus guba, offisial mandadu people still steal them, that is why, you, coconut leaves (lubu) and flat-stone (apa-lebe), we leave it into your hands to take care of them. You all with Maria and Mateus and the agents, TC 00:10:38.660 - 00:10:44.125 i ene ta-puni to mi-soro, hau ma teri-la'a gini, hau ma tau-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini you all together to hunt down, cut (them) off, kill and make (them) disappear TC 00:10:44.125 - 00:10:48.756 ai ene hau ma soko-gini, ai ene hau ma soili-gini you harelip (them), and crook (them) TC 00:10:48.756 - 00:10:51.268
Ai ene mane-teri ma gau la'a, ai ene mane soili ma gau la'a make (their) necks crooked and bent TC 00:10:51.268 - 00:10:53.956
Ere ene asa pana u ere. Asa pana u a le ere, ai Teru. Here is the chicken. This chicken is for you, traditional basket. TC 00:10:53.956 - 00:10:56.508
Ehani, ana reseu to ma ai gini, respeitu to ma ai gini Nowadays, people have no fear and respect towards you TC 00:11:09.516 - 00:11:15.923 arente parente gi-ge'e sasan gi gaha molu friends' belongings and things are stolen TC 00:11:15.923 - 00:11:19.565 gi harai, gi ko'ini, gi gaha molu everything small and big are stolen TC 00:11:19.565 - 00:11:21.750
358
Ana ai ge'e lolo, ai ge'e tamu-tamu people speak high of you and your name become popular among them TC 00:11:21.750 - 00:11:24.556 ana ma ofisial ma he hasai, mandadu ma he hasai people whose things are stolen come to you for help TC 00:11:24.556 - 00:11:27.980 mais ehani gi hasil to he'e. Ana ai hau pa-lolo duni but so far it brings no results, and people might have lost confidence in you TC 00:11:27.980 - 00:11:32.091
Muta-asa-palu, ai The name of Muta-asa-palu TC 00:11:32.091 - 00:11:35.228 lita nokoranu hani mais, muta-asa-palu ehani ai hau to bale is popular, but it seems like it is nothing for now TC 00:11:35.228 - 00:11:37.605
Eregau, ehani i a Teru, Therefore, you, traditional basket (teru) TC 00:11:37.605 - 00:11:41.011 i ene ofisial mandadu guba ta-puni Maria, Mateus together with the agents Maria and Mateus TC 00:11:41.011 - 00:11:45.180 00:11:45.180 - 00:11:48.085
guba ta-puni, i ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, i ene hau ma tau la'a gini you all together cut (them) off, TC 00:11:48.085 - 00:11:50.731
359 i ene hau ma umu-gini, i ene hau molu-gini kill and make (them) disappear TC 00:11:50.731 - 00:11:52.228 ira mutu la'a i ene guba ira mutu la'a, kareta misa i ene guba kareta misa entering water you enter with (them), boarding cars you board with (them) TC 00:11:52.228 - 00:11:55.620 ate misa i ene guba ate misa, ma gehe i ene guba ma gehe climbing trees you climb with (tem), drink wine you drink with (them) TC 00:11:55.620 - 00:11:58.476
Ho di'ara malu tia i guba malu tia, tabaku te'ini i guba tabaku te'ini chewing betel-nuts you chew with (them), smoking tobaco you smoke with (them) TC 00:11:58.476 - 00:12:01.891
Oro, ehani Spear. Nowadays, TC 00:12:01.891 - 00:12:03.540 00:12:03.540 - 00:12:08.051 i ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, i ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, i ene hau ma you cut (them) off, TC 00:12:08.051 - 00:12:13.236 umu-gini, i ene hau ma molu-gini kill and make (them) disappear TC 00:12:13.236 - 00:12:14.876 i ene mane-teri ma gau la'a, i ene mane-soili ma gau la'a you crook and bent (their) necks TC 00:12:14.876 - 00:12:17.565 i ene muri amu'u ma gau la'a i ene muri-nuruku ma gau la'a you make (their) noses stink and rotten
360
TC 00:12:17.565 - 00:12:20.716 i ene bidua ma gau la'a, i ene lakilaka ma gau la'a let snakes bite (them) TC 00:12:20.716 - 00:12:24.356 i ene arabau da'e ma gau la'a, i ene ulakae ma gau la'a let (them) hit by buffaloes TC 00:12:24.356 - 00:12:27.788
Ere ene asa nami u ere. Asa pana u a le ere, this is the chicken. This chicken TC 00:12:27.788 - 00:12:30.511 00:12:30.511 - 00:12:46.451
Ai ua'a Du-da'e you, 'Du-Da'e' TC 00:12:46.451 - 00:12:51.620 ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, You are the one who cut (them) off, TC 00:12:51.620 - 00:12:55.083 ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini kill (them), disapear (them), TC 00:12:55.083 - 00:12:56.775 ai ene hau ma soili-gini, ai ene hau ma soko-gini harelip (them), and crook (their) lips TC 00:12:56.775 - 00:12:59.700 ai ene ulakae ma gau la'a, ai ene arabau da'e ma gau la'a, ai ene let buffaloes hit (them) TC 00:12:59.700 - 00:13:02.100
361 mane-teri ma gau la'a, ai ene mane-soili ma gau la'a, make them crooked in necks TC 00:13:02.100 - 00:13:03.820 ai ene lakilaka ma gau la'a, ai ene duabi ma gau la'a, ai ene bururu ma gau la'a, ai ene sagi ma gau la'a let snakes beat (them), and cause (them) itching TC 00:13:03.820 - 00:13:07.571 ira mutu la'a ai ene guba ira mutu la'a, kareta misa ai ene guba kareta misa, entering water you enter with (them), boarding cars you board with (them) TC 00:13:07.571 - 00:13:12.556 ate misa ai ene guba ate misa, climbing trees you climb with (them) TC 00:13:12.556 - 00:13:15.548 ira mutu la'a ai ene guba ira mutu la'a entering water you enter with (them) TC 00:13:15.548 - 00:13:17.668 ma gehe ai guba ma gehe, tabaku te'ini ai guba tabaku te'ini, malu tia ai guba malu tia drinking wine you drink with (them), smoking tobaco you smoke with (them), chewing betel- nuts you chew with (them) TC 00:13:17.668 - 00:13:22.533 ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini you cut (them) off TC 00:13:22.533 - 00:13:26.468 Ai Oma-Da'a Asa pana u ere Oma-Da'a Sacred house (oma-Da'a) this chickn is for Sacred house TC 00:13:26.468 - 00:13:34.613 00:13:34.613 - 00:13:39.928
362
Ai gau ene asa pana u ere. Ai ene hau teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini You are the one who cut (them) off, kill (them), disapear (them), TC 00:13:39.928 - 00:13:44.740 ai ene hau ma soili-gini, ai ene hau ma soko-gini harelip (them), and crook (their) lips TC 00:13:44.740 - 00:13:48.380
Ere ene asa pana u ere. here is the chicken TC 00:13:48.380 - 00:13:51.908
Ai ene muri-amu'u ma gau la'a, ai ene muri-nuruku ma gau la'a, you make (their) noses stink and rotten TC 00:13:51.908 - 00:13:54.333 ai ene ulakae ma gau la'a, ai ene arabau da'e ma gau la'a let (them) beaten by snakes and hit by buffaloes TC 00:13:54.333 - 00:13:56.245 ai ene bururu ma gau la'a, ai ene sagi ma gau la'a. you cause them itching TC 00:13:56.245 - 00:13:58.776
Ere ene asa pana u ere. here is the chicken TC 00:13:58.776 - 00:14:00.491
Ai ge'e lololo, arente parente People speak high of you, your friends TC 00:14:00.491 - 00:14:03.051
Ai ge'e lololo, ma'u ofisial hasai, mandadu hasai
363 speak of you highly, and they come to ask you for help TC 00:14:03.051 - 00:14:07.340
Nisi ana ai sau hau pa-lolo, ai ge'e nisi hau to bale gi bada but no brings no results, so people lose their confidence in you TC 00:14:07.340 - 00:14:12.011
Ere he'e gau, ai ehani, ai ge'e arente parente ai dada ai mata Therefore, your friends, your grandchildren and children TC 00:14:12.011 - 00:14:16.045 newai u hisi la'a, ga'awai u hisi la'a if they want to go somewhere TC 00:14:16.045 - 00:14:19.740 ai ge'e arente parente, ni-ge'e reseu to ma ma-gini, respeitu to ma ma-gini people have no fear and respect to your friends TC 00:14:19.740 - 00:14:22.651
Ere he'e gau, ai ene mi-gena. Ai a Oma-Da'a, ai a Oma-Ulu therefore, you, the sacred house TC 00:14:22.651 - 00:14:26.580 ai ene mi-gena, ai ene ofisial mandadu guba hau ma teri-la'a gini, hau ma tau-la'a gini you keep an eye on (them), and together with the agents, you cut (them) off TC 00:14:26.580 - 00:14:29.723 muri-amu'u ma gau la'a, muri-nuruku ma gau la'a, ulakae ma gau la'a, make (their) noses stink and rotten, let snakes beat (them) TC 00:14:29.723 - 00:14:32.171 arabau da'e ma gau la'a, mane-soili ma gau la'a. let buffaloes hit (them), and you crook (their) necks TC 00:14:32.171 - 00:14:34.120
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Appendix G: 7_Keta-base (Muta-asa-palu) (KBMP) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/tx@Keta- BaseMutasapalu.eaf Saturday, March 14, 2015 12:47 AM
Asa pana ua'a le'ere ai Du'ulasa This hen for 'Du'u-Lasa' TC 00:00:03.106 - 00:00:19.921
Ai asi dada Unu-Lai, asi dada Meta-Lai You my grandfather Unu-Lai, you my grandfather Meta-Lai TC 00:00:19.921 - 00:00:21.786 ai ene su'a ere ma ue uou ai ene kili ere ma ue uou You are the one who initiated this tradition TC 00:00:21.786 - 00:00:24.026
Ma'u Unu-Lai Meta-Lai Unu-Lai and Meta-Lai TC 00:00:24.026 - 00:00:26.881 mini-gali ma Lu-Gari Modo-Gari gi tana hisi. Lu-Gari Modo-Gari Then endowed to Lu-Gari Modo-Gari. Then Lu-Gari Modo-Gari TC 00:00:26.881 - 00:00:29.781 mini-gali ma Naha-Lu, Bere-Lu Leki-Lu gi tana hisi endowed to Naha-Lu, Bere-Lu, and Leki-Lu TC 00:00:29.781 - 00:00:32.201
Volta teni mini-gali ma'u Raku-Siba Gari-Siba Then back again, Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:00:32.201 - 00:00:36.795
365
Raku-Siba Gari-Siba mini-gali ma'u Lu-Gari Modo-Gari Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:00:36.795 - 00:00:39.835 00:00:39.835 - 00:00:42.186
Lu-Gari Modo-Gari ma'u Leki-Lu Bere-Lu Naha-Lu Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari to Leki-Lu, Bere-Lu, and Naha-Lu TC 00:00:42.186 - 00:00:49.131
Mini mi-ma'u Raku-Siba Gari-Siba Again, Raku-Siba and Gari-Siba TC 00:00:49.131 - 00:00:52.001
Ma'u ai su'a ere ma ue uou kili ere ma uou you are the one who initiated this tradition TC 00:00:52.001 - 00:00:55.050
Teni ere gali mini volta ma'u Lu-Gari Modo-Gari then to Lu-Gari and Modo-Gari TC 00:00:55.050 - 00:00:58.650
Olo-Raku Olo-Raku TC 00:00:58.650 - 00:01:00.275 ma'u Bere-Lu naha-Lu gi tana hisi rai, ehani uai ma ani ua'a dada-uai mata-uai gi tana hisi rai to Bere-Lu and Naha-Lu. And now endowed it to me, your grandson and son TC 00:01:00.275 - 00:01:03.530
Ai ene su'a ere ma ue uou ai ene kili ere ma ue uou You are the one who initiated this tradition TC 00:01:03.530 - 00:01:10.410
366 naire'e ai noto piara naire'e ene ai noto reseu for those who do not believe in you and are not afraid of you TC 00:01:10.410 - 00:01:13.450 ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini you are the one who make them suffer TC 00:01:13.450 - 00:01:15.641 ai ene hau ma umu-gini ai ene hau ma molu-gini you are the one who cause them death and cause their disappearances TC 00:01:15.641 - 00:01:17.195 ai ene hau ma soko-gini ai ene hau ma nuruku-gini ai ene hau ma nakunu-gini you are the one who cause them harelipped, cause them rotten, and destroy them TC 00:01:17.195 - 00:01:19.858
Ate misa ai guba ate misa, kareta misa ai guba kareta misa, ira mutu la'a ai guba ira mutu la'a climbing trees you climb with them, boarding cars you board with them, and crossing river you cross with them TC 00:01:19.858 - 00:01:25.915 ma gehe ai guba ma gehe drinking wine you drink with them TC 00:01:25.915 - 00:01:27.346 ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau molu-gini. you are the one who make them suffer. You are the one who cause them death and cause their disappearances TC 00:01:27.346 - 00:01:30.298
Anu ua'a naigalu reseu to ma ai gini respeitu to ma ai gini For people who are not afraid of you and who do not respect you
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TC 00:01:30.298 - 00:01:40.426 ai ina gia-sena ai ina gia-lia ai dada ai mata gi rai-rou gi rai-bati and your grandchildren and children TC 00:01:40.426 - 00:01:42.826 00:01:42.826 - 00:01:44.401 gi ira gi ama to lita-la'a to respeitu people do not respect their farms TC 00:01:45.618 - 00:01:47.658 ai ua'a ofisial ai ua'a mandadu you, the messengers TC 00:01:47.658 - 00:01:49.466 ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau molu-gini. you are the one who make them suffer. You are the one who cause them death and cause their disappeared TC 00:01:49.466 - 00:01:53.155
Ai ene hau ma molu-gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini You are the one who cause them disappeared and cause them death TC 00:01:53.155 - 00:01:59.346 ma gehe ai ene guba ma gehe, kareta misa ai ene guba kareta misa, drinking wine you drink with them, boarding cars you board with them TC 00:01:59.346 - 00:02:04.401 ira mutu la'a ai ene guba ira mutu la'a, ate misa ai ene guba ate misa crossing rivers you cross with them, climbing trees you climb with them TC 00:02:04.401 - 00:02:06.458 nuruku hau ma gau la'a, nakunu hau ma gau la'a let you be rottened
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TC 00:02:06.458 - 00:02:09.635 lakilaka hau ma gau la'a, duabi hau ma gau la'a let you be suffering from skin diseases TC 00:02:09.635 - 00:02:11.275 muri-amu'u hau ma gau la'a, muri-soili hau ma gau la'a let you be suffering from stinky nose and twisted nose TC 00:02:11.275 - 00:02:13.970 nu-sakara hau ma gau la'a let you be suffering from harelipped TC 00:02:13.970 - 00:02:16.026
Ai ua'a Makulasa, ai ua'a ofisial mandadu ma uru-moe uoi kastigu uaru-usa uoi kastigu ene You, 'Maku-Lasa', the messengers, who remain under the cold moon TC 00:02:16.026 - 00:02:23.186 ai ene ehani era ere mi-soro you are the one who go after them TC 00:02:23.186 - 00:02:24.521
Ai dada ai mata, ai ge'e arente parente your garndchildren and children, your friends TC 00:02:24.521 - 00:02:26.266 naigalu ene gi-ge'e sasan gi uaipasu who have lost their belongings TC 00:02:26.266 - 00:02:29.435 riku soin molu, ai ge'e lolo-lolo, ai ge'e tamu-tamu their wealth, people speak high of you TC 00:02:29.435 - 00:02:32.850
369 ana ma'u ai gia-la'a ere tai ba nisi ehani ai to bulaka gi bada. and they come to ask for help, but it appears that your efforts has been disappointing TC 00:02:32.850 - 00:02:37.881
Ma'a rau asi dada Unu-Lai Meta-Lai In the time of my grandfathers Unu-Lai and Meta-Lai TC 00:02:37.881 - 00:02:40.706 gi tempu, ere laka reseu sibi he'e respeitu sibi he'e mais ehani there was a respect and people were afraid of you TC 00:02:40.706 - 00:02:45.855 uai dada-uai mata-uai laka reseu haisau to he'e respeitu haisau to he'e however, nowadays people are not afraid of you and there is no respect TC 00:02:45.855 - 00:02:48.330
Kaibada gisa ge'e sasan hani molu People have lost their belongings TC 00:02:48.330 - 00:02:50.498 ma'u ai iti gia-ria, ai iti gia-desara mais they come to ask for your help TC 00:02:50.498 - 00:02:52.218 gi rezultadu to he'e. Ai ene ehani hau ma teri-la'a gini ai ene hau ma tau-la'a gini but no result. Now you are the one who make them suffer TC 00:02:52.218 - 00:02:54.771
Ehani, ma'a Samarai Now, Samarai TC 00:02:54.771 - 00:03:00.546 00:03:00.546 - 00:03:02.786 ana nisi ai haisau to piara to respeitu. Ai ni-ge'e elementu guba na'u uru-moe uo'i uaru-usa uo'i
370 people no longer trust in you and respect you. You are with your members remain under the cold moon TC 00:03:02.786 - 00:03:08.581 ehani ai ge'e arente parente Now your friends, TC 00:03:08.581 - 00:03:11.481 ai ge'e lolo-lolo ai ge'e tamu-tamu ma'u ai gia-ditara tai mais they speak high of you and ask for help, but TC 00:03:11.481 - 00:03:14.255 ehani ai ni mata-kini guba na'u uru-moe ue'e uaru-usa ue'e you and your members remain under the cold moon. TC 00:03:14.255 - 00:03:17.378 ai Teru Toka ai to tau-lasi to tau-gini You, Teru Toka, you did not do anything to the culprits TC 00:03:17.378 - 00:03:20.435 ai to ma umu-gini ai to ma molu-gini. Ere ene asa nami u ere. you did not kill and you did not cause any harm. TC 00:03:20.435 - 00:03:22.810
Asa pana u ua'a le'ere Asa pana u ua'a le'ere This hen, THis hen, TC 00:03:22.810 - 00:03:31.761 00:03:31.761 - 00:03:49.890
Ai ua'a Apa-Lebe You, 'Apa-Lebe' (a flat stone) TC 00:03:49.890 - 00:03:51.881 ai boere uru-usa na'u he'e, uru-meu na'u he'e, uatu-usa na'u he'e remain under the cold moon and under sun day and night
371
TC 00:03:51.881 - 00:03:56.050
Anu ehani reseu to ma ai gini respeitu to ma ai gini people are not afraid of you and have no respect for you TC 00:03:58.178 - 00:04:00.081 ai dada ai mata your grandchildren and children TC 00:04:00.081 - 00:04:01.778
Dili mutu dai mutu uoi da mara in Dili and among foreigners everywhere TC 00:04:01.778 - 00:04:03.801 dane ere o ana gi sasan gi uaipasu to respeitu people still do not respect them TC 00:04:03.801 - 00:04:07.241 gi kosar been gi-ge'e to respeitu. Eregau ai ge'e tamu-tamu ai ge'e lolo-lolo whatever they do, people still have no respect for them. That's why, people speak high of you TC 00:04:07.241 - 00:04:10.658 arente parente nai-gisi ma'u ai gia-desara your friends come and ask for your help TC 00:04:10.658 - 00:04:13.563 gi sasan ehani molu ma ai gau hato'o they lost their belongings and they report to you TC 00:04:13.563 - 00:04:16.273 hai la'a ani lima ani daho, male ani ruru hapa some are already over five years, sic years, even almost ten years TC 00:04:16.273 - 00:04:18.556
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nisi ai na'u ofisial mandadu guba na'u uru-moe, uaru-usa ue'e mais even though you stay with the messengers under the cold moon, but TC 00:04:18.556 - 00:04:22.050 ana ai hau to piara. Eregau ai ene ehani ai ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, ai ene hau ma umu-gini ai ene hau ma molu-gini people have lost trust in you. Therefore, you are the one who make them suffer, who cuase them death, and cause their disappearances TC 00:04:22.050 - 00:04:26.250 ai ene hau ma soko-gini ai ene hau ma soili-gini you are the one who make them harelipped, braek their neck TC 00:04:26.250 - 00:04:28.338 ai ene muri-amu'u ma gau la'a, ai ene muri-nuruku ma gau la'a you are the one who cause them suffer from rottened nose, break their nose TC 00:04:28.338 - 00:04:31.115 ai ene dudua ma gau la'a ai ene lakilaka ma gau la'a you are the one who cause them suffer from skin diseases TC 00:04:31.115 - 00:04:33.658
Ere ene asa pana u ere. Ai ua'a Antena Rehate This hen is for you. You, 'Antena Rehate' TC 00:04:33.658 - 00:04:35.556 00:04:35.556 - 00:04:38.578
Ani la'a uo'i ai gutu-ria ai gutu-la'a I go to meet you in early morning TC 00:04:38.578 - 00:04:42.155 ani anu ma ai gau tauru ani anu ma ai gau suma I offer and promise you human TC 00:04:42.155 - 00:04:46.170
373 nisi ani hau ma ai tana hisi I give them to you TC 00:04:46.170 - 00:04:50.350 ai anu noto ma teri-la'a gini, ai anu noto ma tau-la'a gini you do not make them suffer TC 00:04:50.350 - 00:04:52.658 ai anu noto ma umu-gini anu noto ma molu-gini you do not cause them death and do not cause their disappearances TC 00:04:52.658 - 00:04:54.530 ana nisi ai sau Ehani, Nowadays, TC 00:04:54.530 - 00:04:57.178 00:04:57.178 - 00:05:06.435 ai dada ai mata ehani gi ki'i gi ko'o your grandchildren and children nowadays, the minors TC 00:05:06.435 - 00:05:08.475 00:05:08.475 - 00:05:13.161 terus hai gata no be'u sofre hai gata no be'u cannot endure the suffering TC 00:05:13.161 - 00:05:16.721 duu oma hai mini-gali lapu'u hai mini-gali moris the house has been rebuilt and revived TC 00:05:16.721 - 00:05:20.521 ehani ua imi gau gini ua buti gau gini Nowadays, work for foods (red and white seeds) TC 00:05:20.521 - 00:05:22.946 00:05:22.946 - 00:05:26.241 soru bere gau gini soru mata gau gini work for big corn cob and small corn cob
374
TC 00:05:26.241 - 00:05:28.140 ehani, mi-soro mi-la'a na'u gi to rata'a Nowadays, effrots have been made to find the culprits but yet to find TC 00:05:28.140 - 00:05:33.226 ai ua'a Rehate, ai ua'a Lubu ni ira hisi he hala'o ni ama You, 'Rehate' and 'Lubu' We are in our wells and farms TC 00:05:33.226 - 00:05:35.515 00:05:35.515 - 00:05:38.570 hisi he halao. Ini ai dada ai mata na'u-nisi terus gata no be'u We, your grandchildren and children, are still suffering TC 00:05:38.570 - 00:05:42.156 sofre gata no-beu. Ua imi gau gini na'u-nisi to du'ulu, ua buti gau gini na'u-nisi to du'ulu Even though, we work hard for red and white seeds, it is still yet to achieve the best result. TC 00:05:42.156 - 00:05:48.013 soru bere gau gini na'u-nisi to du'ulu, soru mata gau gini na'u-nisi to du'ulu. as well, work for big corn cob and small corn cob, yet to achieve the best result TC 00:05:48.013 - 00:05:52.066
Ehani Nowadays, TC 00:05:52.066 - 00:05:53.946 ma ai gau promete ma ai gau hasa'e (we) promise them to you and raise them for you TC 00:05:53.946 - 00:05:56.778 ehani terus nai ene na'u-nisi la'a gi tana hisi uo'i, sofre nai ene gi tana hisi uo'i
We are still experiencing sufferings TC 00:05:56.778 - 00:06:00.738
375
Ehani, sibi-ki'i gi uli hai rau gi amu hai rau Now, they are getting much better TC 00:06:02.675 - 00:06:08.778
Boere gamusi familia rahaku babada ni-ge'e ma rakatiki rakasolo Day and night gather with family, friends and pals TC 00:06:08.778 - 00:06:13.921 00:06:13.921 - 00:06:19.195 gi oma mutu gana du'ulu so that things in the house can grow TC 00:06:22.641 - 00:06:26.506 00:06:26.506 - 00:06:29.195 panu gau la'a Stepping forward TC 00:06:29.195 - 00:06:32.098 budi gau la'a, ai dada ai mata gana gata kontenti moving forward, let your grandchildren and children be happy about it TC 00:06:32.098 - 00:06:35.358 gau serbi gau serbisu. Asa pana metana le'ere to continue to serve. This dark chicken, TC 00:06:35.358 - 00:06:37.355 00:06:37.355 - 00:07:07.340
Ai Oma-Da'a Your sacred house TC 00:07:07.340 - 00:07:09.410
Ai ua'a Oma-da'a gau ene asa pana u ere You, sacred house, this dark chicken is for you TC 00:07:09.410 - 00:07:12.411
Ehani, mundo troka geri-geri monarkia Nowadays, the world is changing in monarchical time,
376
TC 00:07:12.411 - 00:07:16.803 00:07:16.803 - 00:07:19.498 reseu nisi ue'e respeitu nisi ue'e there existed respect and being afraid of you TC 00:07:19.498 - 00:07:21.906
Ehani mundo troka, ana reseu to ma ai gini respeitu to ma ai gini. Ai ua'a Oma-da'a ene Now, in modern time, people are not afraid of you and have respect for you. You, the sacred house, TC 00:07:21.906 - 00:07:27.226 ai ene la'a anu he hau ma teri-la'a gini, anu he hau ma tau-la'a gini you are the one who go after them and make them pay for what they have committed. TC 00:07:27.226 - 00:07:29.650 ai ene hau ma umu-gini, ai ene hau ma molu-gini You are the one who cause them death and disappearancs TC 00:07:29.650 - 00:07:31.216 ai ene hau ma soili-gini, ai ene hau ma soko-gini you are the one who twist their nect and make them harelipped TC 00:07:31.216 - 00:07:33.810 ma gehe ai guba ma gehe, kareta misa ai guba kareta misa dring wine you drink with them, boarding cars you board with them TC 00:07:33.810 - 00:07:36.595 ira mutu la'a ai guba ira mutu la'a. Ai hau ma nuruku ma gau la'a crossing rivers you cross with them. You make them rottened TC 00:07:36.595 - 00:07:38.163 deina ma gau la'a, ate-bata ma gau, lakilaka ma gau la'a, dudua ma gau la'a. You make them suffer TC 00:07:41.916 - 00:07:43.786
377
Ere ene asa pana u ere. Ai ua'a Oma-da'a. This hen is for the sacred house. TC 00:07:46.666 - 00:07:48.818
Asa le'ere, i ua'a arente parente This chicken, you, family, friends and pals TC 00:07:48.818 - 00:07:53.281 00:07:53.281 - 00:07:54.850 i ua'a koronel da'e-koru Uailia, Samarai, you, colonel, god Uailia, Samarai TC 00:07:54.850 - 00:07:57.275 00:07:57.275 - 00:07:59.443
Loirae, Oma-tamene Loirae, Oma Tamene TC 00:07:59.443 - 00:08:02.258 00:08:02.258 - 00:08:05.913
Laipuhu, Tirilolo, Heuwai, i ua'a Laipuhu Tirilolo, Heuwai TC 00:08:05.913 - 00:08:08.755 00:08:08.755 - 00:08:12.931
Lialuku, i ua'a puni-la'a puni-serbisu Lialuku, all of you who wrok together and help one another TC 00:08:12.931 - 00:08:15.578 ana ehani nisi i noto reseu duni i noto respeitu duni Nowadays, people indeed are not afraid of you and do not pay respect to you TC 00:08:15.578 - 00:08:18.115 i ta-puni, i ula-puni anu-puni You, together and united become one TC 00:08:18.115 - 00:08:20.866 i hau ma teri-la'a gini, i hau ma tau-la'a gini you make them suffer
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TC 00:08:20.866 - 00:08:22.418 i ene hau ma umu-gini, i ene hau ma molu-gini you are the one who cause them death and disappearances TC 00:08:22.418 - 00:08:23.970 i ene hau ma soko-gini, i ene hau ma soili-gini You are the one who make them harelipped and twist their nect TC 00:08:23.970 - 00:08:26.115 ere dete ana reseu ma i gini As a result, people will be afraid of you TC 00:08:26.115 - 00:08:27.921 i ua'a Koronel Da'e-koru you, the colonel, god TC 00:08:27.921 - 00:08:30.906 ani ua'a naigalu ene i nai ma he tamu, i nai ma he leu, i ua'a of those who I have mentioned your names here, you all who are TC 00:08:30.906 - 00:08:33.875 amigo parente rakasolo, i ua'a puni-la'a ft@Keta-Base friends, pals, befriend, you all who work together TC 00:08:33.875 - 00:08:35.706 00:08:35.706 - 00:08:38.586 ana ehani nisi i noto piara duni people indeed no longer trust in you TC 00:08:38.586 - 00:08:40.321 ana nisi i hau gia-gamu duni, i hau ma atu gali serbisu, eregau i ehani i ene hau ma teri-la'a gini, i ene hau ma tau-la'a gini, i ene hau ma umu-gini, i ene hau ma molu-gini. people indeed have lost trust in you, therefore, now you are the one make them pay for what they have committed, you cause them death and disppearances.
379
TC 00:08:40.321 - 00:08:46.396
380
Appendix G: 8_Kaisou-sauku (Leki-kabora) (KSLK) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Saturday, March 14, 2015 12:51 AM
Asi ina, asi tupu, inaua'e tamene, uaihula, pi komesa mula'a barara My mother, my sister, siblings, middle and youngest children, let's start our praise TC 00:00:01.915 - 00:00:04.865
O, asi umu-rae asi la'ida asi palunu asi da'ana Oh, my ancestors, my taboos and my sacred TC 00:00:04.865 - 00:00:12.178 00:00:12.178 - 00:00:13.986 asi da'e-koru asi maromak ai dada ai mata my god my god your grandchildren and children TC 00:00:13.986 - 00:00:15.873 00:00:15.873 - 00:00:18.730 hai ma'u bulata gia he'e, hai ma'u wara'e gia he'e are under the sky and under shoulders TC 00:00:18.730 - 00:00:22.778 hai ma'u ai iti gia he'e, hai ma'u ai ara gia he'e are now under your feet TC 00:00:22.778 - 00:00:27.601 ai gau mula'a gini nana, ai gau barara gini nana to praise you TC 00:00:27.601 - 00:00:30.610 ai gau ue soiri gini nana, ai gau ue pagunu gini nana to raise for you TC 00:00:30.610 - 00:00:34.273
381 uatu ua'are'e oras minutu le'ere gi mutu pi Today, this time and this minute TC 00:00:34.273 - 00:00:37.401 00:00:37.401 - 00:00:39.770 anu noko anu kaka brothers TC 00:00:39.770 - 00:00:41.346 inaua'e, tamene, uaihula, tupu, mata siblings, middle and youngest children TC 00:00:41.346 - 00:00:43.793 raku, bada, pi mula'a gini nana, pi barara gini nana friends, pals, we are here to do the prayer TC 00:00:43.793 - 00:00:46.473
Uere gini gia uoi-diu nana in order to step towards what we do TC 00:00:46.473 - 00:00:51.411 uere lolo gia uoi la'a nana in order to step in what TC 00:00:51.411 - 00:00:53.425 ni uaboku hau dane, nia albu hau dane open up your heart and mind TC 00:00:53.425 - 00:00:57.073 uaboku ta'e dawa hau duuru, albu ta'e dawa gana hau duuru wake your heart and mind TC 00:00:57.073 - 00:01:01.018 ua'are'e ehani, tuku ruru-resi-lola'e Today, at twelve oclock
382
TC 00:01:01.018 - 00:01:06.290 00:01:06.290 - 00:01:14.155
Sabadu uatu ruru resi-lima, ani rihun-lola'e-ruru-u-resi-loloha Saturday, fifteen, two thousand fourteen TC 00:01:14.155 - 00:01:30.433 tx@Lequikabora pi dada-uai, mata-uai, ft@Lequikabora we, as grandchildren and children TC 00:01:30.433 - 00:01:31.833 ta-puni bulata toili, ta-puni uara'e toili together shoulders to shoulders TC 00:01:31.833 - 00:01:34.218 gana pi iana, gana pi lokono naga-naga ta ma to give us shadows continue to TC 00:01:34.218 - 00:01:36.473 00:01:36.473 - 00:01:40.746 ni mutu naga-naga ma ta-gini, ni ari naga-naga ma ta-gini consider and love one another TC 00:01:40.746 - 00:01:51.593 ula puni u nai, anu puni u nai gi du'u, gi bala'a together we are one the young and ripe TC 00:01:51.593 - 00:01:53.641 00:01:53.641 - 00:01:55.546 naga-naga ma puni naua, ua imi, ua buti naga-naga ma puni naua continue to share with one another TC 00:01:55.546 - 00:01:58.633
Ehani minutu u gi mutu Now in this minute TC 00:01:58.633 - 00:02:01.650
383
pi ni da'e ma ho deini, ni budi ma ho deini we bow down TC 00:02:01.650 - 00:02:09.346 deti uligiri, sala uligiri, pi mula'a gia uoi diu, pi barara gia uoi diu leave all the sins behind us to start our praise TC 00:02:09.346 - 00:02:12.771
Ni deti ni sala sa'i-sa'i mi-geere Remember all your sins TC 00:02:12.771 - 00:02:16.393 pi dada, pi nanu, pi moe, pi niki, pi sode, pi raraha, pi ira our ancestors (grandfathers, our great grandfathers, our great-great...) TC 00:02:16.393 - 00:02:27.873
Oma Loro, Bokilete, The house of Loro, Bokilte TC 00:02:27.873 - 00:02:33.178 oma Maluasa, oma Umurae under the house of 'Malu-Asa and 'Umurae'. TC 00:02:33.178 - 00:02:35.185 gia ue'e, palunu da'ana gata apa-da'ana Uaturui gua ue'e uere hisi da at the taboos and sacred, on the sacred rock of Uaturui TC 00:02:35.185 - 00:02:38.570
Ehani gamurisi, uatu uoi da-mara Today and tomorrow, and the day after TC 00:02:38.570 - 00:02:40.706 00:02:40.706 - 00:02:42.578
384 ini anu noko anu kaka we, as brothers TC 00:02:42.578 - 00:02:44.338 inaua'e, tamenehe, uaihula, tupu, mata siblings, middle, and youngest children, sisters, children, TC 00:02:44.338 - 00:02:46.241 hai noto ta gau ila-lolo, hai noto ta gau bora-lolo, hai noto ta gau kokoro, hai noto ta gau boboto will not conspire against one another, will not have bad intentions to one another TC 00:02:46.241 - 00:02:52.353 hai noto ta gau ue-ruku, hai noto ta gau ue-di'ala will no longer provoke one another. TC 00:02:52.353 - 00:02:55.106
Ini gana mutu u nai ara, ini gana ari u nai ara Let's all become one in our heart TC 00:02:55.106 - 00:02:57.298
Ata gana ini gau li'a mutu ini gau naga tana Let fire keep burning in our kitchen TC 00:02:57.298 - 00:03:01.250 ini gau naga usa to give us light, TC 00:03:01.250 - 00:03:04.066 ini gau naga ku'ulu, dane gana ini gau gauara, gaua gana ini gau lumuru to keep us warm, the air can keep blowing TC 00:03:04.066 - 00:03:07.130
385
Ira gana boru mutu Keep the urn full of water TC 00:03:07.130 - 00:03:11.371 ini gau erau saara, ira gana kusu mutu ini gau erau saara, erau legiri Keep the urn full of water TC 00:03:11.371 - 00:03:16.881 erau li'iri not to pour out TC 00:03:16.881 - 00:03:18.586
Ini gana naga-naga ta ma ilubana, ini gana naga-naga ta ma papuhu We remain together and united TC 00:03:18.586 - 00:03:22.810
Ai ene gi da'e-koru, ai ene gi maromak You are their god, You are their god TC 00:03:22.810 - 00:03:44.041 uru, uatu, lekiluru, uaira'e, lo, mu'a The moon, the sun, the stars, the sky, the earth TC 00:03:44.041 - 00:03:47.338 ai ene gi da'e-koru, ai ene gi maromak You are their god TC 00:03:47.338 - 00:03:51.281 ai ene gi usa gaha-sipa'a, ai ene gi gamu gaha-sipa'a You are the one controlling the day and the night TC 00:03:51.281 - 00:03:53.353 ai dada ai mata Your grandchildren and children
386
TC 00:03:53.353 - 00:03:54.705 ai ene ma asa-nami gini, ai ene ma depa-nami gini you made them as the roosters and male-dogs TC 00:03:54.705 - 00:03:57.740 gutu he siili, ma gutu he nenana to guard the doors TC 00:03:57.740 - 00:03:59.481
Ai gau gi du'u, gi bala'a, The young and ripe have been offered to you TC 00:03:59.481 - 00:04:04.146 hai sabara, hai gisa have been cooked TC 00:04:04.146 - 00:04:06.778 ai gau ua imi, ua butiri, hai tina, hai tu'ulu red and white seeds have been cooked for you TC 00:04:06.778 - 00:04:10.130 ai gau arabau imiri, bai imiri, asa-uha, asa imiri Red buffalo, red pig, red chicken, TC 00:04:10.130 - 00:04:14.410 hai tu'ulu hai lalara. Gi du'u gi bala'a, have been roasted for you. The young and the ripe TC 00:04:14.410 - 00:04:15.841 00:04:15.841 - 00:04:17.753
Ai ene gi dada, ai ene gaua, ua imi(ri), ua buti(ri) You are the owner of them all TC 00:04:17.753 - 00:04:24.393
387 ai ene gi dada, ai ene gaua. Arabau imiri, bai imiri, Red buffalo, red pig, TC 00:04:24.393 - 00:04:26.946 asa imiri, asa uha, ai ene gi dada, ai ene gaua. red chicken, eggs, you are the owner of them all TC 00:04:26.946 - 00:04:29.298 00:04:29.298 - 00:04:31.138
Naua a le ere, seu a la ere ma ue soiri, ma ue pagunu. These foods and these meats raise it up there, bless it there, TC 00:04:31.138 - 00:04:32.930 00:04:32.930 - 00:04:35.186
Badu ua'a le ere, usu ua'a le ere these candles TC 00:04:35.186 - 00:04:41.153 ma ua'a le ere, ira ua'a le'ere, ma ue soiri, ue pagunu, tia-nake, tia-simu, iti ma gata-diu, tana ma gua-gamu this wine, this water, raise it and bless it, accept it, touch it with your feet and hands, TC 00:04:41.153 - 00:04:48.658 i'ia gua-iana, rarasa gua-lokono, gana palunu, gana da'ana shadows over it, make it taboo and sacred TC 00:04:48.658 - 00:04:51.250 gana tepara, gana loroko. Ai dada ai mata make it effective. Your grandchilren and children TC 00:04:51.250 - 00:04:52.970 00:04:52.970 - 00:04:58.721 gi uli gehe naua gi uli mi-ria drink from it and make them healthy TC 00:04:58.721 - 00:05:02.530 00:05:02.530 - 00:05:04.713
388 ai dada ai mata tia ma ni duunu, ma ni radunu Your grandchilren and children chew it to rub their bodies TC 00:05:04.713 - 00:05:11.026 00:05:11.026 - 00:05:13.361 gi uli rau, gi amu rau ai dada ai mata for them to be healthy your grandchilren and children TC 00:05:13.361 - 00:05:16.681 00:05:16.681 - 00:05:18.146 badu-usu gata-de'ini gi amu hau ku'ulu, gau ba'ara light the candles warm their bodies TC 00:05:18.146 - 00:05:20.433 00:05:20.433 - 00:05:22.458 gi budi, gi panu hisi usa, hisi daara lighten their foreheads and faces to shine TC 00:05:22.458 - 00:05:24.658 ma sisi hau hula-tana, ma ooro hau muhu-tana. to heal all the diseases and illness TC 00:05:24.658 - 00:05:27.986
O, asi da'e-koru, asi maromak Ira ua'a le'ere, ma ua'a le'ere Oh, my god this water and this wine TC 00:05:27.986 - 00:05:39.026 00:05:39.026 - 00:05:56.233 ma ue soiri, ma ue pagunu raise it there and bless it there TC 00:05:56.233 - 00:05:58.378 tia-nake, tia-simu, iti ma gata-diu, accept it, touch it with your feet TC 00:05:58.378 - 00:06:01.586 tana ma gua-gamu, i'ia gua-iana, rarasa gua-lokono touch it with your hands, shadows over it,
389
TC 00:06:01.586 - 00:06:05.610 gana palunu gana da'ana gana tepara, gana loroko make it taboo and sacred make it effective TC 00:06:05.610 - 00:06:08.210 00:06:08.210 - 00:06:10.186 ma ai dada ai mata tobana, ma ai dada ai mata saiki springkle towards your grandchildren and children TC 00:06:10.186 - 00:06:13.721 gi ari sabara, gi ari teere, gi lubu susulu, gi lai susulu make them grow and TC 00:06:13.721 - 00:06:17.330 gana riini gana topana increase in numbers TC 00:06:17.330 - 00:06:19.121 ai dada ai mata gehe Your grandchilren and children drink from it TC 00:06:19.121 - 00:06:20.833 gi ura mi-ria, gi sapa mi-ria flow all over their nerves and bones (healthy) TC 00:06:20.833 - 00:06:22.841 ma deti hau bane, ma sala hau bane to remove sins TC 00:06:22.841 - 00:06:26.043
Ai dada ai mata hai ma mutu-mutu, uai-uai, Your grandchilren and children have lengthy and greatly TC 00:06:26.043 - 00:06:31.130 00:06:31.130 - 00:06:33.753
390 mula'a barara, hai ma mu'i-mu'i lara-lara mula'a barara pray and praise TC 00:06:33.753 - 00:06:36.825
Uai ma mata-uai gi tana hisi, uai ma dada-uai gi tana hisi Have endowed to children and to grandchildren TC 00:06:36.825 - 00:06:43.073 00:06:43.073 - 00:06:44.611
O, asi da'e-koru, asi maromak. Asi ina asi tupu, Oh, my god, my god My mother, my sister TC 00:06:44.611 - 00:06:46.266 00:06:46.266 - 00:07:02.450 raku bada ira-benu friends and pals The water, TC 00:07:02.450 - 00:07:04.690 00:07:04.690 - 00:07:09.113 malu-asa the betels TC 00:07:09.113 - 00:07:10.561 gapu la'a, ma ni duunu ma ni radunu take it and rub your bodies TC 00:07:10.561 - 00:07:13.673 ma ni tobana ma ni saiki ni hi'a hisi leno, hisi mutini springkle your bodies lighten your way TC 00:07:13.673 - 00:07:15.833 00:07:15.833 - 00:07:17.538 gana tetunu, gana sobana mula'a barara hai-sa'i to make them flat This is the end of the prayer, TC 00:07:17.538 - 00:07:19.875 00:07:19.875 - 00:07:22.145 pi anu noko, anu kaka, inaua'e, tamenehe, uaihula, raku, bada we as brothers, siblings, middles, youngests, friends and pals
391
TC 00:07:22.145 - 00:07:27.553 palunu da'ana gi damene, gi baz gapu ta-bati. go with the peace of our taboos and sacred. TC 00:07:27.553 - 00:07:32.345
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Appendix G: 9_Sisi(ri)-kura (Ara-diga) (SKAD) file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN VIDEO/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Saturday, March 14, 2015 12:41 AM
Loibora, loitada Loibora, Loitada TC 00:00:03.548 - 00:00:33.145 ai mutu naua, ai uai naua, ai ari naua, eat your heart, drink your blood, eat your liver TC 00:00:33.145 - 00:00:35.385 ai sada naua eat your lungs TC 00:00:35.385 - 00:00:36.586 ai ani gau koro-koro, ani gau boto-boto, ai ari naua if you conspire against me, eat your liver TC 00:00:36.586 - 00:00:47.550
Ai ene ani gau koro-koro, ai ene ani gau boto-boto if you conspire against me, TC 00:00:47.550 - 00:01:00.738 ai mutu naua, ai ari naua, ai sada naua eat your heart, drink your blood, eat your liver TC 00:01:00.738 - 00:01:03.906 ira-uahe mutu la'a, ai ene guba mutu la'a crossing river you cross with them TC 00:01:03.906 - 00:01:07.961
393 kareta misa ai ene guba kareta misa boarding cras you boar with them TC 00:01:07.961 - 00:01:10.161 ate misa ai ene guba ate misa climbing trees you climb with them TC 00:01:10.161 - 00:01:17.681
Ai ua'a gau ila-lolo, gau bora-lolo you who hate, TC 00:01:17.681 - 00:02:53.850
Gau pa-lolo ere ene ai gau Talk badly and for you TC 00:02:53.850 - 00:02:55.273 00:02:55.273 - 00:02:59.826 mamui hau dihi. Ere ene uali ma ai mi-uali, pour the palm wine. They listen TC 00:02:59.826 - 00:03:01.693 00:03:01.693 - 00:03:26.730 nana ma hai mi-buna they keep an eye on them TC 00:03:26.730 - 00:03:28.593 ai diga-la'a dawa ai mi-gena, if you go near, you will watched TC 00:03:28.593 - 00:03:32.710 asa-la'a dawa gana ai mi-gena if you go far away, you will be watched TC 00:03:32.710 - 00:03:35.250
Ai dete lolo ai na'u pa-lolo, na'u pa-la'a if discredit it and do not pay respect
394
TC 00:03:35.250 - 00:03:56.226
Ere ene ai mi-gena. Ira-uahe mutu la'a They will go after you. crossing river TC 00:03:56.226 - 00:04:00.401 ai guba ira-uahe mutu la'a, ate misa ai guba ate misa you cross with them, climbing trees you climb with them, TC 00:04:00.401 - 00:04:03.180 kareta misa ai guba kareta misa. boarding cars you board with them. TC 00:04:03.180 - 00:04:05.290
Ai ene hi'a-bere mi-la'a ai guba hi'a-bere mi-la'a, Walking along a road you walk with the, TC 00:04:05.290 - 00:04:07.818 nana ma ai mi-gena uali ma ai mi-buna will keep an eye on you listen to you TC 00:04:07.818 - 00:04:10.468 00:04:10.468 - 00:04:12.490
Leki-Rubi Naha-Rubi, Olo-Naha Lu-Naha, Rubi-Naha Leki-Rubi, Naha-Rubi, Olo-Naha, Lu-Naha, Rubi-Naha TC 00:06:51.250 - 00:07:00.553
Nana'i da-Naha dawala His excellency Da-Naha got married TC 00:07:08.891 - 00:07:17.273 mata asukai anu mahe apu, u dai gutu uoi na and had two children. One serve 'dai', TC 00:07:22.785 - 00:07:26.418
395 ani ene uai oma gutu uai he mi. Nana'i da-Ruby kulu hani kama hani ni ari gua lapu'u and the other one as guardian to the sacred house. His excellency Da-Ruby TC 00:07:26.418 - 00:07:32.473
Rubi-Naha uai he'e, Rub-Naha remained TC 00:07:32.473 - 00:07:36.375 asi dada ere da anu mitu, ani to-be'u ma uoi rata-lolo my grandfather had three wives, but I cannot explain them all TC 00:07:36.375 - 00:07:41.626
Ni dada ni nanu mini-gali rata'a, ani ni-ge'e iti lola'e tana lola'e ma tia-nake When I met my grandfathers and great grandfathers (referred to sacred things in the house) and accepted them with my two feet and hands (with all my heart) TC 00:07:41.626 - 00:07:53.713 ai ene gi dada, ai ene gi niki gi abu, You are the grandfathers and your the great-great-great grandfathers. TC 00:07:53.713 - 00:08:43.158 ni tana rai, uai ma ni dada gi tana rai You endowed the sacred things to your grandson TC 00:08:43.158 - 00:08:46.361 uai he'e, ai niki ene uai gapu serbisu, ai abu ene uai gapu serbisu Now your great-great-great grandchildren continue to practise it. TC 00:08:46.361 - 00:08:50.313 depa hani gi nana opoloi gaana, Your granchildren as though they were a puppy starts to open its eyes TC 00:08:50.313 - 00:08:52.370
396 asa hani opoloi gi liha pooro as though they were a chick starts to hatch TC 00:08:52.370 - 00:08:54.861 eregau ehani ani ai mini hamaus Therefore, I now persuade you TC 00:08:54.861 - 00:08:57.281 00:08:57.281 - 00:09:00.298
Da-Naha, nana'i Da-Leki laka umu ani to gua-ko'ini Da-Naha and his excellency Da-Leki TC 00:09:00.298 - 00:09:30.378 gi sobu na'u gata ni dedera His words were TC 00:09:30.378 - 00:09:34.553
Ani asa hani asi liha opoloi pooro, I was as if a chick starts to hatch TC 00:09:34.553 - 00:10:05.281 asi dada uai ma asi baba gi tana hisi my grandfather endowed it to me TC 00:10:05.281 - 00:10:10.361 ma'u he'e Don Paulo Then Don Paulo TC 00:10:10.361 - 00:10:12.305
Don gi ai-gigini dete hau ma ira mi mota rai because of Don's behaviours, the sacred things were thrown into water TC 00:10:12.305 - 00:10:17.066 ani olo gi haria asa gi haria I am an orphan (referred to as orphaned bird and orphaned chick)
397
TC 00:10:19.441 - 00:10:24.578 ani uai he'e ni-ge'e mini-gali gapu lapu'u Now I continue to practise it. TC 00:10:24.578 - 00:10:27.233 umu dawa ani umu I love my sacred things TC 00:10:27.233 - 00:10:29.826 lapu'u dawa ani gata lapu'u and will never abandon them (I will die with them and alive with them) TC 00:10:29.826 - 00:10:32.506 ilu gali dane sae gali dane gana ai dada ai mata gana uli rarau amu rarau Give your garndchildren and children good health (referred to as give saliva and chewed candlenut back to your grandchildren and children) TC 00:10:32.506 - 00:10:35.770
Ani olo gi haria asa gi haria I am an orphane (orphaned bird and chick) TC 00:10:35.770 - 00:10:43.850 asa hani dane opoloi dete asi liha pooro, depa hani dane asi nana opoloi gaana I was as though a chick starts to hatch and a puppy starts to open its eyes TC 00:10:43.850 - 00:10:47.690 ani ma'u he'e dete ani gau nehe kina nehe lapu ere dete These sacred things appeared to me TC 00:10:47.690 - 00:10:51.513 ani ni-ge'e na'u gapu lapu'u and I bring them all along and live with them TC 00:10:51.513 - 00:10:55.546
398 ani ni-ge'e mega sa'a gena. Si ua'a le'ere ene I saw them and this sword TC 00:10:55.546 - 00:10:58.898 arabau ate u ma ani gau penor ere o ani tula ere. is so special and invaluable TC 00:10:58.898 - 00:11:02.650 u ene Belaka ere. another one is the flat. TC 00:11:02.650 - 00:11:06.121
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Appendix H: Audio transcriptions
Appendix H: 1 MSALL_090714 file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN AUDIO/Ossoroa/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Monday, March 16, 2015 11:56 PM
Titiu ara gi waipasu da'ana ere na'i na-na'i? fx@ManuelAmaral Can you mention some of things that are sacred in rituals?
Asi dada gi tempu hisi, POSS grandparents 3SG time in In the time of my grandfathers TC 00:00:29.061 - 00:00:33.333 asi nanu gi tempu hisi POSS great-grandparents 3SG time in and great grandfathers
Lawa lebe were, gaba-tala were ma da'ana gini money flat DEM coral-necklace DEM PREP sacred make the coin and necklace were made sacred TC 00:00:33.333 - 00:00:36.565
Lawa isu were ma da'ana gini money fruit DEM PREP sacred make The coins were sacred TC 00:00:36.565 - 00:00:42.165 to ini asa ma gau gisa, CONJ 1PL(excl) chicken PREP to bake and offered chickens
401
bibi ma gau gisa gata ehani tarata goat PREP to bake at now reach and goats up until today
Ini asa ma gau gisa, 1PL(excl) chicken PREP to bake We slaughter chicken TC 00:00:42.165 - 00:00:47.830 bibi ma gau gisa ere ene, goat PREP to bake DEM EMP and goats oma lisan Laku-liu ere ini ni-ge'e hai mini house custom Laku-liu DEM 1PL(excl) REF-POSS IND again for our Laku-liu sacred house tahun, anu-mata hau sa'a-geere dete, 2005. year person-child IND find-think ROG 2005 We started rebuilding TC 00:00:47.830 - 00:01:00.285
2005 dete anu-mata la ni-ge'e mini harii, 2005 ROG person-child DEM REF-POSS again establish our sacred house in 2005
Ini asa ma ni-ge'e gau gisa, 1PL(excl) chicken PREP REF-POSS to bake We offer chickens as sacrifices TC 00:01:00.285 - 00:01:02.356 bibi ma ni-ge'e gau gisa goat PREP REF-POSS to bake
402 for our sacred house
Arar ini le'ere ehani la'a do dry-season 1PL(excl) DEM now go CONJ When dry season comes, TC 00:01:02.356 - 00:01:06.453 resa nawa, ini ni-ge'e bibi ma gau gisa, rice eat 1PL(excl) REF-POSS goat PREP to bake we offer chickens and TC 00:01:06.453 - 00:01:09.356 ni-ge'e asa ma gau gisa REF-POSS chicken PREP to bake goats to the house
Isi-ge'e ere ene palunu lulik, REF-POSS DEM EMP taboo sacred our sacred and TC 00:01:09.356 - 00:01:16.005 ini ua'a mutu lapu'u 1PL(excl) REL in live taboo is wild taro hani ene wahe ini anu lapu, like EMP wild-taro 1PL(excl) person live because it is a human being lia ene anu lapu. wild-taro EMP person live It is our custom TC 00:01:16.005 - 00:01:19.876
403
Ere ene ini mega ma do data palunu DEM EMP 1PL(excl) very PREP CONJ custom taboo so we must never eat it
Ere ene anu do eregau ini palunu DEM EMP person CONJ therefore 1PL(excl) taboo The wild taro turned into human being that's why it is taboo TC 00:01:19.876 - 00:01:26.053
Ere ini mini anu. DEM 1PL(excl) again person It turned into a human being.
Mata ma oma mutu do-ra'isa dete, child PREP house in up-out ROG A child was born up inside the house wahe ma waisia gia ho-rai, wild-taro PREP beneath under down-put and the wild-taro was under the house hore na'u-mini hau anu lapu, DEM EMP-again IND person live the wild-taro TC 00:01:26.053 - 00:01:32.710 hore'e mini-gali somulu DEM again-return breastfeed turned into a human being mini-gali dudu-susu again-return breast-suck, and was breastfed, TC 00:01:32.710 - 00:01:34.743
404
do eregau ini ere palunu CONJ therefore 1PL(excl) DEM taboo this is why we are taboo
Ere ene sisiri ma hau saini, DEM EMP illness PREP IND result If we consume it, the effect TC 00:01:34.743 - 00:01:47.013 ooro ma hau saini cough PREP IND result will be illness and cough
Ere ai dete gini do la'a ni deti-nawa DEM 2SG ROG do CONJ go REF wrong-eat If in somehow we consume it TC 00:01:47.013 - 00:01:49.670
Le'ere hani la'a ni pa-nawa ere ene sisiri, DEM like go REF wrong-eat DEM EMP illness the effect will be illness and cough as well TC 00:01:49.670 - 00:01:54.285 ooro, ere ene la'a tanda ma cough DEM EMP go sign PREP it will indicate a sign of gata-gini, ere ene marka ma do gata-rai ere at-make DEM EMP mark PREP CONJ at-make DEM committing sins agains the sacred house
Ere ene la'a do le'ere hani baga, DEM EMP go CONJ DEM like wound
405 other effects will be TC 00:01:54.285 - 00:01:57.685 la'a do dela-dairi go CONJ chin-strecth for example wounds ilubana-dairi, iti-dairi, tana-dairi armpit-stretch foot-stretch hand-stretch and other illness in relation to the house TC 00:01:57.685 - 00:01:59.453
Ere ene mini-gali do le'ere hani, DEM EMP again-return CONJ DEM like Once a person belongs to the clan suffers taboo TC 00:01:59.453 - 00:02:06.605 nake do mini-gali ma do take CONJ again-return PREP CONJ from the illness associated with sacred house due to breaching ma-gini do wori mini-gali gua-da'e, give CONJ there again-return on-head he or she will need to sleep on the leaves TC 00:02:06.605 - 00:02:10.270 mini-gali gua-noli dete again-return on-put ROG of the wild taro in order to get healed la'a ni duunu, la'a ni waru'u dete mini rau go REF rub go REF bath ROG again good and get a traditional bath to get healed TC 00:02:10.270 - 00:02:13.373
406
Na'i palunu ere mini-gali gua-noli, gua-ta'e. what taboo DEM again-return on-put on-sleep The person needs to make wild taro as a pillow TC 00:02:13.373 - 00:02:19.356
Wahe gi hasa, wild-taro 3SG leaf and mat to put their lia gi hasa gua-ta'e wild-taro 3SG leaf on-sleep heads on it and sleep on it
Sei gi asa gua-ta'e, gae gi asa gua-ta'e ? 3SG leaf on-sleep ? 3SG leaf on-sleep and other leaves associated with the taboo food TC 00:02:19.356 - 00:02:21.270
Sobuhasa gata da ere ene hai la'a le'ere hani teli nawa, language at IMP this EMP IND go DEM like corn eat Regarding taboo languages in ritual ceremony, TC 00:02:21.270 - 00:02:33.596 hai resa nawa, hai noto be'u sobohini, bararini IND rice eat IND NEG able curse curse for example corn and rice rituals, there are no cursing, no swearing
Hai noto ta-mula'a, hai noto ta-barara IND NEG RECP-curse EMP NEG RECP-curse no longer curse one another during the ritual events TC 00:02:33.596 - 00:02:35.645
407
Riba-lolo, pa-lolo hai noto he'e random-say wrong-say EMP NEG have Cursing and swearing have no place during rituals TC 00:02:35.645 - 00:02:39.693 a'a hau ita la'a, teli nawa hau litaka, go IND over go corn eat IND over Once the ritual ceremony is over TC 00:02:39.693 - 00:02:46.813 resa nawa gi watu hau litaka dete, rice eat 3SG day IND over ROG and everyone has returned home, le'ere hani la'a ta-suhu DEM like go RECP-incite they may say ere mini ta-suhu to problema DEM again RECP-incite NEG problem whatever they want hai litaka laka ta-mula'a ta-barara IND over ROG RECP-curse RECP-curse When the ritual is already over, TC 00:02:46.813 - 00:02:49.685 ere laka to problema DEM ROG NEG problem everyone is free to talk
Hai ma'u oma mutu, sauku gi watu, IND come house in break.taboo 3SG day However, in the compound of the sacred house during the ritual ceremony,
408
TC 00:02:49.685 - 00:02:53.693 hai noto ta-mula'a, hai noto ta-barara IND NEG RECP-curse IND NEG ECP-curse it is strictly forbidden to curse
Ere respeita, hai noto ta-mula'a, hai noto ta-barara DEM respect IND NEG RECP-curse IND NEG RECP-curse During this particular time we show respect TC 00:02:53.693 - 00:02:57.773
Ere laka asi da'e-koru, ere laka lolo, baba, papa, DEM ROG POSS head-pick DEM ROG say father dad This means that we say father, daddy, TC 00:02:57.773 - 00:03:03.596 mama, titia, abo hani lolo. mom aunty grandparent like say mommy, aunty, grandparents, TC 00:03:03.596 - 00:03:06.013
Hai noto ai, ani, hai noto ere lolo asi da'e-koru IND NEG 2SG 1SG IND NEG DEM say POSS head-pick We no longer refer to one another as you and I TC 00:03:06.013 - 00:03:10.590
Ere laka lode ere-o waara hai noto lode DEM ROG bag DEM call IND NEG bag And also we no longer refer the traditional bag to its ordinary name TC 00:03:10.590 - 00:03:17.293
Ere laka isi-ge'e lolo hai na'u na'a DEM ROG REF-POSS say IND EMP bag We refer to it as its ritual name but not ordinary name
409
TC 00:03:17.293 - 00:03:19.501
Mini ma lode waara laka hai mini again PREP bag call ROG IND again If we refer to it as its real name, TC 00:03:19.501 - 00:03:22.541 sobohini hani, bararini hani palunu. curse like curse like taboo it means that we curse
Lode ua'a pi leba ere ene gi-nai to tamu, bag REL 1PL(incl) carry DEM EMP REF-name NEG mention The traditional bag that we normally carry TC 00:03:22.541 - 00:03:36.310 ere aka hai noto lode DEM ROG IND NEG bag must not be mentioned by its name during rituals
Lode hani laka, pi bag like ROG 1PL(incl) If we TC 00:03:36.310 - 00:03:40.556 waasi le'ere hani anu u pa-gini now DEM like person one wrong-make mention the traditional bag by its ordinary name, it means that nana dete lode ma mi-asara hani lolo CONJ ROG bag PREP follow-send like say we want to punish someone or inflict serious injures on someone
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Ere ene lode ene gi-nai to tamu. Ere ene palunu DEM EMP bag EMP REF-name NEG mention DEM EMP taboo Do not mention the ordinary name of the traditional bag. It is taboo. TC 00:03:40.556 - 00:03:43.236
Ere wa'are'e asi-noko hai tu seti, DEM today POSS-younger.brother IND first ask If our property lolo-pare pi-ge'e say-that 1PL(incl)-POSS is stolen or lost, sasan u molu do pi property one lose CONJ 1PL(incl) what can we do gau lolo dane ma netane gini to say CONJ PREP how do in sacred house
Ere ene ai asa u gapu ma'u, DEM EMP 2SG chicken one with come they need to bring chicken and TC 00:03:43.236 - 00:03:53.565 lawa u gapu ma'u dawa money one with come CONJ coins to the sacred house rai-duri, rai-asara, ere dete, out-put out-send DEM ROG And then we perform a ritual and TC 00:03:53.565 - 00:03:57.141
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ere ene lolo lode ma mi-tuiri, DEM EMP say bag PREP follow-call send the traditional lode ma mi-asara hani ere bag PREP Follow-send like DEM bag to go after the culprits
Lode hani ere, da'ana ma mi-asara bag like DEM sacred PREP follow-send sending bag means sending the sacred in the house to go after the culprits TC 00:03:57.141 - 00:04:00.756
Waipasu opoloi sala hau sa'i property now war IND finish We have sacred things TC 00:04:00.756 - 00:04:12.653 hai ga'awai tehu, n a'u gi'a-rai nai IND place buy EMP good-keep only belong to the house
Ere ini ua'a gaua, gi dada, DEM 1PL(excl) REL owner 3SG owner These sacred things in the house TC 00:04:12.653 - 00:04:18.670 ini ene gata-gamu, 1PL(excl) EMP at-touch are only touched gi seluk gi le'ere to gata-gamu 3SG other 3SG DEM NEG at-touch
412 by the designated persons
Tempu la'a nake nana le'ere hani teli nawa, resa nawa time go take CONJ DEM like corn eat rice eat They are only taken out TC 00:04:18.670 - 00:04:26.301 dete opoloi guba ra'isa do, le hani ma do ROG now with out CONJ DEM like PREP CONJ during the ritual events
Takana mutu-rai do ere dete le hani basket in-put CONJ DEM ROG DEM like They are kept in special place inside sacred house TC 00:04:26.301 - 00:04:28.685 seu ma nawa ma gau rai PREP food PREP to put and offered them meats and foods nake ere-o tenki lisensa seti, ni gua-lolo, take DEM must permission ask REF on-say When they want to take them out, first of all we must ask permission, lisensa asi da'e-koru, waasi t eli nawa gi watu, permission POSS head-pick now corn eat 3SG day and says, excuse me my god; today is the day to eat corn or resa nawa gi watu ere he'e gau i rai-duri, i rai-waara, rice eat 3SG day DEM have to 2PL out-put 2PL out-call rice, that's why we carry you out so that TC 00:04:28.685 - 00:04:39.245
413 pi tapuni teli nawa nana, resa nawa nana. 1PL(incl) together corn eat CONJ rice eat CONJ we together eat the corn or rice.
Mini-gali gi'a-rai nana ere-o nisi ere hani lolini, again-return good-keep CONJ DEM still DEM like say After the ritual, TC 00:04:39.245 - 00:04:44.933 mini-gali ni-ga'awai hisi la'a, again-return REF-place in go we return them mini-gali ni-newai hisi la'a again-return REF-place in go with respect in their place
Ere laka hai mini-gali ma do DEM ROG IND again-return PREP CONJ They will be placed in a specific place TC 00:04:44.933 - 00:04:48.430 takana hisi rai do hai nama-rai basket in put CONJ IND up-put and placed high up inside the sacred house
Ere ene anu-mata wa'are'e hai tu lolo ere hani, DEM EMP person-child today IND first say DEM like As I have said earlier that whoever steal or damage, TC 00:04:48.430 - 00:05:03.341 na'ire'e ene ere nake, ai ene mi-soro, who EMP DEM take 2SG EMP follow-hunt the sacred objects are the ones
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ai ene mi-haga 2SG EMP follow-search to go after the culprits ai ene la'a do gi mane-pula'a, 2SG EMP go CONJ 3SG neck-twist they are the ones go TC 00:05:03.341 - 00:05:05.861 ai ene la'a do gi mane-wasiri 2SG EMP go CONJ 3SG neck-break to break their necks ai ene la'a gi manekai hau deri, 2SG EMP go 3SG neck IND cut cut their TC 00:05:05.861 - 00:05:10.053 gi manekai hau soili, 3SG neck IND cut heads off, ai ene la'a gi iti hau wasiri, 2SG EMP go POSS foot IND break break their gi tana hau wasiri hani 3SG hand IND break like feet and hands
Tanba netane gini, wori ene sena lia because how make DEM EMP steal steal it is because the steal people's property
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do ere he'e gau do ma'u hai pa-gini. CONJ this have to CONJ come IND wrong-make therefore action must be taken against them
Lode hai ma mi-asara do lode ene la'a wo'i bag IND PREP follow-send CONJ bag EMP go DEM This means that we send the bag after them TC 00:05:10.053 - 00:05:48.525 hai sau tau-lasi do mega hai umu ene ere IND already off-cut CONJ very ind die EMP DEM to take actions agains the culprits.
Ere umu nana. Ere ene la'a do DEM die CONJ DEM EMP go CONJ it is with the intention to kill them or other illness such as TC 00:05:48.525 - 00:05:58.581 pisul, pahatu, iti-patu, tana-patu, pimple pimple(big) foot-swollen hand-swollen pimples, swollen in feet, TC 00:05:58.581 - 00:06:02.461 panu-patu ene la'a geni face-swollen EMP go touch hands, and faces
Ere dete gi la'a umu. DEM ROG 3SG go die These illnesses will kill them. TC 00:06:02.461 - 00:06:05.7 60 00:06:05.760 - 00:06:07.413
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La'a na'u titili na'u saara go EMP dry EMP dry Their bodies will dry out and
Ere dai sari o to kura, DEM foreign medicine EMP NEG cure no medicines TC 00:06:07.413 - 00:06:11.365 lari sari o to kura, tanba tahani-gau traditional medicine EMP NEG cure because why-for will heal the person ana gi sasan sena do people 3SG property steal CONJ because they steal things and TC 00:06:11.365 - 00:06:14.916 oma-da'e ene wori sai nawa. house-sacred EMP DEM CONJ eat the sacred house is the one who kills them
Ere gi iti, gi ara mini sipa'a, DEM 3SG feet 3SG leg again hold If the culprits come to the sacred house TC 00:06:14.916 - 00:06:21.621 gia-dugala dawa dete wori wai-lapu'u under-fall CONJ ROG DEM remain-live and ask for forgiveness will spare their lives
Ba to gia-dugala hapa dawa umu but NEG under-fall CONJ CONJ die otherwise they will die
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TC 00:06:21.621 - 00:06:23.156
Ere ni kompesa taini. Ani ene watu'u DEM REF confess EMP 1SG EMP formerly They must come to the sacred house to confess ere gini dete ini hai sa'i molu, DEM make ROG 1PL(excl) IND finish lose that they were the ones steal it and as a hai sa'i umu do eregau ini IND finish die CONJ therefore 1PL(excl) result many of our family have suffer, TC 00:06:23.156 - 00:06:37.310 mini ma'u iti sipa'a ara sipa'a hani lolo again come foot hold leg hold like say that's why they must ask for forgiveness
Ere dete era mini bai gapu ma'u, bibi gapu, DEM ROG 3PL again pig with come goat with Then they bring pigs, goats, TC 00:06:37.310 - 00:06:44.293 arabau dawa gapu ma'u lasi dete era mini ma hi'a-waara buffalo CONJ with come slaughter ROG 3PL again PREP good-call buffaloes and they will be forgiven and healed
Ere dete da'ana rai-duri mini-gali ma hi'a-waara DEM ROG sacred out-put again-return PREP good-call And also the sacred objects that were sent after the culprits will be welcomed back by offering chickens and animals as sacrifices. TC 00:06:44.293 - 00:06:46.301
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Ba to ma hi'a-waara, na'u ra'isa wo'i hapa dawa but NEG PREP good-call EMP out DEM CONJ CONJ However, if the sacred objects are not welcomed, TC 00:06:46.301 - 00:06:51.550 naga-naga era mi-soro do na'u naga era nawa always 3PL follow-hunt CONJ EMP always 3PL eat these sacred objects will continue to hunt them down
Hai sisiri ere era mini ma'u dete rau IND illness DEM 3PL again come ROG good even the culprits get sick, they better come ask for forgiveness TC 00:06:51.550 - 00:06:58.565 ba to ma'u laka era hai sa'i nawa but NEG come ROG 3PL IND finish eat in the sacred house otherwise they all be in trouble
Ani-ta'a ani-ta'a gua-lolo na'u tahani year-every year-every on-say EMP same In regard with ritual speech, the utterances are all the same every year TC 00:06:58.565 - 00:07:10.110
Le ere hani la'a do anu dera oho hau sena, DEM like go CONJ person property some IND steal this is because there are bad people out there sasan oho hau sena dete eregau property some IND steal ROG therefore who have bad intentions ani-ta'a ani-ta'a teli nawa gigaha gua-lolo, year-every year-every corn eat always on-say The ritual speeches are always performed
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TC 00:07:10.110 - 00:07:16.125 resa nawa gigaha gua-lolo rice eat always on-say in every ritual event every year
Dai isi-ge'e ere hai wai Abana wo'i foreign REF-POSS DEM IND remain NOM there The sacred house has 'Dai' (ancestor) and ours remain in Abana TC 00:07:16.125 - 00:07:24.773
Mosa oma mutu he'e dete na'i ere traditional.doctor house in have ROG what DEM 'mosa’ should exist in the sacred house to tell us TC 00:07:24.773 - 00:07:30.813 lolo-gini taini, asi da'e-koru straight-make EMP POSS head-pick the truth and of what to do things
So mosa ene dai ene lolo-gini dete, only traditional-doctor EMP foreign EMP straight.make ROG 'mosa' is the one who facilitates on how to perform TC 00:07:30.813 - 00:07:34.621 gau seu ma nawa ma gau hisi rai to meat PREP food PREP to in put the rituals including food apportioning
Ere dete ma gau ma nuru hisi teru hisi rai DEM ROG PREP to PREP basket in basket in put then food is apportioned in basket for them TC 00:07:34.621 - 00:07:37.813
420
Tupuare tama to nawa tina taini. female enter CONJ food cook EMP The female servant is need inside the sacred house to cook ritual food, TC 00:07:37.813 - 00:07:51.190
Tupurae wa'a hau ma'a-duri to gi gutu gi gasi hai ma'asi ere female REL IND soil-put CONJ 3SG wear 3SG cover IND down DEM particularly a female whose bride-wealth has been settled
Mais na'u naga ne'egu rai-duri laka palunu do to do tama. but EMP still yet out-put ROG taboo CONJ NEG up enter But the females-in-law whose bride-wealth have yet to be settled TC 00:07:51.190 - 00:07:56.556
Ere niniri le ere to tau-diu, to do la'a DEM doorway DEM NEG over-step NEG UP go are forbidden to enter the sacred house and even must not step over the door-way
A'i ua'a le he to gata hei da-misa. Ere palunu ladder REL DEM NEG at DEM side-climb DEM taboo And even the ladder goes into house cannot be touched. It is taboo. TC 00:07:56.556 - 00:07:59.973
Tanba gi gutu gi gasi naga ne'egu ma'asi because 3SG wear 3SG cover still yet down This is because they have not been TC 00:07:59.973 - 00:08:06.261 do gi naga ne'egu oma he misa do eregau palunu CONJ 3SG still yet house here climb CONJ therefore taboo accepted fully as members of the clan
Ere to he'e laka asukai mata ene ni-ge'e gau tina DEM NEG have ROG male child EMP REF-POSS to cook
421
If no woman enter the house to cook ritual food, men will cook the ritual food TC 00:08:06.261 - 00:08:09.950
Tupurae gi rai-duri to he'e laka, female 3SG out-put NEG have ROG if there is no females-in-law who is eligible, TC 00:08:09.950 - 00:08:16.110 gi-loloro ere asukai ni-ge'e gau tina truth DEM male REF-POSS to cook then men will have to cook the ritual food
Waipasu oma mutu tupurae to gata-gamu property house in female not at-touch The women cannot touch the sacred objects in the sacred house TC 00:08:16.110 - 00:08:19.990
Asukai ene gata-gamu, tupurae to gata-gamu male EMP at-touch female not at-touch only men can touch them TC 00:08:19.990 - 00:08:21.670
Ere ani dopi ko'ini to rau mi-ma'ene, asi da'e-koru. DEM 1SG latter grow NEG good follow-know POSS head-pick I am still young so I do not know details about all these. TC 00:08:21.670 - 00:09:15.653
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Appendix H: 2 PSLK_101014 file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN AUDIO/Ossoroa/Transcribed&Translated/tx@PascoalLequikabora 2.eaf Monday, March 16, 2015 11:42 PM
Ere ene gi-nai waara lolo palunu. Do not swear, do not curse one another. These are taboo TC 00:00:34.510 - 00:00:36.550
Nanawa gata-da ene asa wa'a ate gua lairisa le ere nai palunu. Taboo in relation with foods is not to eat parrot TC 00:00:36.550 - 00:00:52.621
Erau ta gau riba-lolo Do not swear at one another TC 00:00:52.621 - 00:01:01.141
Erau ta gau riba-lolo, erau ta sobo Do not swear and do not curse TC 00:01:01.141 - 00:01:03.413
Palunu hani ere lolo, pi respeitu If we say something is taboo means that we have to respect it. TC 00:01:03.413 - 00:01:16.478
Respeitu ene palunu ere lolo-pare erau pa-gini Respect is taboo means that do not spoil it TC 00:01:16.478 - 00:01:21.013
Ere ene gi-nai wara lolo palunu hani ere These are called taboo TC 00:01:21.013 - 00:01:23.550
423
Sobuhobu gi-nai lolo erau hani e, ere ene gi-nai palunu ere Words that refers to 'don't', is taboo TC 00:01:23.550 - 00:01:28.405
Erau riba-lolo, erau ta-sobo Do not swear do not curse TC 00:01:28.405 - 00:01:42.893 00:01:42.893 - 00:01:44.605 erau pa-gini do not spoil TC 00:01:44.605 - 00:01:47.046
Ere ene gi-nai waara lolo erau ere ene sobu ko'ini The word 'don't' is greatly significant TC 00:01:47.046 - 00:01:50.381
Erau ere sobu, ere gi-nai waara lolo palunu 'Don't is a word means taboo TC 00:01:50.381 - 00:01:54.230
Erau le pa-gini, erau le pa-lasi do not spoil this, do not cut this TC 00:01:54.230 - 00:01:58.398 erau le pa-nake. Ere ene gi-nai lolo palunu do not destroy this. These are called taboo TC 00:01:58.398 - 00:02:00.261 00:02:00.261 - 00:02:02.005
Anu-mata la hai la'iri la le nai ene tama We, who are older, will enter the sacred house. TC 00:02:02.005 - 00:02:19.830
Mata lapu tama ere, tupurae samara ma'u ere Young people can enter as well,
424
TC 00:02:19.830 - 00:02:26.166 mata ma he hapu, gi ina ere hau ma'a-duri laka hai sauku hai tama except women in-laws who are yet culturally part of the house TC 00:02:26.166 - 00:02:30.741 gi-ina ere hau ma'a-duri, ere laka hai sauku Once the in-laws have completed the process of becoming part of the house, they can enter TC 00:02:30.741 - 00:02:35.581
Naga ne'egu ma'a-duri laka ere to tama but they are yet go through that process, they cannot enter TC 00:02:35.581 - 00:02:37.941
Opoloi gi-supa do ma'u They are new to the house TC 00:02:37.941 - 00:02:42.318
Gi na'u hani dane, estadu hisi la'a hani dane gi-nai naga ne'egu do'o It is like they are yet to be registered TC 00:02:42.318 - 00:02:46.950
Estadu hisi la'a hani dane gi-nai naga ne'egu do'o it is like their names are not written there yet TC 00:02:46.950 - 00:02:50.230
Ere he'e gau to tama This is why, they are not allowed to enter TC 00:02:50.230 - 00:02:52.253
Hau ma'a-duri ere babera gi-nai hai do'o Once they have gone through the process, they can enter TC 00:02:52.253 - 00:02:54.973
425
Ere laka ana uma-kain u wori hai ma u ere gau entrega. This means that the woman parents have submitted to the man's parents. TC 00:02:54.973 - 00:03:03.213
U ere ene hai poto mini-gali kuidadu, hai poto mini-gali hisi-gena So the man's parents now have the right take care of her
Na'u hisi-gena, tama laka to tama they do not enter TC 00:03:03.213 - 00:03:12.878
Dadau hau ma'a-duri dete once their bride-prices has been settled, they can enter TC 00:03:12.878 - 00:03:15.423
Palunu ere lolo-pare pi respeitu Taboo means respect TC 00:03:15.423 - 00:03:22.405
Ere ene gi-nai lolo palunu ere. Pi masini le da-mara, anu-lapu he da-mara ta respeitu, ere ene gi-nai waara lolo palunu ere. This means taboo. Even when we respect one another is respect, this is what we call taboo. TC 00:03:22.405 - 00:03:29.326
Pa-gini gi-nai waara lolo palunu hani ere anu mahe na'u tahani Spoiling somehting is also taboo TC 00:03:29.326 - 00:03:33.581
Bandu anu-mahe palunu na'u tahani Forbidden and taboo are the same TC 00:03:33.581 - 00:03:36.125
Ere le halolo, pi to ma'ene ere ene ere babera derepenti do pi ni tutu'u When we enter the compound of the sacred house and we tumble our feet and swear
426
TC 00:03:36.125 - 00:03:52.093
Pi tonai wa'asi atensaun dane tutu'u nana, derepenti it is something not on purpose TC 00:03:52.093 - 00:03:56.213
Ere ene lolo-pare ani hai deti-lolo, mais ehani ani mini tulun So we say that I have committed sins, please forgive me TC 00:03:56.213 - 00:04:27.301
I ua'a asi dada la ani mini tulun You, my grandfathers, please forgive me TC 00:04:27.301 - 00:04:30.526
Ni sohobu nai gata-da, If the wrongdoings is about words, TC 00:04:30.526 - 00:04:37.815 ere laka la'a sauku gi tempu ere hisi-rata We do this when it comes to the ritual ceremony TC 00:04:37.815 - 00:04:44.255
Na'u uatu-uailara laka pi to-be'u na'i he gau riba-gau dane During normal days, we cannot do this, only in ritual ceremony TC 00:04:44.255 - 00:04:50.735
Ere babera pi deti gi ko'ini gini dete ere he'e gini if it is a big sin, we can do this, but TC 00:04:50.735 - 00:05:00.078
Deti arai, pi to-be'u na'u riba-gini it is small sin, we cannot do this TC 00:05:00.078 - 00:05:02.990
427
La'iri la tu lapu'u ere, pi ere he'e gi-nai tamu. During ritual ceremony, we mention their names. TC 00:05:02.990 - 00:05:27.925
Ana ere ene uatu'u ere ma he hari'i, ana ere ene anu ma he hakiak They were the ones who started to build the house
Ana ere oma ere ma he harii They were the ones who started the sacred house TC 00:05:27.925 - 00:05:30.918
Pi dada, pi nanu, i pi dada Adau Eva, Maromak hau ma he rata'a, Our grandfathers, our great grandfathers, and Adam and Eve were created by God, TC 00:05:30.918 - 00:05:43.398
Adau Eva teni mini-gali pi dada rata'a then from Adam and Eve we were born
Ere gi oma ene ere. Ere he'e gau pi gini. Ere he'e gau pi piara. This is their house. This is why we continue to build it and believe in it. TC 00:05:43.398 - 00:05:47.941
Respeitu ma ere gini, ma ni dada gini, ni nanu gini, ni ina gini, ni baba gini, maromak gini Pay respect to them, to our grandfathers, our great grandfathers, our mothers, our fathers, and to god TC 00:05:47.941 - 00:05:56.870
Respeitu ere hisi da Through respect TC 00:05:56.870 - 00:05:59.686
Gua-lolo ere pi dada wori gi-nai nake dete ma hisi lolo When it comes to ritual speech, we mention our grandfathers' names TC 00:05:59.686 - 00:06:18.661
428
Pi na'u riba-lolo laka ere to loloro. Ere babera pi ua'a na'u riba hau tuli-base he gi ta la'a We cannot conduct a ritual ceremony without mentioning their names, it is not right. TC 00:06:18.661 - 00:06:29.158
Pi dada ere he'e nai gi-nai tamu mention our grandfathers' names TC 00:06:29.158 - 00:06:48.326
Ere ene pi la'a maromak gi-nai wori, ma pi dada gi-nai ere ma tata-tamu, ere nai. We mention our grandfathers's names along with god's name TC 00:06:48.326 - 00:06:54.150
Ere ana lolo dete pi ere ma gua-lolo, ana to lolo pi to-be'u na'u haga-lolo Once people complain and present their stolen things to us, then we will do it, but no complaints, we cannot do it. TC 00:06:54.150 - 00:07:08.621
Pi na'u haga-lolo pi hai mini hau deti. Oma wa'a gi-nai lolo oma-palu hani ere If we do it without people's complaints about their stolen things, we are at faults and we commit sins. The house that is called sacred house is that TC 00:07:08.621 - 00:07:17.623 ana ispiritu mutu he baliki, pi na'u haga-lolo laka ere pi hai mini hau deti the spirits reside in them, so if we do it without people's complaints, we will commit sins
Ispiritu mutu he baliki ere he'e gau pi to-be'u na'u riba deti lolo Because the spirit is in the house, we cannot simply do whatever we want TC 00:07:17.623 - 00:07:22.478
(Ana ni-ge'e kesia guba ma'u dete) ere dete pi ere gi-bada lolo, pi ua'a na'u riba-lolo to-be'u If people complain and present to us their stolen things, then we do it, but we cannot do it without the complaints TC 00:07:22.478 - 00:07:29.670
429
Ere laka pi mini deti lolo So it will be pur faults TC 00:07:29.670 - 00:07:34.133
Ere laka pi mini deti, ere laka pi ula guta If this is the case, we commit sins, and it means we kill TC 00:07:34.133 - 00:07:56.205
Ere pi ula guta, ere pi ula guta gi-bada it is the same as killing TC 00:07:56.205 - 00:08:21.758
Pi wa'asi le hisi he adora he, anu gini rau nana ere he'e ma he adora When we adore in the house, means to save people that's why we adore in the house TC 00:08:21.758 - 00:08:27.550
Pi tonai ula guta ma le adora, ere laka deti we cannot adore to kill people TC 00:08:27.550 - 00:08:30.621
Anu u kuda sena, arabau u sena, bibi u sena, bai u sena, bua u, wata u hau sena, ni-ge'e ma he pa-gini If someone complain and present to the house about their stolen cattle or other things to the house TC 00:08:30.621 - 00:09:15.390
Ere pi wa'a le he hisi he to ma pa-gini ere mini deti, eregeau wori ere ni-ge'e na'u lolo let the people who complain to the house report directly to the house TC 00:09:15.390 - 00:09:22.495
Ni-ge'e na'u ma panu hisi he lolo, pi to-be'u mini-gali pi ua'a he baliki gi sobu tia-nake ma he lolo, ere laka deti, pi ula guta They themselves present their case to the house, not us to do it TC 00:09:22.495 - 00:09:27.998
430
To-be'u simu, Ere pi hai mini ula guta. Se pi hai mini ula ma mutu he guta laka ere to anu harii. La'iri la wa'a tu he'e, ere he'e gi-nai na'u tamu. In such a case, we simply mention our grandfathers and great grandfathres TC 00:09:31.590 - 00:09:57.366
Asi dada u gi-nai le ere hani, ere gi-nai na'u tamu. Mais pi ua'a mini-gali anu u wa'a na'i u pa-gini pi ma gau tauru, ere pi deti. Girau ma pi gau gali-dane para pi gana erau sisiri, erau ooro. As well, we ask our grandfathers and great grandfathers to take a good care of us so that we stay healthy always TC 00:09:57.366 - 00:10:24.286
Kuidadu sentidu ma ni dada ni mata la gini ere he'e lolo. Pi to-be'u mini-gali ula guta ge'e mini-lolo laka pi deti. We ask them to take care of us, their grandchildren and children. We cannot talk about killing in the house TC 00:10:24.286 - 00:10:33.213
Kaisou, koi sauku na'u tahani. Na'u nisi ani supa, ani ani gama hau ta tu'ara dete nawa. The corn-eating and rice-eating rituals are similar events. TC 00:10:33.213 - 00:11:12.685
Ere ene gi-nai lolo palunu hani ere. Pi na'u riba-nawa laka ere pi hai deti, na'i u hani dane pi naga ne'egu hau dihi We cannot eat corn or rice before the ritual is conducted. This is taboo. TC 00:11:12.685 - 00:11:26.181
Pi naga ne'egu ma ni dada gau aprezenta pi na'u tu nawa. Once we have yet to present to our grandfathers, it is forbidden to eat TC 00:11:26.181 - 00:11:31.918
Ere deti. Hau ma ni dada ni nanu gau aprezenta dete pi opoloi nawa. First of all, we have to present to our grandfathers and graet grandfathers, then we can eat TC 00:11:31.918 - 00:11:41.150
431
Ere ene gi-nai waara lolo sauku hani ere this is what we call 'sauku' TC 00:11:41.150 - 00:11:45.446
(Ne'egu sauku dete nawa) ere laka deti, ere ene pi la'a sisiri ere If breah the rules of ritual, as a result we will ge sick TC 00:11:45.446 - 00:11:53.326
Ere ene pi sisir, ere ene waara lolo respeitu to he'e. Pi ana noto respeitu. We get sick because we do not have respect. We do not respect them (ancestors) TC 00:11:53.326 - 00:11:59.670
Sisiri ene la'a panu-kuili ere The kind of diseases that affect us are mentally ill TC 00:11:59.670 - 00:12:34.830
Panu-kuili ere, ere ene oho la'a ooro ere Feel dizzy and other are cough TC 00:12:34.830 - 00:12:37.430
Hau oma mutu he ma'u, malu mini hau ma he rai, mini hau tia laka hai mini rau In this situation, they must come back into the house and chew the betel-nuts and they will get healed TC 00:12:37.430 - 00:12:49.541
Ere tonai sari umuka'u hani mais, malu ere na'u ma he rai para na'u mini ma anu ere kura The medicines for such diseaes is betel-nut TC 00:12:49.541 - 00:13:01.390
Sapeo hau nake, sapatu hau nake, ere nai hisi mege gini (When we enter the compount of the sacred house) remove the hat, shoes, TC 00:13:01.390 - 00:13:34.015
432
To-be'u na'u riba-gini, na'u riba-nake. Need to be careful with our attitudes, not to take anything from there. TC 00:13:34.015 - 00:13:42.421
433
Appendix H: 3 IFMSMP_030814 file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN AUDIO/Uaguia/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Tuesday, March 17, 2015 12:29 AM
Muta'u, siakui, upa, ere laka palunu ere laka ramus sa'i ere dete naua We are forbidden to eat taro, sugar cane, and will be eaten after the Palm Sunday of the Easter TC 00:00:16.556 - 00:00:28.940
Paskoa he. U ua'a palunu bai-bain gau ere laka ere orasu la'a Marsu ua'a na'i-damu he, Marsu laka kaisoru la pi hai goba naua For other foods taboo, we will consume them in March TC 00:00:28.940 - 00:00:42.533
Na'i ua'a sobu-hasa palunu ge'e hani ere ene tanba la'iri la ehani laka u orasu to ma'u laka ta-gau sobu-hasa bounu lolo mais, tuir lolos ere Regarding taboo languages, we cannot say bad things towards one another in the house TC 00:00:42.533 - 00:01:07.573 pi hai ma'u ama hisi he rou sauku nana ere, pi hai noto be'u ta actually when we are conducting the ritual ceremony, we no longer say things that offend others in the house TC 00:01:07.573 - 00:01:13.620 lolo ere o pi hai noto be'u lolo. Pi lolo-pare ai le nake ma'u, oho laka to gapu ma'u, ere to- be'u ma ta gau lolo It is forbidden to say that he/she brings this but you bring nothing to the ritual ceremony TC 00:01:13.620 - 00:01:21.316
Oma goe-la'a ene sobu-hasa boi ma rusu hani ene pi to-be'u ma ta-gau lollo It is forbidden to utter 'boi' 'rusu' when we are at the house TC 00:01:21.316 - 00:01:25.900
435 pi la'a ni iti tutu'u oho daua boi rusu to-be'u lolo if we tumble, we do not utter 'boi' 'rusu' TC 00:01:25.900 - 00:01:31.523
Da'ana ua'a oma mutu, hai la'a sauku hani laka orasu anu-mata anu mitu Juzeca, papa Ricardo, anu-mata anu mitu ene rai-nake The sacred things in the house are only touched by three of us TC 00:01:31.523 - 00:01:54.325
Orasu gi palunu pi ua'a orasu gapu ama hisi la'a nana he, orasu lode ere orasu anu-mata la ma ni ta'a leba to gapu la'a, teru na'i la mutu he'e ma ni ta'a leba dete gapu la'a When we conduct the ritual ceremony in the farms, we will bring the sacred things to the farms TC 00:01:54.325 - 00:02:03.066
Sauku gi tempu dete rai-nake, to-be'u na'u riba rai nake. Nake nana orasu pi lilin hau sa'i hau dua, biti mata u to ue'e to hau ma he lobe dete ere dete pi rai-nake, dete lolo, tempu hai gisi to ehani gi du'u gi supa naua nana to eregau lisensa ma abo la seti The sacred things are only taken out during the ritual ceremony. Once we take them out, we utter, "the time has come for consuming the new and young corn, that's why we ask your (ancestors) permission TC 00:02:03.066 - 00:02:33.500 ere dete lode mutu he rai-nake to badu husu ma gau dua after we take them out and place them on the mat and light the candles TC 00:02:33.500 - 00:02:40.251 lisensa taini, masini pi ta komprimenta hani do, masini pi ua'a ta bani'a hani to pi lisensa seti dete lode mutu he rai-nake everytime we take them out, we must ask permission to touch them TC 00:02:40.251 - 00:02:47.828
436
Ni gua-lolo laka la'a gau tina gau gisa dete gua-lolo, geri-bata rai-nake laka pi lisensa na'u seti Everytime we offer foods and meats, we need to say something in our hearts and ask permission to touch them TC 00:02:47.828 - 00:03:03.445 ere laka pi lisensa na'u seti lolo abo la ehani gi du'u gi supa naua nana to gi tempu hai gisi to eregau rai-nake Now is the time to consume the new and young corn, that's why we come to take you to consume them TC 00:03:03.445 - 00:03:12.380 ai dada ai mata la'a hai ma'u to gi supa gi du'u naua nana all your children and grandchildren are already present here TC 00:03:12.380 - 00:03:17.923
Antes uoi da-ma'u la'iri la hai nati palunu hata to pi na'u mi palunu mara taboo has been practised since our ancestors time, so simply continue to practise it TC 00:03:17.923 - 00:03:35.245 eregau to na'i-damu ba ana ge'e ere hai mega hau antes hata it has existed long time so we continue to do it up until today TC 00:03:35.245 - 00:03:42.228 ere ene pi orasu gau sisiri ooro ma pi gini, ere ene orasu pi bese ma'ene hapa daua pi gau oi- oin hisi da gini ba pi bese ma'ene hapa daua, le'ere hani if someone breaches the rules of taboo, he/she will get sick and various negative things can happen to them all the way TC 00:03:42.228 - 00:03:52.756
437 bua malu oho uai ma lode mutu nake, laua lima sen di sepuluh sen di na'i gini gana laua gi nuru kuarter u ma ni hau kasu, to uai ma la'a lode mutu he rai to nigau bua malu nake tia to ma ni-gula hu'ara if the person gets sick, he/she take a coin and clean his/her tongue, and leave it in the traditional basket in the house and receive betel-nuts in order to recover TC 00:03:52.756 - 00:04:06.596 laua ma ni ipi eri. Hai sisiri hani ene le hani pi ua'a oma mutu hapa daua pi nigau la'a to, hai ma'ene sinal nigau pi hai gata he'e nigau ila'a oho di patu oho di na'i oho pi hai gata he'e laka pi ene dadau la'a to bua nake malu nake to laua ma ni-kasu bua nake malu nake tia dete mini-gali rau even we, who belong to the clan, get sick, we must also get a coin to clean our tongue and receive betel-nuts to chew and rub your bodies in order to recover from our illness TC 00:04:06.596 - 00:04:33.908
Ma le hani ba gi bounu u hisi da gini, anu gi seluk anu gi leere u hisi da hani dane, orasu saat la'a sauku era antes pi hau geri-lolo mais he rata laka pi na'i u to-be'u ma gini For example, other people who suffer illness and come to the house, TC 00:04:33.908 - 00:04:43.611 saat la'a sauku ere dete era nigau asa guba ma'u laua guba ma'u ere dete nigau bua lesu malu lesu dete ma la'a ni kose, orasu ira he daru daua sera ma ni gula-hua'ara they must bring chicken, money, and then in return receive betel-nuts to chew for rubbing their bodies, as well the water to rub their bodies TC 00:04:43.611 - 00:04:53.460
Dai he'e mais ehani dete hai mini lolo dai hai mini ai sai Elvino gua-de'i to lolo hai mini dai hani, mais antes laka ere Now we have 'dai' (foreigner) comes on someone to talk to us, but TC 00:04:53.460 - 00:05:05.548 dai laka he'e mais pi ene nigau na'u gini, dai laka meta mutu to to ra'isa before that the 'dai' did existed but they were not seen TC 00:05:05.548 - 00:05:11.458
438
pi dada pi nanu ua'a antes pi ua'a mutu lapu'u ma'u ere laka hai nati he'e hata, ere dete pi ma dai uara 'Dai' refers to our ancestors who lived before our time TC 00:05:11.458 - 00:05:30.485
Abo. Pi mutu ni gua-lolo ene ere ua'a The utterances for people who belong to the clan TC 00:05:30.485 - 00:05:51.531
Purezemplu na'i u gau ra'isa nana, pi karaka ehani rencana to dili hisi nana di baucau la'a nana di nigau festa u hisi la'a nana daua pi ni gua-lolo ene, abo la ini akompana para ani fatin u ua'a le'ere hisi la'a mais ini goba akompana, anu oho nigau le hani he teri-la'a ini gau odi vingansa to ini ma hi'a hisi hein to For example, if we would like to travel somewhere, we need to talk to our ancestors to take care of us on the way, "our ancestors, please accompany us to this place, look after us if there are people who have bad intentions to harm us on the way, TC 00:05:51.531 - 00:06:10.988 nigau oro mera'a sita'a mera'a ma ini gau prepara daua abo la'a ini akompana ini guba la'a so please accompany us to that place." TC 00:06:10.988 - 00:06:15.348 ini gutu sata ini gutu serini Our ancestors defend us from bad things TC 00:06:15.348 - 00:06:19.876
Gua-barara laka asa, pi asa ma gau tamu, asa u ua'a le'ere Cursing for other people normally offer a chicken TC 00:06:19.876 - 00:06:32.996 asa u ua'a le'ere nigau anu he teri-la'a ini gau ila-olo bora-lolo if people have bad intentions and conspire to harm us TC 00:06:32.996 - 00:06:36.348
439 ini gau le hani oro mera'a sita'a mera'a gi'a-rai people who are ready for us with spears and machetes. TC 00:06:36.348 - 00:06:39.485 ere laka pi gau odi ere he'e, oma mutu gau odi gau bora daua, oma he gau guni-lolo rai-lolo oho daua This utterances are uttered if there are people who have bad intentions towards the house and us TC 00:06:39.485 - 00:06:49.531 ere ene ai gau asa nami u ua'a le'ere ha lolo we offer a chicken to our sacred things in the house TC 00:06:49.531 - 00:06:53.348
Da'ana ere ene anu ere mi-haga. Asa ere ma na'i ere to pi hau sa'i gisa hani dane lolo, ai ene la'a uoi utau uoi da misa ai mi-ma'ene, uatu uoi desi ai mi-ma'ene Then the sacred things is the one who will go after the culprits. The chicken is offered because chicken knows precisely when the sun is rising and going down TC 00:06:53.348 - 00:07:16.931
Era nigau ila-lolo bora-lolo ini gau odi vingansa oho daua ai guba puni la'a to ai uai ma la'a ate gua sapi-dane, uai ma la'a ira mutu sapi-dane If people have bad intentions to harm us, conspire against us, and hate us, you go with them and push them down from a tree and push them into water, TC 00:07:16.931 - 00:07:30.636 uai ma motor gua sapi-dane, kareta gua sapi-dane. Ere laka barara ma anu ua'a naigalu ene pi gau na'i-damu ere he'e push them down from a car and a motor cycle. These utterances are meant for people have intentions in whatever ways to harm us TC 00:07:30.636 - 00:07:35.508
Na'u riba laka to-be'u ere lolo, ere palunu. Asa soiri ere, ere laka sisiri ua'a oma mutu ere he'e
440
On ordinary days, we cannot use those utterances in daily conversations, it is forbidden. Raising chicken is particularly for illness or diseases in the house that are suffered by the children belong to the house TC 00:07:35.508 - 00:08:10.383
Ere laka sisiri oma mutu to pi ene sisiri taini, pi ene sisiri to le hani nigau pi abo la ene pi nigau na'i ua'a bua malu pi pu he rai pi ge'e ua'a da'ana oma mutu he'e to pi le hani nigau la'a to It is for the chicldren in the house who get sick because they breach the rules of the taboo required by the house TC 00:08:10.383 - 00:08:25.268 kontra gi naua oho daua, kontra gi lolini oho dawa, ere dete pi nigau sisiri hapa daua pi asa ere ma ni gutu nama-dane para pi we might consume forbidden foods or say things that are against the house rules, that's why we raise the chicken TC 00:08:25.268 - 00:08:36.468 gana erau sisiri nana. Pi orasu hau lolo dete asa ere ma ni gutu nama-dane so that we do not get sick. We utter few words then raise the chicken to defend us from illness or diseases TC 00:08:36.468 - 00:08:47.451
Ama ge'e na'u lolu, keta ge'e na'u lolu, anu baliki ge'e na'u lolu, arabau baliki ge'e na'u lolu. Abo hani uara. Orasu u u ene ni-ge'e mi la'a, tanba gi ge'e sentidu lolo We have different 'dai' for farms, rice-fields, people, and buffaloes. Each of them called 'abo'. Every 'dai' will be sent off to go after the culprits. TC 00:08:47.451 - 00:09:25.445
Abo Domingos hani gau, ere laka orasu asa nami ma gau gisa ene pana gau gisa ene ere dete pi ma gau lolo For example, 'abo' Domingos, we will offer him a chicken and utter the cursing speech and send him off to go after the culprits TC 00:09:25.445 - 00:09:34.885
441
Pi ua'a oma mutu ere ajuda. Pi gau bora gi-ge'e asa na'u teni lolu u tonai Every 'dai' will be offered a chicken TC 00:09:34.885 - 00:09:59.571
U ere nai dete ma ere hani barara laka nana, asa laka orasu na'u lolu na'u lolu. Purezemplu arabau baliki ge'e ene he'e ereai gau asa-nami u ene he'e ere ai la'a to ni arabau he teri-la'a to nigau anu ai gia-sena lia daua ai hau ma umu-gini Every chicken will be for one cursing speech. For example, for a 'dai' that shepherds the buffaloes will be offered a chicken with utterances like, "this chicken is for you, please look after your buffaloes, if someone steals your buffaloes, you kill them TC 00:09:59.571 - 00:10:12.356 ai la'a ni arabau kuidadu, u mini-gali lolo you keep an eye on your buffaloes, the other TC 00:10:12.356 - 00:10:18.765 ama ge'e hani laka ama gutu hein ge'e ere taini, pi asa hau ma gau gisa laka ere for the farms is to guard the farms, then a chicken for the one who guards the farms TC 00:10:18.765 - 00:10:29.836 pi sentidu lolo-pare ama ere kuidadu para nigau na'i boere ma ma'u ma'a usa ma ma'u to na'i oho pa-gini oho daua gi-ge'e sentidu orasu hau sa'i ere nai gau la'a its intentions is that he can take care of the farms from people have bad intentions towards things in the farms TC 00:10:29.836 - 00:10:41.575
Na'u lebe-lebe la'a. U ua'a pi gau ila-lolo bora-lolo ge'e ere o na'u nisi asa gua-lolo A chicken will be offered and slaughtered to 'dai' to take care of whoever intends to harm us TC 00:10:41.575 - 00:10:48.468
Naire'e ini gau bora, ila-lolo, ini gau kokoro boboto, ini he da-mara ini gau oro mera'a sita'a mera'a ma ini gau gi'a-rai, ni iti ni tana ma ini gau nama-dane daua, ai gau asa u ere para ai la'a
442
Whoever have bad intentions, conspire to harm us, and prepare sharp things to harm us, threaten us, we offer you this chicken so that you TC 00:10:48.468 - 00:11:00.436 mi-gena, mi-gena gau la'a keep an eye on them TC 00:11:00.436 - 00:11:06.516
Pi ma ana gau barara ere na'u tahani, sobu-hasa ene na'u-nisi da'e u ere nai, mais ma gau asara ene dei-dei The way the ritual performer curses is all the same only difference is what the culprits are directed at TC 00:11:06.516 - 00:11:49.428
Ere he'e gau gisa. To le hani nigau ana goba sa'i ma'u hapa daua orasu la'a buna hisi uo'i to ta mi mi he luki he luki mara to hau la'a uo'i hau la'a seka, era gi tana mutu base, If there are many people coming, everyone will line up and bow down while walking around the sacred things which are placed at the centre in the farm. TC 00:11:49.428 - 00:12:03.765
Pi nigau to keta gini, la'iri la'a pi tana mutu-base to gana badinas to mini-gali keta gini nana hani then the chicldren who belong to the house will receive a slap in their palms with a stick with the intention to make them diligent to work on the farms TC 00:12:03.765 - 00:12:19.051
Orasu pi tana mutu-base, orasu seka mahe ate maheri gi lapi to uo'i to orasu era ma pi tana mutu base gi-ge'e intensaun lolo bobo halapu to ba'e keta gini to gi-ge'e intensaun lolo gana keta gini nana The elders will slap in the palms of the young people with the intentions to be diligent to work in the rice-fields TC 00:12:19.051 - 00:12:34.661
Ama hisi ma ere hani ba ere o badinas ama gini nana
443 and also in the farms TC 00:12:34.661 - 00:12:45.276
Ere ene barara orasu nigau lolo asa-nami u ua'a le'ere, ba nana ana ene asa gapu ma'u, purezemplu, maun gi sasan u molu The speech will depend on people complain about their things lost TC 00:12:45.276 - 00:13:15.036 orasu ana lilin asa na'i goba gapu ma'u taini they will bring chicken candles and others TC 00:13:15.036 - 00:13:20.725 pi gau barara, asa-nami u ua'a le'ere tanba anu ene la'a ai anu lapu gia-sena gia-lia and we as the owner of the house will curse, "this chicken is offered to you because people steal other people people's things TC 00:13:20.725 - 00:13:27.580 ai la'a sisiri ma gau dane ooro ma gau dane you cause them illness, TC 00:13:27.580 - 00:13:30.500 muri-molu ma gau la'a muri-sigu ma gau la'a nu-soli ma gau la'a cause them suffer from nose and mouth deseases TC 00:13:30.500 - 00:13:36.300 dela-dairi ma gau la'a, pokotai ma gau la'a gaenasa ma gau la'a, ere laka chin desease, other deadly deseases." TC 00:13:36.300 - 00:13:41.091
Orasu anu ua'a oma gutu de'i ene lolo. Orasu oma hisi de'i laka papa Ricardo ene lolo. Sisiri anu he gau ene orasu ila'a, baga, deta mata deta mata gata'a It normally the ritual perfomrmer who will perform it. The kind of deseases that the would be culprits suffer from are ithcing, wounds, pimples all over bodies, TC 00:13:41.091 - 00:14:02.236
444 nukai soli, delakai baga lips desease, chin wounds, TC 00:14:02.236 - 00:14:06.575 konsiensia ba gi dudu la oho ene baga geni (sorry but) breast wounds, TC 00:14:06.575 - 00:14:10.676 ere laka baga mata deta mata era gata mais fatin u hisi mini la'a fatin u hisi ria the would be culprits will suffer from various deseases all ove rtheir bodies TC 00:14:10.676 - 00:14:18.605 turu riria to gi amubere na'u gapu ria. Ere laka orasu mini-gali oma mutu he ma'u dete mini rau. and it will get even worse, but if they come back to the house, they will recover TC 00:14:18.605 - 00:14:52.091
Oma mutu gutu gini ene ere pi ua'a gi dada gi mata ene sisiri hai mega bera sisiri to Raising chicken up seven times is particularly for the children in the house who are sick TC 00:14:52.091 - 00:14:59.876
Oma mutu gutu-gini he gutu nama-dane gutu-soiri gutu-pagunu damu ene asa ma ni gutu nama-dane ere we raise the chicken means to defend or stop or prevent the illness or deseases to affect us TC 00:14:59.876 - 00:15:09.445
Noe, pubuti uatu rai-ria uatu ere gutu-ria dete asa ere nama-dane we do it in early morning to raise the chicken towards the rising sun TC 00:15:09.445 - 00:15:20.011 soiri, ere dete asa ere hau duri to kokoroi. Soe pitu soiri Abo la ere gi-nai hau tamu to ma ni gutu hasa'e then after raising the chicken up for seven times to our ancestors, we let go the chicken TC 00:15:20.011 - 00:15:35.140
445
Abo la ere gau hasa'e to pi gana sisiri oho daua pi deti oho, saat la'a sauku dete ini nigau deti gini oho he'e We raise them up to our ancestors to prevent illness because we might have done something wrong TC 00:15:35.140 - 00:15:45.691
Oma mutu he'e dete pi deti gini oho ene, ere dete pi ma ni gutu nama-dane or we might have done something wrong in the sacred house TC 00:15:45.691 - 00:15:57.100
Ere ene asa ua'a imiri he, ere ma abo la gau hasa'e, ua'a butiri he ere laka ma maromak gau hasa'e the red chicken is raised up for the ancestors and sacred things, while white chicken is for God TC 00:15:57.100 - 00:16:24.373
De'i laka madre goba sa'i he'e, hau sa'i he'e, orasu loloMaria hani laka ere ene butiri ere. Asa butiri ere na'u-nisi ma ere hani hasa'e, soe pitu na'u-nis- ma uatu hisi uatu misa gau hasa'e The white chicken is also raised up seven times towards the rising sun TC 00:16:24.373 - 00:16:39.283
Oro sita'a ma ta-gau rehe la, mu'u-pasu sia-pasu ma ta-tobana la uere, kaidaua gi pasu upa- pasu la uere During a period of fasting where we do not certain foods, nobody will threaten us with spear and machete, throw taro, sugare cane, banana other fodds' skin at us TC 00:16:39.283 - 00:16:55.388
Ere ene u ua'a saat pi la'a naua nana, anu-mata la ne'egu naua, ana nigau kaisou hai saunu. La'a febreiru hai litaka, Once the corn is already planted sometime after February, TC 00:16:55.388 - 00:17:13.431
446 anu-mata la hai noto be'u upa ere o hai noto gata-gamu, muta'u ere o hai noto guru, ama mutu ere hainoto guru, gi-asa ere o hai not riba tau-dane we no longer touch sugar cane, taro, even picking its leaves is forbidden TC 00:17:13.431 - 00:17:22.125
Kualker hai palunu gata da sita'a hai noto be'u ma anu-mata la gau rehe, Once we are in a period of fasting, sharpened things and skin of some certain foods are no longer thrown at us even in a fun purpose TC 00:17:22.125 - 00:17:37.780
Hai ma pi gau suki ene ere mais ereau lolo, anu-mata la gauha ene erau gau gatunu if somebody do that to us, we utter nothing, but if we do or someone near does TC 00:17:37.780 - 00:17:49.380
Ba nana pi bada la u ene lolo, ba ai gira-gira to ehani ate-hasa du'u-du'ulu ba ai hai mini sita'a ma ere gau rehe ene erau lolo the person, who throws foods skin at us or raise sharpened steel, will get sick TC 00:17:49.380 - 00:17:56.876 pi erau gua-lolo. Anu gi seluk gatunu ene ere o hai mega hisi na damu ene hai ere do not utter anything if a person does that, otherwise they will get sick TC 00:17:56.876 - 00:18:09.140 le hani anu-mata gauha ene gatunu dane ere o hai mega hisi na damu ene ere also if we utter something, the person will be sick TC 00:18:09.140 - 00:18:16.100
Nigau na'u sau masa bodoh he teri-la'a if someone does that, we simply do not pay attention to it TC 00:18:16.100 - 00:18:21.101
Nigau mu'u-pasu naua di na'i la oho gi pasu naua to le hani ma ta-geri lia'ana, ere tonai lolo sengaja. U hai geri gatunu laka ere
447
In this situation, whoever utters a word towards a person who throws foods skin at us, they will get sick, unless nobody utter anything TC 00:18:21.101 - 00:18:41.780
Sebeleum antes lolo akontese nana laka ere pi nigau malu mega hau nake to tia, ani nigau isa-nelu to hai mini hani gini to ani gau bua u malu u to tia hani laka na'i to he'e if a person is found to do this, he/she immediately goes to the sacred house and asks for betel- nuts to chew, and nothing will happen to him/her TC 00:18:41.780 - 00:18:55.165
Ere pi ge'e ua'a, pi mahe he di'ara to lolo ba, ana orasu la'iri la pi gau lolo pi suma la'a hi'a hisi hali, hi'a hisi hali hani taini to pi nigau It is forbidden to look back on the way to or from the farm because our souls can remain in the farm TC 00:18:55.165 - 00:19:11.885
Erau gali-gena, pi nigau la'a taini, erau ni iti tutu'u. Erau ni iti tutu'u hani ere pi orasu isanelu laka that's why, we must not look back. As weel, we must not tumble our feet while walking to the farm TC 00:19:11.885 - 00:19:20.556 oi, boi u ere o ani ni iti hai na'u tutu'u. Sobu-hasa palunu ene ere eregau erau ere lolo nana gau pi erau ni iti tutu'u, otherwise we will swear the word 'boi'. This language is taboo that's we must not tumble so that we do not utter this taboo language TC 00:19:20.556 - 00:19:30.748 nanama diu erau ni iti tutu'u. Pi orasu sisiri, gi hau daini orasu sisiri ere. we will be forewarned that please mind your steps while walking to the farm not to tumble. If we tumble, the result will be illness and diseases. TC 00:19:30.748 - 00:19:46.051
448
Appendix H: 4 PGLLL_110714 file:\\Stafffiles.win.canberra.edu.au\Homes$\s428525\Windows Profile\Desktop\Audio\Transcribed&Translated_Uab\[email protected] Tuesday, March 17, 2015 4:54 PM
Anu-mata ua'asi hai lolo ere, naigalu dete mini anu-mata gau bora to Whoever has bad intention to harm us bibi seu kuda seu na'i ikan la le'ere by giving us lambs, horse meats, fish and uahe oho, dete uori la mini ma anu-mata la gau gini to mini naua wild taro to eat orasu anu-mata la mini sisiri, gi ua'a anu-mata la gau gini ere o orasu as a result we will ge sick, but the person who does that to us umu nana ere. will also suffer and die.
Data hani lolo to geri-geri lolo-pare We do not eat these because it has been a custom pi hai nati ere palunu hata to abo ara lolo na'i ua'a le'ere ene mega palunu hani to and taboo since our ancestors time na'u ma'ene ere ba so we just follow it.
Uaipasu ua'a gi palunu oma mutu he rai ene si, laua, laua kerikai, The sacred things in the house are sword, coins,
449 laua belak. Gi uatu la'a hisi desara, la'a koi sauku kaisou sauku dete and other valuable things. They are only touched during the ritual ceremony for corn and rice seasons neuai oma mutu sare-gini to gata-gamu hani ere so anu-mata anu mahe ene be'u gata-gamu. The only person can touch them are the elders who guard the house.
Anu gi bounu to gata-gamu. Ni gua-lolo ene lolo-pare ehani gi tempu Apart from us no other people will touch them. If we (the elder) would like to touch them, we utter, "today is the day ai gi uatu, eregau asi dada la rai-apu to sare-gni. that's why we take our grandfathers out to clean".
Nigau ra'i oho gata ue'e, hani ba na'i nau da'ana to to ra'i ba pi dadau hau rai-nake Even thoug they are not dirty, but we must take them out to biti hau ma he lobe, lesu teni hau goe-lobe place them on a mat and a cloth ere dete ma gua-he rai to, si la ere o hau rei to ena then place the sword. nigau miaka hau naua daua, gi tempu gi tempu dete rai-nake just in case if the sword rusted, but they must be taken out during rituals only ua'a uatu-ualari la ere pi to rai-nake pi na'u hisi gena In other days, we just look at them but do not take them out.
Lisensa, dadau lisensa seti In order to touch them or take them out, we must ask permission.
450 uatu-uailari to be'u gata-gamu ere dadau gi tempu. Gi tempu ere dete, pubuti sauku hapa nana laka ua'are'e la le'ere laka anu-mata la ena hapa They are only taken out in specific time during ritual ceremony.
Ena, neuai lolika gua la sare-gini, oma mutu sare-gini. Dura oho roro ma he rai daua sare- gini, hadia, limpeza oma mutu ra'isa ere laka sare-gini to ere laka pi lisensa seti lolo-pare ere gi uatu hapa to eregau ini limpeza gini When the time is near, we start cleaning the house. We clean near where the sacred things are and ask for permission to clean them.
Abo la dane ere o ini sare-gini, abo la gi ledana dane ere o ini sare-gini We clean the sacred things (referred to as 'abo') and the sorroundings.
Ere ma lisensa seti We need to ask for permission
Ere gi panukai hisi lolo, boi rusu hani to-be'u ma he lolo We never utter 'boi and 'rusu' before the sacred things.
Pi ua'a ta suhu, ta gau riba-lolo ere ene to-be'u lolo Incitement and swearing among others are fobidden to be uttered.
Ta ma rarau uara, respeitu gi uara Greet one another with a smiling face and respect.
Mata oho he'e daua ma mata gata tamu If they have children, call people with the use their children's names, for example, mari gi-ina hani hani ene, manuel gi-ina hani ene, the mother of Maria, the mother of Manuel, teresa gi-ina hani ene, gi-baba the mother of Teresa or the father of Teresa.
451 hani daua ma ere hani lolo it must be said in such a way
Anu ere gi-nai na'u hisi gamu ere o to-be'u, pi respeitu ere mi da la'a We cannot call people by their names, it is forbidden; we must call them with respect.
Ere ene orasu pi lolo-pare In this case we say, na'i ua'a le'ere pi lolini u dete pi hai na'u lita-lolini, le'ere pi nigau na'i oho lolo nana laka ere because of this we might be said to go over it, but before we say something in regard with the grandfathers asi dada asi nanu ate-gutu-wou, we must respect them first (put a trunk apa-gutu-daru and rock as a symbol of barrier) malu-asa la he teri la'a ate-gutu-wou, apa-gutu-daru, give respect to 'malu-asa', oratori hai teni ma tamenisi palunu la gi tamenisi give respect to oratory other sacred things pi maromak goba sa'i ate ma gutu-wou respect for our god pi dada la oma mutu ra'isa pi goba sa'i ate ma gutu-wou, apa ma gutu-daru our grandfathers in the house and outside the house, dete pi riba-lolo na'i oho hani dete pi lolo. Riba-lolo tonai pi ene gini mais anu u ene gini dete pi nehe-gena
452 then if we want to say some swearing words, we can say them because we have put barriers between us and all sacred thing and people. These swearing is not us want to say it, but other people say it and pi uali'i, eregau pi ma nokouai gau mi-lolo nana, pi dadau ate uai ma era anu nairoba ere gutu-wou we hear them and we want to retell it to other people, so must respect all sacred things and people apa hau ma gutu-daru ere det pi lolo then we can say it.
(palunu lita-gini) Era gau gi hau saini ene sisiri to dadau multa deti If breaching taboos or forbidden things, the effect will be illness. noe'e. Hai sisiri to malu-asa la hai nehe-gena, le'ere gau dete sisiri If the 'malu-asa' or 'dai' (foreigner) has seen an illness, he will say that someone is sick because of this or that.
Pi tempu ua'a le'ere gi-ge'e pi le'ere hisi he rou dete gi le'ere hani lolo. ere he'e gau dete gi ere hani sisiri We were here and you said this, and this is why you are sick of what you said. pera seti, gi nisi ni mi-ma'ene ene nana. Dete anu uere ni mi-ma'ene uatu ua'a le'ere hisi laka ai nisi le'ere hani lolo taini, ani nisi lolo Then the 'dai' tries to confirm with the person to confirm whether it is correct. If the person says yes, then
Bua malu mini simu, multa deti lensu, laua, asa-nami. the person receives the betel and areca nuts, pay for what you said was wrong with a cloth, money, and a rooster. ere ma deti dete la gi lamara hau duri hani lolo Then the person's soul will be released
453
Ilu mini sae mini ma gini dete mini rau and has good health.
Ni kompesa gi bada. It is like confessing our sins.
Gua-lolo hani ene bai gua-lolo asa gua-lolo, ere ene ko'o dadau In any ritual, the ritual speech and the killing of chicken and pigs always go hands in hands. tempu kaisou gi tempu dadau bai gisa. Bai hai noto bounu dadau u gisa In corn harvesting season there are always chicken and pigs to kill. rau hapa daua ere dete bai bounu dadau lolitu gisa. Ma'a-bu'u hisi uoi la'a Lialuku hisi uoi la'a Every sacred places needs to get a pig at least. One for 'Ma'a-bu'u' and Lialuku bai u, oma tupurae hisi bai u oma asukai hisi bai u one for the women's house, and one for men's house. ba hai nokoranu, lo uoi gau ene tenki bai u to falta. Ma'u oma lola'e hisi dete bai hai noto gisi hapa daua u nai gisa dete gapi gapu oma u hisi hei la'a gapi gapu oma u hisi he ma'u if it is not possible, at least we must have a pig for the sacred hill. For the two houses, we can slaughter a pig and shared between the two houses
Ere pi hai noto mampu tai, pi forsa hai noto gisi, bai gi ko'ini hai noto he'e, na'i ua'a ma bai tehu hani noto he'e this is because we cannot afford to buy a big pig
Ini ni abo la guba lolini, ini isi forsa hai noto he'e we speak with our ancestors saying that we cannot afford to buy more pigs masiru dete ini ni-ge'e mini-gali mi-ma'ene we will do it again next year
454
mais ehani ere isi mampu ene hai noto he'e, to ini u ere gisa dete na'u ma abo la gau mi-lolo but now we cannot afford it, so we simply go on with this one and always keep our ancestors informed
Gua-lolo, anu oho dete la'a, if people anu-mata la gi bibi sena, gi bai sena, gi-ge'e nanaua ama mutu oho sena steal our cattle or steal from the farm ururu abara uata bua na'i oho sena, ere pi and steal other things ni-ge'e ma mi-asara para era ene la mi-haga we send off our sacred things and ancestors to find them.
Anu ua'a le'ere ani noto respeita, asi liu asi ma'a This people have no respect for me, to respeitu, ururu abara to respeitu, ira u ama-dana to respeitu have no respect to my farms eregau, ani tenki, ani noto respeitu gi bada hau la'a i hisi ue rata to mega respeitu gi bada and if they do not respect me, it means that they do not respect you
Eregau i nana sare'e, i ene uali loloro, i ene uali malara, i ene nana malara Therefore, keep your eyes wide, you have accurate ears, you have a long sight i ua'a asi dada asi nanu ene roso leka bere, pahalai hasa our grandfathers have strong chests and strong arms i ene la'a ni-ge'e mi-haga. you are the ones who go after them and find them.
455
Anu ua'a naigalu ene respeitu molu, na'u riba-gini, i ene la'a ni-ge'e mi-haga, i ene la'a ni- ge'e mi-soro Those people who have lack of respect, do whatever they feel like to do, you are the ones who keep an eye on them and find them. ma ere hani gua-lolo This is the way to do a speech to invoke ancestors towards the culprits.
Gua-lolo gua-barara na'u-nisi dada hisi nanu hisi uoi da-ma'u, na'u-nisi ma ere hani lolo This kind of ritual speech has been uttered since our ancestors time.
Era dada ere o uatu'u ni dada gi-nai tamu In ritual speech, as our grandfathers had done in the past, the names of grandfathers and ni baba gi-nai tamu, mini ma'u anu-mata la hisi he mege ere o na'u-nisi ni dada gi-nai tamu, ni baba gi-nai tamu fathers are mentioned, and now in our time we continue to mention our grandfathers' and fathers' names.
Asi dada gi-nai le'ere hani damu ene sua' u ere ma he uou, kili u ere ma he uou My grandfathers' is this, and he who initiated this custom, ani uai he'e ere mi da su'a, ere mi da kili and I continue to practise this custom.
Ani tonai nigau le'ere ira u hani to nigau na'u gini, ama u hani to nigau na'u gini to This custom is not like a farm that I can open a new farm as I want, ni geere na'u ma gini laka nana, sobu ua'a le'ere dane o asi dada asi nanu hisi uoi da-ma'u every words in the ritual speech are derived from you, my grandfathers and great grandfathers ani ere naga mi-gini mi-lolo and I continue to practise to do it and sai it.
456
Ah, le'ere hani, nuru nairoba, teru nairoba ma he rai dane ere o, asi dada hisi uoi da-ma'u, asi nanu hisi uoi da-ma'u, ma'u asi ina tarata, asi baba tarata We will mention the names of our ancestors from, or even before, great-great-grandfathers, great gradnfathers, grandfathers, father and mother ai naga-naga ere mi su'a ere mi kili. Ere he'e ma he lolo dete orasu I continue to practise the custom that has been endowed to us. After mentioning the ancestors' names sauku then we break the fasting. asa nami nairoba. Malu-asa anu nairoba to oma mutu he'e daua asa nami he roba ma gau gisa We will count the chicken in corresponding to numbers of 'dai' or 'malu-asa' (foreigners in the house.
Gua-lolo, asa ua'a nami u ua'a le'ere, koronel le'ere hani damu gau Then we start to offer the chicken and utter the utterances, this chicken is for this colonel nami u ua'a le'ere, u ua'a le'ere hani damu gau this one for this person, u ua'a le'ere u ua'a le'ere hani damu gau, ma ere hani gua-lolo. and this one is for this and that. This is the way how we utter the ritual speech.
Koronel la dai ua'a malu-asa la oma mutu ere ene gi-nai na'u ma ere hani uara ere Colonel refers to 'dai' or 'malu-asa' (foreigners) in the house. noe'e. Lialuku ere mini lia mini naua, uahe mini palunu ba to, nai uoi da-ma'u hisi hani damu ba, netane damu ene Lialuku lia na'u mini naua ere he'e tai. we are also confused because our sacred house is called Lialuku, where we are supposed not to eat the elephant foot yam, but we eat it and we are taboo of wild taro. instead
457
To anu-mata ere o na'u mini kontrariu, pi Lialuku edane lia palunu gi-ge'e. Pi lia mini hau naua, uahe mini palunu that's why, I myself is confused because from the name of our sacred house Lialuku, we are spposed not to eat the elephant foot yam ba na'i ere hai nati hani damu hata to, pi abo la gi tempu ere o Lialuku but it has been practised since our ancestors, so we continue to do it to era hau sa'i muhunu goba'a, ehani na'u-nisi ga'auai he lapu'u dane ere o na'u-nisi Lialuku ere. Opoloi hau la'a ani ruru-lolitu-resi-daho, ere hisi he'e laka ere oma hai hau to he'e to pi hai na'u rou mutu hala mutu he rou, igreja kapela nai piara as well, we continue to use the name Lialuku up until today. For the last thirty three years, we did not have a sacred house physically, so we were like living in the jungle, instead we just go church hai na'u he rou. opoloi mata mini-gali ma'u he'e, pi baba Artur hau goba hau umu then recently after the passing of father ehani pi goe tatutu oma hula oma da'e hai gba sa'i lapu'u, pi Lialuku ere dadau ni oma mini gini Nowadays, many sacred houses around us have been rebuilt, thus we must rebuild our sacred house of Lialuku to gini daua ere ene pi hai goba hani muhunu goba'a ere hani to if we do not build it, we all will die, so anu-mata la mini-gali gini. ba na'i ere, u ua'a hai mini gini damu ere we rebuild it. But once it has been rebuilt,
Ere ene gi-nai gahana Lialuku ere. Tonai lolo hau gutu mu'iri hani to mini-gali ma nai seluk u tamu to he'e. U ua'a Ma'a-bu'u uori o hau la'a ani he roba gutu leere, opoloi mini mara its name remain Lialuku. We cannot change its name. And also the the sacred hill (Ma'a-bu'u)
458 anu-mata la mini hau le-sabi to mini mara laka, kapiseti la na'u nisi ere hani rai, laua la ma uoi soru uoi soru la na'u nisi ta-gua hani rai, na'u nisi uo'i. Kapiseti ere apa dete lola'e to uo'i to taru ua'a xefi povasaun ge'e i baba do ehani gia na ere laka ere kapiseti u, taru ua'a kapitaun ge'e kapiseti u, to lola'e to uo'i once we mow the grass we see that the helmets still remain there and also the money are still there. There are two helmets there. The helmets are in the form of rocks, one helmet refers to rattan (leadership) is now being hold by my brother, another helmet refers to the rattan of the captain.
Anu ua'a anu-mata la ge'e na'i oho sena, na'i oho pa-gini ere, ere laka ere, anu-mata be'u hai ma'ene dane ere o pi to rai lolo. Gi ma netane gini, gi ere oho umu oho uai uo'i ere, gi ma'u ma'u iti sipa'a ene nana, If someone steal our belongings or something, even though we know them but we never reveal it. Let them regret by themselves and should they come to ask for forgiveness or not. gi ma'u ni mi-lolo ene nana. Pi ene mini mara laka orasu lolo pi hai mini ana gi uaipasu kasa If we tell them about it, we will be suspected of being after people's money or other else. gi lapu'u oho uai uo'i to ana ta turu konta lolo-pare le'ere ana Lialuku ge'e u turu naua do'e. Eregau ene pi hai na'u ere hani sisiri, hai na'u ata mutu rou halapu, pi bada la he roba to hai sau umu If their illness persist and some people might inform them that your illness is as a result of you have done something wrong towards the sacred house of Lialuku.
Eregau pi anu nairoba mara to pi la'a uo'i iti gia-tegi'i iti siapa'a, ara-oolo Therefore, you go and ask for forgiveness from that sacred house
Ere hani dete he rai-la'a hapa daua, ere ini to ma'ene i ene nake hani daua nokouai la ni mi- lolo dete ini na'u ma'ene ere ba, isi ge'e nisi uatu'u le'ere hani falta le'ere hani molu laka ue'e So if they appear in the house due to their worngdoings in the past, mais ini nana noto ma ena, tana noto ma sipa'a, ehani dete naire'e gi noko la hai mi-lolo hapa daua, ere daua ere ene nisi uere to ni na'u mi-ma'ene hapa ba ini ma netane lolo
459 however, we did not know, if you say that you are the one who did it, we simply trust in you
Ere hani to era orasu ma'u iti sipa'a ara-oolo damu ene bai gapu ma'u arabau gapu ma'u, bai hapa daua ko'o bai u ma seluru, gi multa gi deti bai u arabau u, lensu u, laua u, asa nami u, ere ma ma'u. So they will confess their wrongdoings and regret them and ask for forgiveness from the house by bringing in a pig, a buffalo, a cloth, money, and a rooster.
Laua ene dadau laua tomak dete ma'u iti gia-desara, to-be'u na'u riba laua. The money must be a specific coin, not any other money.
460
Appendix H: 5 JABP_220714 file:/Volumes/Prudencio/ELAN AUDIO/Uabubo/Transcribed&Translated/[email protected] Tuesday, March 17, 2015 12:15 AM
Pi erau la'a na'u riba-lolo, ere ene gi-nai palunu We do not talk randomly, this is taboo. TC 00:00:20.715 - 00:00:25.470
Pi le hani he teri-la'a mara to pi ni oma ere hisi la'a nana If we walk to the sacred house TC 00:00:25.470 - 00:00:30.855 ni fatin ere hisi la'a nana, ere laka lolo-pare hi'a mi erau ni iti tutu'u we need to be very careful not to tumble your feet. TC 00:00:30.855 - 00:00:36.150
Erau gata boi lolo erau gata rusu lolo. Do not swear and do not utter the words 'boi' and 'rusu'. TC 00:00:36.150 - 00:00:39.551
Pi tenki la'a ni oma hau hisi rata, ni oma hau hisi rata i mesmo lolo-pare We need to make sure that we reach the house safely TC 00:00:39.551 - 00:00:45.023 pi mata la oho ene pi mi-dauru di kolega la oho ene pi mi-dauru, pi ua'a oma dada ere nati ma'ene to and if our children or someone else come along, we need to warn them in advance TC 00:00:45.023 - 00:00:51.958 la'a fatin ua'a ahanu tataka ua'a hisi da lesu he, pi la'a ere hisi he rai-la'a nana laka ere lolo- pare ni iti nama dane-dane la'a, erau ni iti tutu'u. that when we enter the compound of the sacred house, we have to mind of steps and do not tumble our feet.
461
TC 00:00:51.958 - 00:01:01.143
Ni iti tutu'u laka pi sisiri, pi sisiri ou selae If we tumble our feet, we will get sick or TC 00:01:01.143 - 00:01:04.863 pi la'a umu, pi umu. death. TC 00:01:04.863 - 00:01:08.278
Depois pi mini la'a hau la ni oma hisi uo'i to pi ni oma mutu la'a nana ene pi dadau lisensa seti, As well, when we enter the sacred house, we must ask permission to enter, TC 00:01:08.278 - 00:01:15.455 dadau ni gua-lolo and must utter words for our safety. TC 00:01:15.455 - 00:01:20.518
Ni gualolo ene lolo-pare ani mini-gali abo ara hisi he ma'u ba The utterances, "I come to my grandfathers, but TC 00:01:20.518 - 00:01:26.663 erau ini gini sisiri, erau ini gini terus. please do not bring about illness and suffering. TC 00:01:26.663 - 00:01:30.071
Ini tenki mini-gali ma'u para ini le'ere hadi'a gau ma'u ini le'ere gi'a-gini gau ma'u We must come back to make better this. TC 00:01:30.071 - 00:01:35.398
Ini ma'u ere tonai abo ara pa-gini gau ma'u, ini ma'u ere tonai mini abo ara gau mini-gali ma soli ua'a ena hani laka tonai. We come here not to harm our grandfathers, and not to make troubles here.
462
TC 00:01:35.398 - 00:01:44.366
Mini ma'u ni oma hisi he ma'u. We come to our house and our home." TC 00:01:44.366 - 00:01:46.478
Ere ene ere. Kuandu pi mini-gali la'a sisiri nana That is how the utterances be said. If we get sick TC 00:01:46.478 - 00:01:53.950 pi oma hisi he'e na'i u deti-gini to sisiri nana ere ene due to some wrongdoings in the house, TC 00:01:53.950 - 00:01:59.118 pi mini ma le'ere hani haga, pi dadau bua gapu la'a malu gapu la'a ft@JoaoUailia we must bring the betel and areca nuts TC 00:01:59.118 - 00:02:07.825 ere dete mini tia to ma anu ua'a sisiri ere kura. and chew them to heal the illness. TC 00:02:07.825 - 00:02:11.415
I mesmu mini-gali dotor hisi la'a ere o hani, dotor tenki dadau mini-gali la'a uo'i lolo-pare ai oma mutu le'ere halapu mais ai dadau la'a ni-ge'e le hau gi'a-gini dete, to pi na'u mini-gali ni oma ere he'e gau gali da ma'u. Even though the sick person go to hospital, and the doctor will say that you something wrong in your house and go and fix it, so we must go back to our house. TC 00:02:11.415 - 00:02:21.863
Ere he'e gau palunu, umu ere gau palunu. Lita-gini ene sisiri. Pi ua'a le'ere hani oma dada, kualker anu mega na'u anu gi seluk u dane The objectives of taboo is to prevent illness and death. Who breach them will get sick. Even though, we who belong to the house or other people who participate TC 00:02:21.863 - 00:02:37.220
463
komesa ma'u to pi oma hisi he'e to na'i u hai pa-gini, na'i u hai ma he nake dete orasu la'a sisiri dane ere o pi tenki ni oma mutu ere mini-gali nake to ma sisiri ere kura. and if we commit some wrongdoings in the house and get sick, we must go back to the sacred house and to get healed. TC 00:02:37.220 - 00:02:48.238
Dai ere laka pi ge'e orasu lolo-pare malu-asa The 'dai' (foreigners) in Makasae we call them 'Malu-asa'. TC 00:02:48.238 - 00:03:11.095
Abo ara nigau oma ere baliki oho pi lolo malu-asa hani lolo. Grandfathers who guard the house we call them 'Malu-asa'. TC 00:03:11.095 - 00:03:16.503
Ere laka gi-nai malu-asa. Mais sobu-hasa ua'a lolo palunu hani laka lolo pi ua'a le'ere hani to-be'u ma ta gau lolo hani ere gi-nai lolo-pare However, the taboo languages that we should not utter them or say to one another are TC 00:03:16.503 - 00:03:24.966
Erau bararini do not curse, TC 00:03:24.966 - 00:03:28.311 mini-gali lolo umurae la'ida hani ene erau ma mata la gau lolo do not say words related to the dead persons to children, TC 00:03:28.311 - 00:03:33.135 pi ua'a oma mutu dane ere o to-be'u ma ta gau lolo. and we all must not say this to one another. TC 00:03:33.135 - 00:03:36.158
Ere ene gi-nai palunu. Pi la'a ere he'e gi-nai tamu ere ene pi la'a sisiri. These are called taboo. If utter them, the result be illness.
464
TC 00:03:36.158 - 00:03:40.535
Mini-gali la'a uaipasu oma mutu do'o ene la'a gau palunu nana ene uaipasu oma mutu do'o ene ere ene orasu la'a About the sacred things in the house are TC 00:03:40.535 - 00:03:52.751 si-da'a, laua-da'a, laua kerikai sacred sword, sacred money (coins), TC 00:03:52.751 - 00:03:58.646 gaba. Ere la ere ene oma mutu do'o to gau palunu, depois belaka, meubuti sacred beads. These are the sacred things in the house that people have deep respect. TC 00:03:58.646 - 00:04:06.976
Ere ene ko'o era ni ge'e ma la do rai to ere ene asa ma gau gisa, asa gi uai ma na'i-damu ma bane These are the sacred thnigs in the house the kill chicken for them, wash with chicken blood, TC 00:04:06.976 - 00:04:18.078 bibi gi uai ma bane, bai gi uai ma bane. Na'i ere gini da'ana. goats blood and pigs blood. The blood make them sacred. TC 00:04:18.078 - 00:04:22.246
I depois mini-gali ma'u apa-lebe ere da'ana Then the flat rock is sacred and TC 00:04:22.246 - 00:04:28.951 teni apa-bokunu maka, ere ene da'ana. a round rock called 'Maka' is also sacred. TC 00:04:28.951 - 00:04:39.175
Na'i e ere he'e adora dete na'u mini-gali la'a ue da'ana People adore all these things and they become sacred.
465
TC 00:04:39.175 - 00:04:44.526
Na'i ua'a gi-nai lolo kultura hani ere, mini-gali ma'u na'i ere gata da'ana ene, kultura ere ene geni da'ana. In culture, these are the thnigs that are sacred and make the culture sacred too. TC 00:04:44.526 - 00:04:50.823
Ere he'e geni da'ana to pi la'a lolo-pare gau palunu hani ere, pi la'a ere he'e gau palunu. These are the things that we are taboo off and forbidden us not to commit worngdoings in the house. TC 00:04:50.823 - 00:04:57.311
La'a gi tempu hisi desara dete ere dete pi mini-gali sauku, mais na'i ua'a oma mutu do rai ere tetap gi da'ana, The sacred things in the house remain sacred, TC 00:04:57.311 - 00:05:05.471 gi biiri, gi palunu. To uaipasu oma mutu do rai ere ene la'a bitter, and taboo. Those are the sacred thnigs exist in the house. TC 00:05:05.471 - 00:05:11.158 na'i ua'a he roba-roba to la'a do rai ere. Uaipasu ere laka pi be'u gi-nai tamu mais We can mention their names when we are sitting around TC 00:05:11.158 - 00:05:28.366 uaipasu ere pi la'a ate gia he rou mara apa gia he rou mara pi be'u gi-nai tamu mais rai-nake ene to-be'u rai-nake. Ere laka nisi halolo. Ini la'a he di'ara mara to i nai hai geri-tamu hapa daua and have coversations, but they cannot be taken out. When we sit around and have conversations and we would like to mention their names TC 00:05:28.366 - 00:05:44.566
466
"ate i gutu-wou, apa i gutu-daru, le hani ini na'u uai ma le lolo hisi mais ata isi turukai gutu- dana, ini na'i uai ma le lolo hisi." ere laka be'u. we must respect them first by saying such as, "we put a trunk, a rock, as a barrier between you and us; fire shuts our mouth, and we simply say it and does not mean anything." This is permissible. TC 00:05:44.566 - 00:05:54.566
Ere sempre pi hai la'a hani di'ara to ta guba lolini to ere la oho hai geni-lolo laka, pi lolo p'tu (a kind of spitting) ata isi turukai gutu-dana, abo ara ue'e laka ini to tanehe lolo We always say this when we sit around and have conversations and we happen to mention their names, we say, "(a kind of spitting), fire shuts our mouth, if grandfathers are around here, our conversation will not be about you." TC 00:05:54.566 - 00:06:07.815
Ere laka ma ere hani lolo This is the way how we would like to mention their names in our conversations. TC 00:06:07.815 - 00:06:10.486
Ere ana la'a gua-lolo gua-barara uaipasu oma ere gi dada ene kualker gi seluk oho gi ge'e dete ma'u pi hai seti dete lolo-pare lolo asi uaipasu le'ere molu mais When people have lost their belongings or other valuable things, whether belong to the clan or other people who TC 00:06:10.486 - 00:06:35.206 ani ma ma'u oma ere hisi he mi-lolo to sera la'a asi ge'e mi-gena nana. Gua-barara gua-lolo ene lolo-pare want to report them to the house so that they can be taken care of. In this case, a ritual speech will be, TC 00:06:35.206 - 00:06:41.855 i la'a sera mi-gena, i la'a sera mi-la'a, u ua'a naigalu ene nigau hai nake hapa daua, gamuisi na'i-damu "You go and find my belongings, whoever has stolen them, TC 00:06:41.855 - 00:06:48.846
467 ate misa daua guba ate misa, na'i-damu la'a to ni iti tutu'u daua na'u la'a hi'a hisi he umu mara, they will fall down if they climb a tree, if they tumble let them fall and die, TC 00:06:48.846 - 00:06:58.023 na'u la'a hi'a hisi he molu mara, ira-uahe berana daua guba ira-uahe mutu la'a to ira uahe gana hau tupa they will die in the middle of nowhere, if they cross a flooded river let the floods take them away, TC 00:06:58.023 - 00:07:03.878 sisiri ma gau la'a ere ene lolo-pare na'i-damu na'u titili, na'u arana if they get sick let them dried down, TC 00:07:03.878 - 00:07:09.615 baga ma gau la'a daua baga pi gata he'e to na'u ira if they get wounds let them melt down TC 00:07:09.615 - 00:07:13.063 to ere dete pi na'u umu. Ere la ere laka na'i ua'a la'a gi-nai gua-lolo to da'ana hani laka ere he'e lolo dete ere uori o la'a na'i-damu then they die." This kind of utterances make things become sacred and TC 00:07:13.063 - 00:07:22.831 apoiu to era la'a ere aproveita. the sacred thnigs support it and are sent off to harm the culprits. TC 00:07:22.831 - 00:07:28.126
Ah, anu uere mini gini to mini-gali rau nana laka gi ni deti ere mini-gali rekonese. Ni deti ere mini-gali rekonese mini-gali ma'u oma ua'a naigalu ene ua'are'e If the culprits want not suffer from illness due their worngdoings, they have to regret their worngdoings. Then go back to the house where the belongings were stolen TC 00:07:28.126 - 00:07:50.901
468 hai ma hisi gua-lolo to i hai gau sisiri ere tenki mini-gali ma'u gi iti gia-dugala. and where the cursing utterances were uttered and ask for forgiveness. TC 00:07:50.901 - 00:07:55.520
Gi iti gia-dugala to malu mini nake, bua mini nake, gi mini gau deti Ask forgiveness then receive the betel-nuts from the house and pay for your wrongdoings TC 00:07:55.520 - 00:08:01.646 asa ma gau deti, bai ma gau deti, laua ma gau deti, ere dete gi opoloi mini rau. by bringing in chicken, pigs, money and by doing so, they will get healed. TC 00:08:01.646 - 00:08:06.743
Ni deti kompesa. It is a kind of confessing sins in the sacred house. TC 00:08:06.743 - 00:08:10.935
Oma palu la gi ge'e na'u tahani. All the sacred houses have smiliar rituals. TC 00:08:10.935 - 00:08:23.718
Sisiri ua'a gau barara ere he'e mi da geni i sisiri ere sempre la'a geni. Bararini laka hau sa'i razaun ene opoloi anu mata rai-lolo hani. People will suffer from the illness that are utterred in ritual speeches. The cursing speech is uttered to people who commit wrongdoings against members of the clan and others. TC 00:08:23.718 - 00:08:50.398
Mais geni hani laka ere na'i sisiri na'i sisiri geni daua konforme gamuisi uoi teri la'a dete geni Whatever illness people suffer from as a result of the utterances will depend on kind of cursing uttered. TC 00:08:50.398 - 00:08:55.983
469
Uaipasu ere gi-ge'e ere laka ere pi ua'a gi dada gi mata ere o to-be'u gata-gamu tanba anu ua'a naigalu ene pi koloka to Regarding the sacred things, even the grandchildren and children cannot touch them, they are only touched by TC 00:08:55.983 - 00:09:18.286 uai oma ere baliki ere nai gata-gamu, ere nai ene rai-nake the elder who has been chosen to guard the house. TC 00:09:18.286 - 00:09:21.615
Ere ene rai-nake, u ua'a la'a rai-nake to mini ma le hani la'a mini gapu ra'isa to mini gapu la'a na'i-damu He will touch and take them out for use in the house or outside for instance TC 00:09:21.615 - 00:09:30.431 arabau bane gau la'a di ama oho hisi la'a di ou le hani to nigau kultura oho ue'e dete nigau mini gapu hisi la'a hapa daua tenki anu ua'a to wash buffaloes, to the farm, or other cultural festivals will be taken out by the elder TC 00:09:30.431 - 00:09:38.775 oma mutu ua'a ere baliki ene tenki rai-nake, anu uere ene ma anu u gata rai dete guba la'a. who guards the house then he takes them by himself or give to someone to take them. TC 00:09:38.775 - 00:09:44.743
Pi ua'a gi seluk ere to na'u riba rai-nake, to na'u riba gata-gamu Othe people will not touch them. TC 00:09:44.743 - 00:09:48.406
Ere orasu komforme na'i-damu ere ene meli, komforme orasu mosa ene ma'u meli di malu- asa ene ma'u meli The elder who guards the house will be chosen by 'dai' (foreigner). TC 00:09:48.406 - 00:10:03.078
470
Se malu-asa ma'u to meli, pi ua'a oma mutu ere gi dada hani ere pi be'u ta meli If 'dai' does not choose him, we as the owner of the house can choose one elder for the job. TC 00:10:03.078 - 00:10:08.503
Tupurae mata be'u tama tanba asukai mata oma baliki, tupurae mata ere la'a gau tina The women can enter because women are the one who cook. TC 00:10:08.503 - 00:10:18.626
Gau tina, ira gutu, ere laka ere ana gi-ge'e uara lolo-pare boru tuturu to ma la'a ira ma hisi gutu The women functions in the house are to cook, and fetch water. TC 00:10:18.626 - 00:10:31.663
Ere dadau tupurae mata to gau nahara. Tupurae asukai ta gi gapi, tonai lolo tupurae nai, tonai lolo asukai nai Women should be in the house to do their jobs along with men in the house to do their jobs as well. TC 00:10:31.663 - 00:10:39.135
Tupurae mata rai samara ere o goba tama, he'e hata dane ere o goba tama. U ua'a hai uai oma mutu he'e laka omarahe to oma mutu he'e, hai mini rai samara laka ere tupu-mata to goba sa'i mau he tama, bua malu dane ere o era goba ma he nake. All the women who married out and in will also enter the house. They will all receive the betel and areca nuts from the house. TC 00:10:39.135 - 00:11:08.423
Uaipasu tupurae gi-ge'e asukai gi-ge'e orasu rau daua oma lola'e. Normally two different houses to house the sacred things for men and women. TC 00:11:08.423 - 00:11:28.846
Oma u nai hapa daua, gapi ua'a uoi teri damara ere gi-nai lolo oma panu, gi gapi he da ma'u laka ere gi-nai lolo ata-li'a. If it is only one house, one side of it will be called 'panu' house, and the other side of the house called 'ata-li'a'.
471
TC 00:11:28.846 - 00:11:36.526
To oma panu hani ere asukai gi-ge'e, ata li'a hani ere tupurae gi-ge'e. 'The house of 'panu' is for men and 'ata-li'a' is for women. TC 00:11:36.526 - 00:11:41.375
To taranau ni serbisu hisi gamu. U ua'a gi-nai rai-nake ua'a pi ua'a ma gau rai-nake laka ere goba sa'i ma oma mutu he rai, mais tupurae gi-ge'e tupurae ni-ge'e mi ma'ene to rai-nake. Even though all men and women stuff are in the same house in a different units, so everyone manages their stuff separately. TC 00:11:41.375 - 00:11:53.198 depois mini-gali asukai gi-ge'e ere o ni-ge'e ma netane rai-nake to uza hapa daua ere dete asukai ni-ge'e rai-nake. Tonai u ge'e na'u riba gutu rai-nake. No one can use others stuff. TC 00:11:53.198 - 00:12:01.046
472