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Pan-Slavism and World War II Author(S): Hans Kohn Reviewed Work(S): Source: the American Political Science Review, Vol Pan-Slavism and World War II Author(s): Hans Kohn Reviewed work(s): Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 46, No. 3 (Sep., 1952), pp. 699-722 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1952279 . Accessed: 07/01/2013 14:53 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Mon, 7 Jan 2013 14:53:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PAN-SLAVISM AND WORLD WAR II HANS KOHN College of the City of New York In spite oflater claims that it had been theleader ofthe anti-fascistcamp and ofthe Slav worldfrom the beginningof the second WorldWar, the Soviet Union followed a strictlyRussian policy, neither anti-fascistnor Pan-Slav, from August, 1939, to June, 1941. This policy clearly foreshadoweda nationalist revival of the language and aspirationsthat had been most characteristicof Old Russia but were assumed to have been definitelyburied in the ten Novem- ber days of 1917 whichshook the world.During these two yearsnot the slightest sympathyfor the Czechs and Poles sufferingunder German occupation was expressed. Indeed, although Leninist communismduring World War I had conducteda violentdefeatist propaganda compaignin bothwarring camps, the subversivecommunist propaganda that was resumedin 1939 was directedonly against the democratic nations. "Moreover, officially,even ostentatiously, help was grantedto the camp of fascismso that, from1939 to 1941, the Soviet Union could be considereda non-belligerentpartner of the Axis. From the policy of benevolent neutralitytowards the Axis the Soviet Union was removed against its will. Circumstancesmade it an ally of the democracies.This change was performedreluctantly, only because no otherchoice was left."' The communistleadership was convinced even as late as May, 1941, that its policy of neutralitywould safeguardRussia's peace,2but in January,1945, the same leadershipboasted of having "always" correctlyforeseen the course of events, as well as of being alone able to recognizehow and whitherevents must develop in the future.3In any event,in his reportto the Moscow Soviet on November 6, 1941, Stalin rightlyaccused the German invaders of having "perfidiouslyattacked our peace-lovingcountry."4 Clearly against its foresight and will, the Soviet leadershipwas forcedto enter,not a war for proletarian revolution,social justice, or democracy,but a "war of national liberation" a 1 N. S. Timasheff,"Four Phases of Russian Internationalism,"Thought, Vol. 20, p. 47 (March, 1945). In 1927, at the FifteenthCongress of the Russian CommunistParty, Stalin declared: "The revolutionin USSR is only part of the worldrevolution, its begin- ningand the base forits successfuladvance." 2 Bolshevik,No. 10, pp. 1-2 (May, 1941). -3 "Our Party is theoreticallyequipped and unitedas no otherparty on earthbecause in its activityit leans on the Marxist-Leninisttheory and mastersthe knowledgeof the laws of social development.The dutyof the Partyand Soviet personnel. is unceasingly to studythe theoryof Marx and Lenin, rememberingthat it gives the Party the ability to orientitself in any circumstances,to foreseethe course of events,to understandthe innerconnections of currentdevelopments, and to recognizenot only how and whether eventsare now developing,but also how and whetherthey must develop in the future" (Bolshevik,No. 1, p. 10, Jan., 1945). 4 Stalin, 0 velikoiotechestvennoi voine Sovetskogo Soyuza [On theGreat Patriotic War of theSoviet Union], 5th ed. (Moscow, 1946), p. 17. See also, fromhis radio addressof July3, 1941: "Germany suddenlyand treacherouslyviolated the non-aggressionpact of 1939" (p. 10). 699 This content downloaded on Mon, 7 Jan 2013 14:53:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 700 THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW "great patrioticwar," the title previouslygiven by the Russians to the war of 1812. In his reportto the Moscow Soviet, Stalin accordinglyused words not heard officiallysince the "Great October Socialist Revolution," the twenty- fourthanniversary of which he was celebrating.Hitler, he said, was out to "exterminatethe Slav peoples, the Russians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Bulgar- ians, Ukrainians,and Byelo-Russians."The Nazis had the audacity "to call for the annihilationof the greatRussian nation,the nationof Plekhanov and Lenin, Belinskyand Chernyshevsky,Pushkin and Tolstoi, Glinka and Tschaikovsky, Gorky and Chekhov,Sechenov and Pavlov, Repin and Surikov,Suvorov and Kutuzov." And in his address to the Red Army Parade the next day, Stalin called upon Soviet soldiersto let themselvesbe inspiredin this war by "the manly images of our great ancestors-Alexander Nevsky, Dmitri Donskoi, Kuzma Minin, Dmitri Pozharsky, Alexander Suvorov, Mikhail Kutuzov." The feudal saints of the Orthodox Church and the generals serving tsarist reaction,all of themexclusively Russian, werethus proclaimedthe ancestorsof the supernationalrevolutionary Red Army.5 In the war yearsthemselves the Russian fatherlandcompletely overshadowed the Soviet fatherland. Traditional national values were restoredwithout any referenceeither to class war or to the revolutionarystruggle and withoutany regardfor the national feelingof the non-RussianSoviet nationalities.To the nationalist heroes and warriorsof the past, everythingwas forgiven.At the end of S. Golubov's novel GeneralJBagration (1943), Prince Peter Bagration, the general mortallywounded in the battle at Borodino, was presented as kissingthe Emperor'ssignature on a letterof thanksjust broughtto him and as dying with the words, "Soul and body alike and my blood to the last drop, I give all to myfatherland and to his Majesty's service."' Field Marshal Count Ibid., pp. 26-28, 36. In his Order of the Day as National Commissar for Defense on February 23, 1942, Stalin rightly emphasized that the policy of racial equality of the USSR was a factor of strength in comparison to Hitler's racial policy (ibid., p. 42). 6 In November, 1941, the popular young poet Konstantin Simonov (see the article on him by Elena Mikhailova in Soviet Literature, No. 8, pp. 46-49, Aug., 1946) wrote in a famous poem to his friend Alexei Surkov: "I am proud of this dearest of countries, this dear sad country that gave me my birth. I am proud that in Russia my life is to finish, that the mother that bore me was Russian of race, that when seeing me off,in the old Russian manner, she locked me three times in her loving embrace." And Surkov replied: "In the midst of night and darkness we have carefully borne before us the inextinguishable flame of faith in our Russian, our native folk." A fervent Russian patriotism became the theme of all the poems, short stories, novels, and plays, glorifyingthe "Holy Homeland" (svyashchennaya rodina). The general slogan was "za rodinu, za Stalina"-"for fatherland and Stalin." 7 See Michael Karpovich, "Soviet Historical Novel," Russian Review, Vol. 5, pp. 53- 63 (Spring, 1946). This novel was translated into English by J. Fineberg under the title of No Easy Victories (London, 1945). A number of other Russian war novels and biogra- phies about historical heroes are available in English translations, among them S. Sergeev- Tsensky, Brusilov's Break-Through (London, 1944); S. Borodin, Dmitri Donskoi, trans. E. and C. Paul (London, 1944); Mikhail Bragin, Field Marshal Kutuzov (Moscow, 1944); K. Osipov, Alexander Suvorov; A Biography, trans. E. Bone (London, 1944); and R. Wipper (Robert Yuryevich Vipper), Ivan Grozny, trans. J. Fineberg (Moscow, 1947). In the last, This content downloaded on Mon, 7 Jan 2013 14:53:36 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PAN-SLAVISM AND WORLD WAR It 701 AlexanderVasilyevich Suvorov (1729-1800), who cruellysubdued, on the Tsar's behalf,the peasant rebellionof Pugachev and the last resistanceof freePoland, became the greatesthero of the communistyouth; even General Alexei Brus- silov, who was appointed in May, 1917, commander-in-chiefof the Russian Armywhich the Bolsheviks did everythingat the timeto undermine,was hon- ored by a greatwar novel and by the "deep respect"which the Red Armypaper, Krasnaya zvesda, expressed on September 3, 1943, for "the man who in the stern years of the last war upheld with dignitythe honor and glory of the Russian Army." The Russian nationalismset loose by events did not confineitself to a de- fensivepatriotism, the chauvinismof whichmight be explainedby the military catastrophefacing the country.It immediatelyasserted itself in an aggressive way. The annexationof eastern Poland, of Bessarabia, and of part of Bukovina could be "justified"by nationalism,by the goal of unitingall Ukrainiansand Byelo-Russians under the Soviet flag (though this unificationdeprived the Soviet Ukrainiansof that considerationwhich they had receivedfrom Moscow when the Soviet Ukraine was yet to attract the "brothersby race" living in Poland and Rumania). No similarjustification existed for the annexationof the
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