Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity: Perspectives from Below
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Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism
Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism MARK R. BEISSINGER Abstract This article examines the role of nationalism in the collapse of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s, arguing that nationalism (both in its presence and its absence, and in the various conflicts and disorders that it unleashed) played an important role in structuring the way in which communism collapsed. Two institutions of international and cultural control in particular – the Warsaw Pact and ethnofederalism – played key roles in determining which communist regimes failed and which survived. The article argues that the collapse of communism was not a series of isolated, individual national stories of resistance but a set of interrelated streams of activity in which action in one context profoundly affected action in other contexts – part of a larger tide of assertions of national sovereignty that swept through the Soviet empire during this period. That nationalism should be considered among the causes of the collapse of communism is not a view shared by everyone. A number of works on the end of communism in the Soviet Union have argued, for instance, that nationalism played only a minor role in the process – that the main events took place within official institutions in Moscow and had relatively little to do with society, or that nationalism was a marginal motivation or influence on the actions of those involved in key decision-making. Failed institutions and ideologies, an economy in decline, the burden of military competition with the United States and instrumental goals of self-enrichment among the nomenklatura instead loom large in these accounts.1 In many narratives of the end of communism, nationalism is portrayed merely as a consequence of communism’s demise, as a phase after communism disintegrated – not as an autonomous or contributing force within the process of collapse itself. -
Russian Nationalism and Pamiat
University of Northern Iowa UNI ScholarWorks Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006) Honors Program 1991 Russian nationalism and Pamiat Brian Granger University of Northern Iowa Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy Copyright ©1991 Brian Granger Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/pst Part of the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Granger, Brian, "Russian nationalism and Pamiat" (1991). Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006). 73. https://scholarworks.uni.edu/pst/73 This Open Access Presidential Scholars Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at UNI ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006) by an authorized administrator of UNI ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. l Br.i.an Granqe:r: Preside ntial Scholars Thesis 1991 University of Northern Iowa I?"u.s ~:;.i.an Nat :i.onal:i s m and. Pam:i._ at_' _ More than seventy years after the October Re volution a crisis in the Sov.i.et Union haE:; cnusr:)d its c itiz.1:,•nf., to ffu.:[ f e r a lof;f; of: f::a1 th. This disillusionment s e e mingly stems from the lack of suc cess in economic reform and. the chnos of the democratization policy imple mented since the rise to power of M. S. Gorbache v in March 1985 . The following reaction has not merely c ondemne d. Gorbachev'r.;; "exper.i.mentat:i.on" with the Pand.orn' ~,; box of pereutroi)<<::1 ancl.gl<::isnout. -
Manifestations of Nationalism: the Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990S
Europe-Asia Studies ISSN: 0966-8136 (Print) 1465-3427 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ceas20 Manifestations of Nationalism: The Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990s Nada Boškovska & Jeronim Perović To cite this article: Nada Boškovska & Jeronim Perović (2018) Manifestations of Nationalism: The Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990s, Europe-Asia Studies, 70:6, 853-861, DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2018.1489631 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2018.1489631 Published online: 31 Jul 2018. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ceas20 VOL 70, NO. 6, AUGUST 853–861 EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES, 2018 Vol 70, No. 6, August 2018, 853–861 Manifestations of Nationalism: The Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990s NADA BOŠKOVSKA & JERONIM PEROVIĆ WHEN MIKHAIL GORBACHEV INTRODUCED HIS POLICY OF REFORMS, he was not prepared for the rise of nationalism and ethnic conflict that would grip the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s. As a native of the ethnically mixed Stavropol Krai in the North Caucasus, Gorbachev, according to his own account, was well aware of the multinational character of the Soviet Union and the sensitivities of some of its ethnic minority groups (Nahaylo & Swoboda 1990, p. 231). However, in line with Marxist thinking, which anticipated the decline of nationalism, he was brought up believing that the ‘friendship among peoples’ was strong and that in socialism nations would ultimately grow ever closer together until their complete fusion (sliyanie) into a supranational ‘Soviet people’. -
The German Fear of Russia Russia and Its Place Within German History
The German Fear of Russia Russia and its place within German History By Rob Dumont An Honours Thesis submitted to the History Department of the University of Lethbridge in partial fulfillment of the requirements for History 4995 The University of Lethbridge April 2013 Table of Contents Introduction 1-7 Chapter 1 8-26 Chapter 2 27-37 Chapter 3 38-51 Chapter 4 39- 68 Conclusion 69-70 Bibliography 71-75 Introduction In Mein Kampf, Hitler reflects upon the perceived failure of German foreign policy regarding Russia before 1918. He argues that Germany ultimately had to prepare for a final all- out war of extermination against Russia if Germany was to survive as a nation. Hitler claimed that German survival depended on its ability to resist the massive faceless hordes against Germany that had been created and projected by Frederick the Great and his successors.1 He contends that Russia was Germany’s chief rival in Europe and that there had to be a final showdown between them if Germany was to become a great power.2 Hitler claimed that this showdown had to take place as Russia was becoming the center of Marxism due to the October Revolution and the founding of the Soviet Union. He stated that Russia was seeking to destroy the German state by launching a general attack on it and German culture through the introduction of Leninist principles to the German population. Hitler declared that this infiltration of Leninist principles from Russia was a disease and form of decay. Due to these principles, the German people had abandoned the wisdom and actions of Frederick the Great, which was slowly destroying German art and culture.3 Finally, beyond this expression of fear, Hitler advocated that Russia represented the only area in Europe open to German expansion.4 This would later form the basis for Operation Barbarossa and the German invasion of Russia in 1941 in which Germany entered into its final conflict with Russia, conquering most of European 1 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans Ralph Manheim (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943, originally published 1926), 197. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Party Politics of Political Decentralization Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6jw6f00k Author Wainfan, Kathryn Tanya Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Party Politics of Political Decentralization A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 c Copyright by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Party Politics of Political Decentralization by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Michael F. Thies, Chair In this dissertation, I ask why certain types of parties would agree to support creating or empowering sub-national governments. In particular, I focus on nationalized parties { those that gain support from throughout a country. Political decentralization can negatively impact nationalized parties in at least two ways. First, it reduces the amount of power a party can enjoy should it win control of the national-level government. Second, previous studies show that political decentralization can increase party denationalization, meaning regional parties gain more support, even during national-level elections. I argue that nationalized parties may support decentralization when doing so reduces the ideological conflicts over national-level policy among voters whose support they seek. By altering political institutions, a party may be able to accommodate differing policy prefer- ences in different parts of the country, or limit the damage to the party's electoral fortunes such differences could create. -
Andreas Umland the FASCIST THREAT in POST-SOVIET RUSSIA an Investigation Into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Su
Andreas Umland THE FASCIST THREAT IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA An Investigation into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Suggestion on the Appropriateness of the `Weimar Russia' Metaphor Contents Abbreviations Part I: Fascist Tendencies in Zhirinovskii's Writings in the Newspaper Liberal 1. The Research Framework and Political Context of the Chapter Right-Wing Extremism and Peace Studies Zhirinovskii versus Gaidar 2. The `Whys' of Studying Fascism in Russia 2.1. The Significance of Zhirinovskii's Political Ideas The LDPR's Direct Influence on Russian Politics The LDPR's Indirect Influence on Russian Politics 2.2. `Fascism' - a Redundant Label? 2.3. `Fascism' in Post-Soviet Russia `Fascism' vs. `Right-Wing Extremism' The Moscow Anti-Fascist Centre `Fascism' as a Legal Term `Fascism's' Pre-Eminence 3. Identifying Fascism 3.1. Some Methodological Problems of Empirical Fascist Studies in Russia `Fascism' a Special Notion in Russia? Zhirinovskii a Fascist?: Pros and Cons My Approach to Zhirinovskii's Fascism The Procedure of this Inquir 3.2. Some Problems of a Theoretical Conceptualization of Fascism Generic Fascism as a Sub-Type of Right-Wing Extremism Concepts of Fascist Ideology 1 3.3. An Operational Definition of Fascism Griffin's `Fascist Minimum' A Note on Contemporary Russian Political Terminology 4. Palingenetic Ultra-Nationalism in Zhirinovskii's Articles in Liberal 4.1. The Newspaper Liberal 4.2. Zhirinovskii's Articles in Liberal Number 2-3, 1990 Number 4-5, 1992 Number 6-7, 1992 Number 8-9, 1992 Number 10, 1992 Number 1 (11), 1993 Number 2 (12), 1993 Number 3 (13), 1993 4.3. -
The Russians and the Turks: Imperialism and Nationalism in the Era of Empires
The Russians and the Turks: Imperialism and Nationalism in the Era of Empires NORMAN STONE,SERGEI PODBOLOTOV,MURAT YASAR Comparing Russia and Turkey might appear to be a far-fetched enterprise. The differences are obvious, even too obvious to be dwelt upon at any length. There is a problem as to definition—what was nationalism about— and there is a difficulty as regards effect and timing. Russian nationalism (as distinct from empire-loyalism) is a nineteenth-century creation and Turkish nationalism came into being even later. Russian nationalists did not have to create a state until very, very late in the day—the end of the twentieth century, where Lenin’s body still lies in Red Square next to the symbols of imperial Russia. Turkic nationalists came into their own during the War of Independence after 1918, when, in response to Greek and other invasions, a new Turkish State was created. Its makers maybe had a long ancestry in terms of Muslims versus Christians, but their ancestry in terms of Turkish nationalism was quite short, not much longer than a single gen- eration. In fact you can more or less date Turkish nationalism back to a conference in Paris in 1902, when various associations, broadly known as “Young Turks,” established a single “Union and Progress” association (which, like the almost contemporaneous Russian social-democratic con- gress, famously split). This essay will suggest that, despite these obvious differences, when it comes to imperialism and nationalism, there are never the less tantalizing comparisons throughout. A symbol: in both, the word ‘empire’ and ‘na- tionalism’ had to be adapted from imports (for instance, in Turkish, im- paratorluk). -
Nicholas Brooke Phd Thesis
THE DOGS THAT DIDN'T BARK: POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND NATIONALISM IN SCOTLAND, WALES AND ENGLAND Nicholas Brooke A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2016 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8079 This item is protected by original copyright The Dogs That Didn't Bark: Political Violence and Nationalism in Scotland, Wales and England Nicholas Brooke This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 30th June 2015 1 Abstract The literature on terrorism and political violence covers in depth the reasons why some national minorities, such as the Irish, Basques and Tamils, have adopted violent methods as a means of achieving their political goals, but the study of why similar groups (such as the Scots and Welsh) remained non-violent, has been largely neglected. In isolation it is difficult to adequately assess the key variables behind why something did not happen, but when compared to a similar violent case, this form of academic exercise can be greatly beneficial. This thesis demonstrates what we can learn from studying ‘negative cases’ - nationalist movements that abstain from political violence - particularly with regards to how the state should respond to minimise the likelihood of violent activity, as well as the interplay of societal factors in the initiation of violent revolt. This is achieved by considering the cases of Wales, England and Scotland, the latter of which recently underwent a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom (accomplished without the use of political violence) and comparing them with the national movement in Ireland, looking at both violent and non-violent manifestations of nationalism in both territories. -
Imagining Turan: Homeland and Its Political Implications in the Literary Work of Hüseyinzade Ali [Turan] and Mehmet Ziya [Gökalp]
Middle Eastern Studies ISSN: 0026-3206 (Print) 1743-7881 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fmes20 Imagining Turan: homeland and its political implications in the literary work of Hüseyinzade Ali [Turan] and Mehmet Ziya [Gökalp] Ioannis N. Grigoriadis & Arzu Opçin-Kıdal To cite this article: Ioannis N. Grigoriadis & Arzu Opçin-Kıdal (2020) Imagining Turan: homeland and its political implications in the literary work of Hüseyinzade Ali [Turan] and Mehmet Ziya [Gökalp], Middle Eastern Studies, 56:3, 482-495, DOI: 10.1080/00263206.2019.1706167 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1706167 Published online: 31 Jan 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 109 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fmes20 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES 2020, VOL. 56, NO. 3, 482–495 https://doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2019.1706167 Imagining Turan: homeland and its political implications in the literary work of Huseyinzade€ Ali [Turan] and Mehmet Ziya [Gokalp]€ Ioannis N. Grigoriadis and Arzu Opc¸in-Kıdal Department of Political Science & Public Administration, Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey While scholarly interest in the influence of Tatar intellectuals on Turkish nationalism has been strong, less attention has been paid to the interactions between Russian Azerbaijani and Ottoman Turkish intellectuals. While the work of Ismail Gasprinski1 and Yusuf Akc¸ura,2 leading figures in the nationalist mobilization of Turkic populations of the Russian Empire, has attracted substantial consideration,3 the work of Huseyinzade€ Ali [Turan],4 has remained relatively neglected. -
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War
Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Crisis in Russian Studies? Nationalism (Imperialism), Racism and War TARAS KUZIO ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2020 ISBN 978-1-910814-55-0 This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials/scholarly use. Production: Michael Tang Cover Image: Triff/Shutterstock A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union
SOVEREIGNTY AFTER EMPIRE Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union Galina Starovoitova UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Foreword ix 1 Introduction 1 2 Contemporary Nationalism and the Problem of Self-Determination 3 3 Hopes and Disappointments: Case Studies 9 4 Approaches of Decision Makers: Interviews with Mikhail Gorbachev, Jack Matlock, Sam Nunn, and Margaret Thatcher 30 5 Criteria for Self-Determination 36 6 Conclusion 39 Notes 41 Acknowledgments 43 About the Author 45 About the Institute 47 v on case studies and the observations of political lead- ers and top-level foreign policy officials. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CONTEMPORARY NATIONALISM Contrary to the scenarios of global integration, nation- alism has not weakened in global society, but has, in KEY POINTS fact, gained strength. National feelings are rooted in the idea of a linguistic, religious, and psychological community based on the ancient kinship of the mem- bers of a given ethnic group. Only a powerful internal security apparatus could maintain the Soviet Union’s facade of a multinational socialist federation, so it is not surprising that the em- pire disintegrated upon communism’s discreditation. The Soviet republics exercised their right to secede soon after the August 1991 putsch. Holding a status below the union republics in the Soviet hierarchical system, autonomous territories were not so privileged. INTRODUCTION THE UNATTAINABLE RIGHT TO SELF- DETERMINATION The “right” to self-determination has recently reemerged as the focus of much debate, as its fulfill- At a time when ethnic groups are striving to affirm ment—or denial—quite often results in mass violence. -
THE RISE and FALL of the BLACK HUNDRED by Jacob Langer Department of History Duke Univers
CORRUPTION AND THE COUNTERREVOLUTION: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE BLACK HUNDRED by Jacob Langer Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Marty Miller, Supervisor ___________________________ Donald Raleigh ___________________________ Warren Lerner ___________________________ Alex Roland Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2007 ABSTRACT CORRUPTION AND THE COUNTERREVOLUTION: THE RISE AND FALL OF THE BLACK HUNDRED by Jacob Langer Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Marty Miller, Supervisor ___________________________ Donald Raleigh ___________________________ Warren Lerner ___________________________ Alex Roland An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2007 Copyright by Jacob Langer 2007 Abstract This dissertation analyzes the ideology and activities of the Black Hundred movement at the end of the Imperial period in Russia (1905-1917). It seeks to explain the reasons for the sudden, rapid expansion of Black Hundred organizations in 1905, as well as the causes of their decline, which began just two years after their appearance. It further attempts to elucidate the complex relationship between the Black Hundred and Russian authorities, including the central government and local officials. The problem is approached by offering two distinct perspectives on the Black Hundred. First, a broad overview of the movement is presented. The focus here is on the headquarter branches of Black Hundred organizations in St. Petersburg, but these chapters also look at the activities of many different provincial branches, relating trends in the provinces to events in the center in order to draw conclusions about the nature of the overall movement.