Hans Von Seeckt: Reformer of the Reichswehr

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Hans Von Seeckt: Reformer of the Reichswehr Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Honors Theses Lee Honors College 4-19-2013 Hans von Seeckt: Reformer of the Reichswehr Aaron Miller Western Michigan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses Part of the Oral History Commons Recommended Citation Miller, Aaron, "Hans von Seeckt: Reformer of the Reichswehr" (2013). Honors Theses. 2271. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/honors_theses/2271 This Honors Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Lee Honors College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. General Hans von Seeckt: Reformer of the Reichswehr By Aaron M. Miller Hist 4990: Senior Thesis Western Michigan University Spring 2013 Dr. Marion Gray Dr. Kenneth Steuer 5-15-2013 Page | 1 When the Great War erupted in Europe in 1914, the parties involved imagined a quick war, believing that the troops would be home for Christmas. At the onset of war, the Germans initiated the Schlieffen Plan, which called for a highly mobile right wing to travel through Belgium and northern Europe and encircle Paris, while the left wing fixed the Allied forces in Eastern France. Had this plan worked perfectly, it would have quickly eliminated France from the war and allowed Germany to focus on its Eastern Front. Modifications to the plan which weakened the right wing and the lack of mechanized infantry, however, hindered its successful execution and the plan ultimately failed. In response, the German and allied armies refocused their plans on maintaining land already gained and outflanking the enemy, resulting in a line running south from the North Sea to Switzerland. As both sides promptly fortified their positions along this line, trench warfare quickly ensued on the Western Front. Trench warfare was a type of positional warfare which resulted from a lack of mobility and an abundance of firepower. The conflict developed into a war of attrition in which artillery and machine-guns became the chief weapons employed. As there was no room for any maneuver except a frontal assault, the warring nations were forced to send wave after wave of soldiers into no man’s land, directly at the enemy’s heavily fortified position. As the war carried on, soldiers and civilians continued to die as each nation attempted to drain the enemy of its resources. This resulted in an astronomical number of casualties, which the involved nations could no longer deem acceptable. As a consequence of this bloody stalemate, each side developed new tactics and technologies to end the horrific violence. Some of these measures, such as poisonous gases and rolling artillery barrages, were aimed at suppressing enemy artillery and forcing enemy Page | 2 soldiers to evacuate their trenches. Others, such as tanks and infiltration tactics, restored mobility to the battlefield. Troops who managed to break through enemy defenses were able to continue the attack, bypassing enemy strongpoints and leaving them for follow-up forces.1 The overarching goal was to create a weaker enemy position that the attacking infantry could capture with more acceptable casualties. During the spring of 1918, the Germans initiated their last offensive on the Western Front: the Ludendorff Offensive. During this offensive, the troops clearly demonstrated what infiltration tactics could accomplish by quickly gaining miles of territory. The Germans, however, were unable to capitalize on their gains for two main reasons. First, the hungry troops often stopped the assault after capturing Allied points in order to rest and take advantage of the supplies.2 Second, the advancing troops moved more quickly than the rest of the army and thus could not maintain contact, resulting in a lack of support from the rear. The Allied forces eventually stopped the offensive and, in turn, broke through the German front and forced a diplomatic end to the Great War. The conditions of peace established at Versailles were especially restrictive for the German military, which was forced to limit its armed forces to 100,000 men. In addition, these men could not be conscripted and were required to serve a lengthy term of enlistment (twelve years for enlisted men, or twenty five for officers). The Allies imposed these long terms of enlistment with the goal of preventing Germany from training a substantial army, but instead it resulted in the creation of a highly trained officer corp. Enlisted men received years of training, making them highly capable. Also, the fact that the treaty abolished conscription ensured that only those dedicated to the service of Germany actually enlisted, infusing the Reichswehr with Page | 3 zeal. The treaty also dictated the organization of the army and navy, prohibited the creation of an air force, and restricted the production, exportation, and importation of war materials such as tanks, airplanes, artillery, and grenades.3 The Allied powers believed that these severe restrictions would permanently disarm Germany and ensure that it would never again threaten world peace.4 From the German perspective, however, the treaty was both detrimental and humiliating, preventing any means of security. Although the Allied powers intended to maintain the peace after the Great War, the countries involved realized the need to learn from their mistakes in the event of future conflict. The unpredictability of war, however, made drawing relevant conclusions extremely difficult and oftentimes led to ineffective solutions. The French, who saw the folly of attacking en masse during the war, concluded by 1929 that future victors would again occupy heavily fortified positions and use heavy artillery against enemy forces. The resulting Maginot Line— consisting of trenches, machine-gun nests, artillery parks, and other obstacles—epitomized their anticipation of positional warfare. On the other hand, Germany’s defeat prompted a more critical analysis of the tactics employed, rendering the idea of reform more acceptable. Many believed that Germany’s inability to sustain its losses ultimately led to its defeat, a problem which military thinkers sought to remedy. Among the most prominent figures of this group was the Chief of Staff, General Hans von Seeckt, who proposed reforming the German military doctrine in such a way that the future army would never again be drawn into a stationary war. As a result of his experiences, Seeckt identified what he believed to be the German tactical failures of the Great War and revised the existing doctrine accordingly, preparing the Page | 4 German army (Reichswehr5) for a new mode of war. Seeckt’s vision was based primarily on movement and combined arms, which he felt would successfully prevent the recurrence of trench warfare. He also forged relations with the Soviet Union, allowing the disarmed Reichswehr to gain access to equipment otherwise forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles. As a whole, these doctrinal reforms and political maneuvers created a formidable, apolitical weapon with which future generations could wage effective war. Ultimately, Seeckt facilitated the successful development and implementation of tactical reform within the Reichswehr, precipitating the transition from a war of position to a war of movement; his attention to leadership, terrain, and combined arms transformed the army into a capable, modern tool and for this reason Seeckt emerged as one of the most influential military leaders in the interwar period. Given his position of Chef der Heeresleitung (Commander-in-Chief of the Reichswehr), Seeckt has been a focal point for investigators. Although their arguments reflect both military and political perspectives, they usually address the same question: how was Germany able to rebuild its armed forces while operating under the restrictions of the Treaty of Versailles? Robert Citino argues that Seeckt was instrumental in the 1920s in creating a doctrine that the later German government (the Third Reich) used as the foundation for Blitzkrieg.6 Citino, however, does not believe that Seeckt was preparing Germany for an imminent war. Similarly, Matthias Strohn contends that Seeckt’s reforms were essential in rebuilding the German military, but his intent was to create a force specifically to defend Germany in this vulnerable time.7 Contrarily, Macgregor Knox asserts that Seeckt rebuilt the Reichswehr with the goal of waging war to regain Germany’s status in Europe.8 Knox believes that Germany—and Seeckt— Page | 5 were indeed preparing for a war with a target already selected. Eric D. Weitz and Erich Eyck examine the Reichswehr’s role in stabilizing the Weimar Republic and thus consider the role of Seeckt. To scholars such as these, Seeckt was critical in his dealings with the Weimar Republic and instrumental in creating a stable Reich.9 Still, there are others who investigate Seeckt’s clandestine dealings with Russia, such as Hans W. Gatzke and George W.F. Hallagarten. These scholars assert that Seeckt was the mastermind behind the military relations with Russia which provided Germany access to vital military experience and hardware.10 Despite the fact that these arguments are sound, they lack unity. Although this study provides analysis from a military perspective, it offers a more complete picture of Seeckt’s role in the Reichswehr both militarily and politically. This paper concludes that, from an examination of his training manuals and field maneuver observations, evidence of his dealings with Russia, and attention to similarities later visible in Truppenführung, Seeckt successfully effected military reform during the interwar period amidst notable political instability. These changes would create a mobile and efficient German army, capable of avoiding the horrors of the previous war. When the Great War began, Colonel Seeckt, the chief of staff to the III Army Corps, was stationed on the Western Front near Belgium and France.
Recommended publications
  • Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6r33q03k Author Eaton, Nicole M. Publication Date 2013 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 By Nicole M. Eaton A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Yuri Slezkine, chair Professor John Connelly Professor Victoria Bonnell Fall 2013 Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg–Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 © 2013 By Nicole M. Eaton 1 Abstract Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948 by Nicole M. Eaton Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair “Exclave: Politics, Ideology, and Everyday Life in Königsberg-Kaliningrad, 1928-1948,” looks at the history of one city in both Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Russia, follow- ing the transformation of Königsberg from an East Prussian city into a Nazi German city, its destruction in the war, and its postwar rebirth as the Soviet Russian city of Kaliningrad. The city is peculiar in the history of Europe as a double exclave, first separated from Germany by the Polish Corridor, later separated from the mainland of Soviet Russia. The dissertation analyzes the ways in which each regime tried to transform the city and its inhabitants, fo- cusing on Nazi and Soviet attempts to reconfigure urban space (the physical and symbolic landscape of the city, its public areas, markets, streets, and buildings); refashion the body (through work, leisure, nutrition, and healthcare); and reconstitute the mind (through vari- ous forms of education and propaganda).
    [Show full text]
  • Der Hitler-Prozess Deutschland 1924
    Der Hitler-Prozess Deutschland 1924 von Prof. Dr. Peter Reichel 1. Die Staatskrise Schon das fünfte Jahr hätte ihr Ende sein können. Die Weimarer Republik wankte, sie war im Herbst 1923 dem Abgrund nah. Ein autoritärer Umbau des Staates gelang der nationalen Rechten allerdings noch nicht. Der Reichspräsident verhinderte dies, indem er darauf einging. Zwar stärkte Ebert in der Staatskrise die Machtstellung seines leitenden Generals von Seeckt. Doch dieser putschte nicht. Er stand als Legalist zu seinem Amtseid auf die Verfassung der parlamentarischen Demokratie, die er politisch ablehnte. Das hatte er schon bei der Abwehr des Kapp-Putsches im Frühjahr 1920 getan und im Kampf gegen die linksradikalen Feinde der Republik im Winter 1918/19. Der Präsident vertraute seinem General, er hatte keine Wahl. Im Januar 1923 besetzten Belgier und Franzosen das Ruhrgebiet, um Deutschland zur Erfüllung seiner Reparationsverpflichtungen zu zwingen. Die Regierung des parteilosen Reichskanzlers und Hamburger Hapag-Direktors Wilhelm Cuno stellte daraufhin nicht nur die Zahlungen und Sachlieferungen an die Siegermächte ein. Sie forderte die Bevölkerung darüber hinaus auch zum „passiven Widerstand“ auf. Der Konflikt eskalierte. Die Besatzungsmächte verschärften ihre Repression und zugleich ihre Kooperation mit den wiederauflebenden separatistischen Bestrebungen, gegen die wiederum die nationalistischen Freikorps Front machten. Sie hatten zuvor im Baltikum, in Bayern und in Oberschlesien gekämpft. Das Reich geriet in eine Zwickmühle. Die deutschen Behörden waren auf dem besetzten Territorium machtlos. Zugleich mussten die immensen Kosten für die „Zwangsarbeitslosen“ und die Kohlekäufe durch die Notenpresse gedeckt werden. Der Geldwertverlust nahm dadurch rapide zu. Und mit ihm das soziale Elend und die politischen Unruhen. Gewinner waren die Protestparteien an der Peripherie Deutschlands und an den Rändern des politischen Spektrums.
    [Show full text]
  • Germany Key Words
    Germany Key Words Anti–Semitism Hatred of the Jews. Article 48 Part of the Weimar Constitution, giving the President special powers to rule in a crisis. Used By Chancellors to rule when they had no majority in the Reichstag – and therefore an undemocratic precedent for Hitler. Aryan Someone who Belongs to the European type race. To the Nazis this meant especially non– Jewish and they looked for the ideal characteristics of fair hair, Blue eyes... Autobahn Motorway – showpieces of the Nazi joB creation schemes Bartering Buying goods with other goods rather than money. (As happened in the inflation crisis of 1923) Bavaria Large state in the South of Germany. Hitler & Nazis’ original Base. Capital – Munich Beerhall Putsch Failed attempt to seize power By Hitler in NovemBer 1923. Hitler jailed for five years – in fact released Dec 1924 Brown Shirts The name given to the S.A. Centre Party Party representing Roman Catholics – one of the Weimar coalition parties. Dissolves itself July 1933. Chancellor Like the Prime Minister – the man who is the chief figure in the government, Coalition A government made up of a number of parties working together, Because of the election system under Weimar, all its governments were coalitions. They are widely seen as weak governments. Conscription Compulsory military service – introduced by Hitler April1935 in his drive to build up Germany’s military strength (against the terms of the Versailles Treaty) Conservatives In those who want to ‘conserve’ or resist change. In Weimar Germany it means those whose support for the RepuBlic was either weak or non–existent as they wanted a return to Germany’s more ordered past.
    [Show full text]
  • Star Wars: the Fascism Awakens Representation and Its Failure from the Weimar Republic to the Galactic Senate Chapman Rackaway University of West Georgia
    STAR WARS: THE FASCISM AWAKENS 7 Star Wars: The Fascism Awakens Representation and its Failure from the Weimar Republic to the Galactic Senate Chapman Rackaway University of West Georgia Whether in science fiction or the establishment of an earthly democracy, constitutional design matters especially in the realm of representation. Democracies, no matter how strong or fragile, can fail under the influence of a poorly constructed representation plan. Two strong examples of representational failure emerge from the post-WWI Weimar Republic and the Galactic Republic’s Senate from the Star Wars saga. Both legislatures featured a combination of overbroad representation without minimum thresholds for minor parties to be elected to the legislature and multiple non- citizen constituencies represented in the body. As a result both the Weimar Reichstag and the Galactic Senate fell prey to a power-hungry manipulating zealot who used the divisions within their legislature to accumulate power. As a result, both democracies failed and became tyrannical governments under despotic leaders who eventually would be removed but only after wars of massive casualties. Representation matters, and both the Weimer legislature and Galactic Senate show the problems in designing democratic governments to fairly represent diverse populations while simultaneously limiting the ability of fringe groups to emerge. “The only thing necessary for the triumph of representative democracies. A poor evil is for good men to do nothing.” constitutional design can even lead to tyranny. – Edmund Burke (1848) Among the flaws most potentially damaging to a republic is a faulty representational “So this is how liberty dies … with structure. Republics can actually build too thunderous applause.” - Padme Amidala (Star much representation into their structures, the Wars: Episode III Revenge of the Sith, 2005) result of which is tyranny as a byproduct of democratic failure.
    [Show full text]
  • M. Strohn: the German Army and the Defence of the Reich
    Matthias Strohn. The German Army and the Defence of the Reich: Military Doctrine and the Conduct of the Defensive Battle 1918–1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 292 S. ISBN 978-0-521-19199-9. Reviewed by Brendan Murphy Published on H-Soz-u-Kult (November, 2013) This book, a revised version of Matthias political isolation to cooperation in military mat‐ Strohn’s Oxford D.Phil dissertation is a reap‐ ters. These shifts were necessary decisions, as for praisal of German military thought between the ‘the Reichswehr and the Wehrmacht in the early World Wars. Its primary subjects are political and stages of its existence, the core business was to military elites, their debates over the structure find out how the Fatherland could be defended and purpose of the Weimar military, the events against superior enemies’ (p. 3). that shaped or punctuated those debates, and the This shift from offensive to defensive put the official documents generated at the highest levels. Army’s structural subordination to the govern‐ All of the personalities, institutions and schools of ment into practice, and shocked its intellectual thought involved had to deal with a foundational culture into a keener appreciation of facts. To‐ truth: that any likely adversary could destroy ward this end, the author tracks a long and wind‐ their Army and occupy key regions of the country ing road toward the genesis of ‘Heeresdien‐ in short order, so the military’s tradition role was stvorschrfift 300. Truppenführung’, written by doomed to failure. Ludwig Beck and published in two parts in 1933 The author lays out two problems to be ad‐ and 1934, a document which is widely regarded to dressed.
    [Show full text]
  • Geschichte Des Nationalsozialismus
    Ernst Piper Ernst Ernst Piper Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus Von den Anfängen bis heute Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus Band 10264 Ernst Piper Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus Schriftenreihe Band 10291 Ernst Piper Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus Von den Anfängen bis heute Ernst Piper, 1952 in München geboren, lebt heute in Berlin. Er ist apl. Professor für Neuere Geschichte an der Universität Potsdam, Herausgeber mehrerer wissenschaft- licher Reihen und Autor zahlreicher Bücher zur Geschichte des 19. und 20. Jahrhun- derts. Zuletzt erschienen Nacht über Europa. Kulturgeschichte des Ersten Weltkriegs (2014), 1945 – Niederlage und Neubeginn (2015) und Rosa Luxemburg. Ein Leben (2018). Diese Veröffentlichung stellt keine Meinungsäußerung der Bundeszentrale fürpolitische Bildung dar. Für die inhaltlichen Aussagen trägt der Autor die Verantwortung. Wir danken allen Lizenzgebenden für die freundlich erteilte Abdruckgenehmigung. Die In- halte der im Text und im Anhang zitierten Internetlinks unterliegen der Verantwor- tung der jeweiligen Anbietenden; für eventuelle Schäden und Forderungen überneh- men die Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung / bpb sowie der Autor keine Haftung. Bonn 2018 © Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung Adenauerallee 86, 53113 Bonn Projektleitung: Hildegard Bremer, bpb Lektorat: Verena Artz Umschlagfoto: © ullstein bild – Fritz Eschen, Januar 1945: Hausfassade in Berlin-Wilmersdorf Umschlaggestaltung, Satzherstellung und Layout: Naumilkat – Agentur für Kommunikation und Design, Düsseldorf Druck: Druck und Verlagshaus Zarbock GmbH & Co. KG, Frankfurt / Main ISBN: 978-3-7425-0291-9 www.bpb.de Inhalt Einleitung 7 I Anfänge 18 II Kampf 72 III »Volksgemeinschaft« 136 IV Krieg 242 V Schuld 354 VI Erinnerung 422 Anmerkungen 450 Zeittafel 462 Abkürzungen 489 Empfehlungen zur weiteren Lektüre 491 Bildnachweis 495 5 Einleitung Dieses Buch ist eine Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus, keine deutsche Geschichte des 20.
    [Show full text]
  • Classics of the Military Field in the Social Sciences
    Classics of the Military Field in the Social Sciences Karl Demeter, Das deutsche Offizierkorps in seinen historisch-soziologischen Grundlagen, Berlin, Verlag von Reimar Hobbing, 1930 ; Das deutsche Heer und seine Offiziere, Berlin, Verlag von Reimar Hobbing, 1935 ; Das deutsche Offizierkorps in Gesellschaft und Staat, 1650-1945, Frankfurt am Main, Bernard & Graefe Verlag für Wehrwesen, 1962. English translation, with an introduction by Michael Howard : The German Officer Corps in Society and State, 1650-1945, New York, Praeger, 1965. Presented by Bengt Abrahamsson The books by Karl Demeter listed above obviously have the same theme, and share much the same substance. Indeed, the question can be asked whether they are the same book under various titles, revised and augmented as time went by over more than thirty years, or whether they can be regarded as distinct contributions. The main difference, of course, is that the later editions cover the Third Reich period. While little is known about their reception in Europe apart from Germany (where Demeter seems to have enjoyed high esteem to this day), they powerfully influenced American historiography and military sociology at different times, and with different impacts. This writer’s contention is that despite such differences, they ought to be presented together. The main reference in what follows naturally is to the 1962 version. oOo On 25th May 1934, Gen. von Blomberg, then Minister of Defence in Adolf Hitler’s government, issued the following order to the officers of the German armed forces : “The old practice of seeking company within a particular social class is no longer any part of the duty of the corps of officers.
    [Show full text]
  • Preprint Heft 9
    PREPRINT 9 Elisabeth Kraus Repräsentation – Renommee – Rekrutierung Mäzenatentum für das Deutsche Museum Preprint 9 Elisabeth Kraus Repräsentation - Renommee – Rekrutierung Mäzenatentum für das Deutsche Museum 2013 Inhalt Abstract 5 1. Einleitung 7 1.1 Bedeutung des Themas und seiner Erforschung 7 1.2 Begrifflichkeit 8 1.3 Fragestellungen 12 1.4 Stand der Forschung und Quellenlage 14 1.5 Auswahlgesichtspunkte und Vorgehen 20 2. Die Gründungsphase (1903–1923) 23 2.1 Das fürstlich-aristokratische Mäzenatentum 23 2.2 Zuwendungen von Deutschem Reich, Königreich Bayern, München und anderen Städten 26 2.3 Das bürgerliche Mäzenatentum 28 2.3.1 Industrie, Verbände, Vereinigungen 28 2.3.2 Privatpersonen 33 2.4 Die Reisestipendienstiftung von 1911 43 2.5 Netzwerke, Spendenakquisition, Gegengaben – eine erste Bilanz des Mäzenatentums 52 3. Die Auf- und Ausbauphase (1923/25–1933) 56 3.1 Zuwendungen nach der Hyperinflation – die 1000-Mark-Spende 56 3.2 Die Reisestipendienstiftung 58 3.3 Die Oskar-von-Miller-Stiftung der Reichsregierung (1925) 60 3.4 Die Krupp-Stiftung für Büchergaben (1928) 66 3.5 Die Frauenspende für die Bibliothek des Deutschen Museums (1928) 68 3.6 Die Adolf und Luisa Haeuser-Stiftung für Museumsangestellte (1930) 73 3.7 Die St. Ansgar-Stiftung (1933) 77 3.8 Stiftungen, Spenden, Ehrungen – die »Goldenen Zwanziger Jahre« des Mäzenatentums? 81 4. Die NS- und Kriegszeit (1933–1945) 89 4.1 Die Finanzierung zwischen Gründungsauftrag und Anpassungserfordernis 93 4.2 Die »Entjudung« des Museumsausschusses 102 4.3 Die »Entjudung«, »Nazifizierung« und Entwicklung der (Zu-) Stiftungen 107 4.4 Das Mäzenatentum in »brauner« Zeit 118 3 5. Revitalisierung und Konsolidierung (1945/48–1958/60) 122 5.1 Neustart 122 5.2 Spendenwesen und Fundraising-Strategien 124 5.3 Entwicklung und Zusammenlegung der Zustiftungen 130 5.4 Mäzenatentum in Bronze? 133 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
    University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kapp Putsch and the Ruhr Insurrection
    Chapter 12 - The Kapp Putsch and the Ruhr insurrection The Coup d’État and the First Instances of “Workers Government” and “Anti- Fascism” The Kapp Putsch (May 13-17, 1920) was an attempt on the part of reactionary elements in the Army to take the first steps towards building a strong right-wing government. The German Army (Reichswehr) was reestablished by the constituent assembly: by June 1919 it had 100,000 men, the maximum allowed by the postwar treaties. Including the Freikorps, however, by the beginning of 1920 the Army had 400,000 men, which provoked the protests of the victorious powers. The Freikorps arose during the period of military demobilization and State disintegration, and their only purpose was to serve as an instrument of the counterrevolution in Germany and Russia. They were paid by the State. As the situation appeared to have stabilized, the government solved part of its problem in September 1919 by prohibiting the creation of local militias, while directly transforming numerous Freikorps units into Reichswehr detachments. But it could not integrate all of them, as it wanted to provide the army with a republican “varnish”. The majority of the troops who would participate in the Kapp Putsch were from Freikorps units which had returned from Russia after having participated in the foreign intervention. They feared they would be discharged due to the terms of the Versailles Treaty. A right-wing faction, encouraged by Kapp, a senior Prussian official, established contacts with their commanders in order to carry out a political operation. Discovering that 6,000 men under the command of Lüttwitz (one of Noske’s direct subordinates in January 1919) were going to occupy Berlin on March 13, the socialist government fled to Dresden and then to Stuttgart.
    [Show full text]
  • German History Reflected
    The Detlev Rohwedder Building German history reflected GFE = 1/2 Formathöhe The Detlev Rohwedder Building German history reflected Contents 3 Introduction 44 Reunification and Change 46 The euphoria of unity 4 The Reich Aviation Ministry 48 A tainted place 50 The Treuhandanstalt 6 Inception 53 The architecture of reunification 10 The nerve centre of power 56 In conversation with 14 Courage to resist: the Rote Kapelle Hans-Michael Meyer-Sebastian 18 Architecture under the Nazis 58 The Federal Ministry of Finance 22 The House of Ministries 60 A living place today 24 The changing face of a colossus 64 Experiencing and creating history 28 The government clashes with the people 66 How do you feel about working in this building? 32 Socialist aspirations meet social reality 69 A stroll along Wilhelmstrasse 34 Isolation and separation 36 Escape from the state 38 New paths and a dead-end 72 Chronicle of the Detlev Rohwedder Building 40 Architecture after the war – 77 Further reading a building is transformed 79 Imprint 42 In conversation with Jürgen Dröse 2 Contents Introduction The Detlev Rohwedder Building, home to Germany’s the House of Ministries, foreshadowing the country- Federal Ministry of Finance since 1999, bears wide uprising on 17 June. Eight years later, the Berlin witness to the upheavals of recent German history Wall began to cast its shadow just a few steps away. like almost no other structure. After reunification, the Treuhandanstalt, the body Constructed as the Reich Aviation Ministry, the charged with the GDR’s financial liquidation, moved vast site was the nerve centre of power under into the building.
    [Show full text]
  • Polish Armor of the Blitzkrieg Kindle
    POLISH ARMOR OF THE BLITZKRIEG PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Jamie Prenatt,Henry Morshead | 48 pages | 22 Sep 2015 | Bloomsbury Publishing PLC | 9781472808240 | English | Oxford, United Kingdom Polish Armor of the Blitzkrieg PDF Book Panther Medium Tank Stryker Combat Vehicles. Although production of Luftwaffe fighter aircraft continued, they would be unable to fly for lack of fuel. German Light Cruisers After the bombing of Guernica in and the Rotterdam Blitz in , it was commonly assumed that terror bombing was a part of Luftwaffe doctrine. The traditional meaning of blitzkrieg is that of German tactical and operational methodology in the first half of the Second World War, that is often hailed as a new method of warfare. Guderian insisted in to the high command that every tank in the German armoured force must be equipped with a radio. Robert Watt wrote that blitzkrieg has little in common with Soviet deep battle. The German leadership were concerned less with how to balance the civilian economy and the needs of civilian consumption but to figure out how to best prepare the economy for total war. T Main Battle Tank Monologe im Fuhrerhauptquartier — Retrieved 11 July Panzer, a Revolution in Warfare: — War and Economy in the Third Reich. T and T Main Battle Tanks But outdated equipment, doctrine and enormous odds did not stop these units from fighting with bravery and determination before being finally overwhelmed. Spanish Galleon Despite being common in German and English-language journalism during World War II , the word Blitzkrieg was never used by the Wehrmacht as an official military term, except for propaganda.
    [Show full text]