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The Dilemmas of Civic Revival: Ukrainian Women Since Independence
Journal of Ukrainian Studies 26, nos. 1–2 (Summer–Winter 2001) The Dilemmas of Civic Revival: Ukrainian Women since Independence Alexandra Hrycak* Motherhood, full-time work, and active citizenship—these were the three social roles the Soviet state officially expected women to perform. In practice, however, that state encouraged women in Ukraine to put motherhood above career advancement and permitted them to engage only in officially condoned civic causes. The late 1980s initiated a broad-based civic revival that provided many women opportunities to develop new political skills that enhanced their ability to contribute to their communities. However, the first ten years of Ukraine’s post-Soviet existence profoundly challenged their capacity to ensure the carrying out of the political and social reforms women activists sought during glasnost. This article examines some of the ways in which Ukrainian women have altered their orientation to motherhood, work, and citizenship in response to the tumultuous changes of the last decade. I begin by exploring some of the broader problems that have led to declining women’s health, socio-economic status, and political influence. I then evaluate in detail the causes of recent shifts in household composition and family structure. Next I analyze the factors that limit women’s ability to improve their position in the labour force. I conclude by examining women’s influence over politics and public life during the Soviet era and the first years of Ukraine’s independence. * I would like to thank the International Research and Exchanges Board and Reed College for the financial support that made this research possible. -
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties ......................................... -
Ukrainian Far Right
Nations in Transit brief May 2018 Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy Vyacheslav Likhachev Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large ex- press their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society. • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euro- maidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society. • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, in- cluding by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine March 15-31, 2018 Methodology • The survey was conducted by Rating Group Ukraine on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas) from March 15-31, 2018, through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. The distribution of population by regions and settlements is based on statistical data of the Central Election Commission from the 2014 parliamentary elections, and the distribution of population by age and gender is based on data from the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine from January 1, 2017. • A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: The territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, with the exception of the occupied territories of Crimea and Donbas. • Stage Two: The selection of settlements was based on towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to their size: • Cities with population of more than 1 million • Cities with population of between 500,000-999,000 • Cities with population of between 100,000-499,000 • Cities with population of between 50,000-99,000 • Cities with population up to 50,000 • Villages Cities and villages were selected by PPS method (probability proportional to size). -
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine
Public Opinion Survey of Residents of Ukraine September 14 – October 10, 2017 Methodology National Sample • The survey was conducted by GfK Ukraine on behalf of the Center for Insights in Survey Research. • The survey was conducted throughout Ukraine (except for the occupied territories of Crimea and the Donbas) from September 14 to October 10, 2017 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample consisted of 2,400 permanent residents of Ukraine aged 18 and older and eligible to vote. It is representative of the general population by gender, age, region, and settlement size. An additional 4,800 respondents were also surveyed in the cities of Dnipro, Khmelnytskyi, Mariupol and Mykolaiv (i.e. 1,200 respondents in each city). A multi-stage probability sampling method was used with the random route and next birthday methods for respondent selection. • Stage One: The territory of Ukraine was split into 25 administrative regions (24 regions of Ukraine and Kyiv). The survey was conducted throughout all regions of Ukraine, with the exception of the occupied territories of Crimea and the Donbas. • Stage Two: The selection of settlements was based on towns and villages. Towns were grouped into subtypes according to their size: • Cities with a population of more than 1 million • Cities with a population of between 500,000-999,000 • Cities with a population of between 100,000-499,000 • Cities with a population of between 50,000-99,000 • Cities with a population up to 50,000 • Villages Cities and villages were selected at random. The number of selected cities/villages in each of the regions is proportional to the share of population living in cities/villages of a certain type in each region. -
Research Report on Conceptualizing European Solidarity Deliverable 1.2
Ref. Ares(2018)1141502 - 28/02/2018 Research report on conceptualizing European solidarity Deliverable 1.2 Deliverable 1.2 Research Report Deliverable: D1.2 Title: Research Report on conceptualizing European solidarity Authors: Kathleen Lynch, Manolis Kalaitzake and Margaret Crean (UCD) Marta Soler (CREA-UB), Patricia Melgar (University of Girona and Member of Contributors: CREA), Ainhoa Flecha (Autonomous University of Barcelona and Member of CREA), Adriana Aubert (CREA-UB), Lena de Botton (CREA-UB), Ariadna Munté (CREA-UB), Maria Padrós (CREA-UB), Ignacio Santa Cruz (CREA-UB), Mar Joanpere (CREA-UB), Maria Angeles Serrano (CREA-UB), Roberto Nuño (DEUSTO), Laura Gómez (DEUSTO), Braulio Gomez (DEUSTO), Janire Fonseca (DEUSTO), Antonia Caro (DEUSTO), Julia Szalai (CEU), Andrew Cartwright (CEU), Bjørn Hvinden (HIOA-NOVA), Marianne Takle (HIOA-NOVA), Ana Escoval (ENSP), Vanessa Nicolau (ENSP), Lars Hulgard (RU), Louise Villadsen (RU), Jennifer Eschweiler (RU), Miranda Christou (UC), Simoni Symeonidou (UC), Galatia Kallitsi (UC), Stephen Osborne (EDIN), Linda McDowell (OXFORD), Ian Klinke (OXFORD), Juraj Nemec (UMB), Marta Orviska (UMB), Beata Mikusova (UMB), Maria Murray (UMB), Peter Pisar (UMB), Holger Lengfeld (LEIP), Jenny Preunkert (LEIP), Florian Kley (LEIP), Dimitris Venieris (UPE), Berry Lalioti (UPE), Marit Hopman (UU), Trudie Knijn (UU). Type (R/P/DEC): Report Version: v1 Date: 28- February-2018 Dissemination level: Public Download page: http://solidush2020.eu/outcomes/ Copyright: Copyright © 2018, SOLIDUS consortium – All rights -
How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy Introduction
ch00_Intro_15124_Peterson_Ukraine:ch00_Intro_15124_Peterson_Ukraine 8/28/09 5:45 PM Page 1 Introduction I visited Ukraine for the first time in October 1985 to attend an economics conference at the State Planning Committee in Kyiv organized by the United Nations. Coming from Moscow, Kyiv made a very nice impression on me. It was greener, cleaner, and more orderly. In the evenings, people strolled around Khreshchatyk, the main street, and they were surprisingly friendly compared with the rude and rough Muscovites. Although people predominantly spoke Russian in the street, one instantly felt that this was another country. I enjoyed the pleasant atmosphere and intriguing society and have returned numerous times. The drawback, however, was that Kyiv was isolated from the outside world and provincial. People turned around in the street at the sight of a foreigner. The Ukrainian economists were renowned as the most ortho- dox Marxist-Leninists in the Soviet Union. The intellectual night was deep. A peculiarity was that Ukraine had the liveliest religious life, with more active churches than any other part of the Soviet Union. Today, everything has changed. One of Europe’s old nations steeped in history, Ukraine is now an unquestioned independent nation and an open society. All Westerners can travel to Ukraine without a visa. It is the largest purely European country by size and the fifth largest by population. This book offers a political and economic history of Ukraine from 1991 until 2008 meant to be accessible to a wide range of readers. It fo- cuses on how and why key policies were made. At the time of its writing, it is the only book covering the whole period of Ukrainian independence that discusses both politics and economics. -
AS/Mon (2019) 02
DECLASSIFIED1 AS/Mon(2019) 02 23 January 2019 amondoc02_2019 or. Engl. Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee) Honouring of obligations and commitments by Ukraine Information note by the co-rapporteurs on their fact-finding visit to Kyiv (19 to 21 November 2018) Co-rapporteurs: Ms Dzhema Grozdanova, Bulgaria, Group of the European People’s Party and Mr Alfred Heer, Switzerland, Alliance for Liberals and Democrats for Europe This document is published on PACE extranet website (restricted area for PACE Members): http://assembly.coe.int/extranet. PACE IT Unit staff ([email protected]) remains at your disposal for any technical assistance. 1 Document declassified by the Monitoring Committee at its meeting on 23 January 2019. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | e-mail: [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 AS/Mon (2019) 02 1. Introduction 1. The main focus of this visit was the ongoing developments with regard to the fight against corruption, especially following adoption of the Law on the High Anti-Corruption Court, as well as the preparations for the upcoming election cycle in 2019, when both Presidential and Parliamentary elections will be organised in Ukraine. The rapporteurs for Ukraine have changed since the last visit. On 24 April 2018, Ms Dzhema Grozdanova (Bulgaria, EPP/CD) was appointed to replace Mr Axel Fischer, who had ceased to be a member of the Assembly in January 2018, and on 11 October 2018, Mr Alfred Heer (Switzerland, ALDE) was appointed to replace Mr Kross who had left the Assembly in the summer of 2018. -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
The Power to Prevent Action at the Ukrainian Parliament (An Evidence of the Coleman Index)
Center for Open Access in Science ▪ https://www.centerprode.com/ojss.html Open Journal for Sociological Studies, 2019, 3(2), 37-44. ISSN (Online) 2560-5283 ▪ https://doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojss.0302.01037s _________________________________________________________________________ Between Street Mobilization and Backroom Dealing: The Power to Prevent Action at the Ukrainian Parliament (an Evidence of the Coleman Index) Volodymyr Shelukhin Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, UKRAINE Faculty of Sociology, Department of Social Structures and Social Relations Received 31 May 2019 ▪ Revised 13 September 2019 ▪ Accepted 25 September 2019 Abstract Street protest mobilization is one of the most important features of political system in contemporary Ukraine. Why do political parties appeal to streets? When does such activity become most probable? This research article proposes descriptive analysis of dependence between power to prevent action at the legislative body and tendency to be involved in street protest mobilization in the context of parties at the Ukrainian parliament of the 8th convening and street protests in October 2017. The main conclusion is that weakness or absence of power to prevent action at the parliament makes more probable street protest of this political force. Keywords: power to prevent action, Coleman index, street protests, backroom dealings, Ukrainian parliament. 1. Introduction Institutional imbalance challenged democratic consolidation in Ukraine. This imbalance is a consequence of turbulent social changes after the Euromaidan. Weakness of formally organized parliamentary system provides channels for non-formal influence on legislative process: from street mobilization to backroom dealings between politicians at the parliament. On the one hand these non-formal institutional practices provide real possibility to initiate important political actions; on the other hand, these risky activities might de-legitimize parliamentary system. -
REGULATION of POLITICAL PARTIES in UKRAINE: the CURRENT STATE and DIRECTION of REFORMS Ce , Political Party Cial Opinion Ght Against Corruption
THE CURRENT STATEREGULATION AND DIRECTION OF POLITICAL OF REFORMSPARTIES IN UKRAINE: Th e reform of political parties legislation and regulation can act as a platform Denys Kovryzhenko from which to consider a wide array of crucial issues in the development of a stable Agency for Legislative Initiatives and lasting democratic party system. Th ese include, inter alia, political party fi nancing, internal party democracy, the participation of women, registration and monitoring of political parties. In partnership with the OSCE’s Offi ce for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and with the fi nancial support of the European Union, REGULATION Denys Kovryzhenko and his colleagues at the Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI), led an in-depth consultative process with key stakeholders in Ukraine T H E C U R R E N T on the issue of political party legislation reform, raising problems and proposing possible solutions. OF POLITICAL Th e result is Regulation of Political Parties in Ukraine: the Current State and Direction of Reforms, a comprehensive report which thoroughly analyses S T A T E A N D the particular problems and issues in Ukraine’s legislative and regulatory framework for political parties. Looking forward, and based on the results ofthe consultations, the report proposes an agenda for reform based PARTIES on international and European standards and best practice. D I R E C T I O N Th e Agency for Legislative Initiatives (ALI) is one of the leading Ukrainian think tanks. ALI has a 10-year experience in implementing projects aiming I N U K R A I N E at the introduction of policy dialogue practices into the law-making process, ensuring public participation in the legislative process, monitoring ofthe activities O F R E F O R M S of the parliament, studying the principles and problems of Ukrainian parliamentarism, and conducting comparative studies on a variety of subjects, such as election legislation, political parties, and the fi ght against corruption.