The Influence of Nationalism on Russian Security Policy: the Logics of (Dis)-Order and Terrorism in the Shift from Nation-State to Nation- Civilization
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Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism
Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism MARK R. BEISSINGER Abstract This article examines the role of nationalism in the collapse of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s, arguing that nationalism (both in its presence and its absence, and in the various conflicts and disorders that it unleashed) played an important role in structuring the way in which communism collapsed. Two institutions of international and cultural control in particular – the Warsaw Pact and ethnofederalism – played key roles in determining which communist regimes failed and which survived. The article argues that the collapse of communism was not a series of isolated, individual national stories of resistance but a set of interrelated streams of activity in which action in one context profoundly affected action in other contexts – part of a larger tide of assertions of national sovereignty that swept through the Soviet empire during this period. That nationalism should be considered among the causes of the collapse of communism is not a view shared by everyone. A number of works on the end of communism in the Soviet Union have argued, for instance, that nationalism played only a minor role in the process – that the main events took place within official institutions in Moscow and had relatively little to do with society, or that nationalism was a marginal motivation or influence on the actions of those involved in key decision-making. Failed institutions and ideologies, an economy in decline, the burden of military competition with the United States and instrumental goals of self-enrichment among the nomenklatura instead loom large in these accounts.1 In many narratives of the end of communism, nationalism is portrayed merely as a consequence of communism’s demise, as a phase after communism disintegrated – not as an autonomous or contributing force within the process of collapse itself. -
EXONYMS and OTHER GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES Drago Perko, Peter Jordan, Blaž Komac MATJAŽ GERŠIČ MATJAŽ Slovenia As an Exonym in Some Languages
57-1-Special issue_acta49-1.qxd 5.5.2017 9:31 Page 99 Acta geographica Slovenica, 57-1, 2017, 99–107 EXONYMS AND OTHER GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES Drago Perko, Peter Jordan, Blaž Komac MATJAŽ GERŠIČ MATJAŽ Slovenia as an exonym in some languages. Drago Perko, Peter Jordan, Blaž Komac, Exonyms and other geographical names Exonyms and other geographical names DOI: http: //dx.doi.org/10.3986/AGS.4891 UDC: 91:81’373.21 COBISS: 1.02 ABSTRACT: Geographical names are proper names of geographical features. They are characterized by different meanings, contexts, and history. Local names of geographical features (endonyms) may differ from the foreign names (exonyms) for the same feature. If a specific geographical name has been codi - fied or in any other way established by an authority of the area where this name is located, this name is a standardized geographical name. In order to establish solid common ground, geographical names have been coordinated at a global level by the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (UNGEGN) since 1959. It is assisted by twenty-four regional linguistic/geographical divisions. Among these is the East Central and South-East Europe Division, with seventeen member states. Currently, the divi - sion is chaired by Slovenia. Some of the participants in the last session prepared four research articles for this special thematic issue of Acta geographica Slovenica . All of them are also briefly presented in the end of this article. KEY WORDS: geographical name, endonym, exonym, UNGEGN, cultural heritage This article was submitted for publication on November 15 th , 2016. ADDRESSES: Drago Perko, Ph.D. -
Exonyms – Standards Or from the Secretariat Message from the Secretariat 4
NO. 50 JUNE 2016 In this issue Preface Message from the Chairperson 3 Exonyms – standards or From the Secretariat Message from the Secretariat 4 Special Feature – Exonyms – standards standardization? or standardization? What are the benefits of discerning 5-6 between endonym and exonym and what does this divide mean Use of Exonyms in National 6-7 Exonyms/Endonyms Standardization of Geographical Names in Ukraine Dealing with Exonyms in Croatia 8-9 History of Exonyms in Madagascar 9-11 Are there endonyms, exonyms or both? 12-15 The need for standardization Exonyms, Standards and 15-18 Standardization: New Directions Practice of Exonyms use in Egypt 19-24 Dealing with Exonyms in Slovenia 25-29 Exonyms Used for Country Names in the 29 Repubic of Korea Botswana – Exonyms – standards or 30 standardization? From the Divisions East Central and South-East Europe 32 Division Portuguese-speaking Division 33 From the Working Groups WG on Exonyms 31 WG on Evaluation and Implementation 34 From the Countries Burkina Faso 34-37 Brazil 38 Canada 38-42 Republic of Korea 42 Indonesia 43 Islamic Republic of Iran 44 Saudi Arabia 45-46 Sri Lanka 46-48 State of Palestine 48-50 Training and Eucation International Consortium of Universities 51 for Training in Geographical Names established Upcoming Meetings 52 UNGEGN Information Bulletin No. 50 June 2106 Page 1 UNGEGN Information Bulletin The Information Bulletin of the United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names (formerly UNGEGN Newsletter) is issued twice a year by the Secretariat of the Group of Experts. The Secretariat is served by the Statistics Division (UNSD), Department for Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), Secretariat of the United Nations. -
Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity: Perspectives from Below
Nationalities Papers (2021), 49: 1, 89–107 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.8 ARTICLE Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity: Perspectives from Below Matthew Blackburn* The Institute of Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected], [email protected] Abstract Based on more than 100 interviews in European Russia, this article sheds light on the bottom-up dynamics of Russian nationalism. After offering a characterization of the post-2012 “state-civilization” discourse from above, I examine how ordinary people imagine Russia as a “state-civilization.” Interview narratives of inclusion into the nation are found to overlap with state discourse on three main lines: (1) ethno-nationalism is rejected, and Russia is imagined to be a unique, harmonious multi-ethnic space in which the Russians (russkie) lead without repressing the others; (2) Russia’s multinationalism is remembered in myths of peaceful interactions between Russians (russkie) and indigenous ethnic groups (korennyye narodi) across the imperial and Soviet past; (3) Russian culture and language are perceived as the glue that holds together a unified category of nationhood. Interview narratives on exclusion deviate from state discourse in two key areas: attitudes to the North Caucasus reveal the geopolitical-security, post-imperial aspect of the “state- civilization” identity, while stances toward non-Slavic migrants in city spaces reveal a degree of “cultural nationalism” that, while -
THE WARP of the SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-Westernism, Russophilia, Traditionalism
HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA studies17 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism... BELGRADE, 2016 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism… Edition: Studies No. 17 Publisher: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia www.helsinki.org.rs For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Reviewed by: Prof. Dr. Dubravka Stojanović Prof. Dr. Momir Samardžić Dr Hrvoje Klasić Layout and design: Ivan Hrašovec Printed by: Grafiprof, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN 978-86-7208-203-6 This publication is a part of the project “Serbian Identity in the 21st Century” implemented with the assistance from the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. CONTENTS Publisher’s Note . 5 TRANSITION AND IDENTITIES JOVAN KOMŠIĆ Democratic Transition And Identities . 11 LATINKA PEROVIĆ Serbian-Russian Historical Analogies . 57 MILAN SUBOTIĆ, A Different Russia: From Serbia’s Perspective . 83 SRĐAN BARIŠIĆ The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies . 105 RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER DR. JELICA KURJAK “Soft Power” in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation . 129 DR MILIVOJ BEŠLIN A “New” History For A New Identity . 139 SONJA BISERKO, SEŠKA STANOJLOVIĆ Russia’s Soft Power Expands . 157 SERBIA, EU, EAST DR BORIS VARGA Belgrade And Kiev Between Brussels And Moscow . 169 DIMITRIJE BOAROV More Politics Than Business . 215 PETAR POPOVIĆ Serbian-Russian Joint Military Exercise . 235 SONJA BISERKO Russia and NATO: A Test of Strength over Montenegro . -
Russian Nationalism and Pamiat
University of Northern Iowa UNI ScholarWorks Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006) Honors Program 1991 Russian nationalism and Pamiat Brian Granger University of Northern Iowa Let us know how access to this document benefits ouy Copyright ©1991 Brian Granger Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uni.edu/pst Part of the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Granger, Brian, "Russian nationalism and Pamiat" (1991). Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006). 73. https://scholarworks.uni.edu/pst/73 This Open Access Presidential Scholars Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at UNI ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Presidential Scholars Theses (1990 – 2006) by an authorized administrator of UNI ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. l Br.i.an Granqe:r: Preside ntial Scholars Thesis 1991 University of Northern Iowa I?"u.s ~:;.i.an Nat :i.onal:i s m and. Pam:i._ at_' _ More than seventy years after the October Re volution a crisis in the Sov.i.et Union haE:; cnusr:)d its c itiz.1:,•nf., to ffu.:[ f e r a lof;f; of: f::a1 th. This disillusionment s e e mingly stems from the lack of suc cess in economic reform and. the chnos of the democratization policy imple mented since the rise to power of M. S. Gorbache v in March 1985 . The following reaction has not merely c ondemne d. Gorbachev'r.;; "exper.i.mentat:i.on" with the Pand.orn' ~,; box of pereutroi)<<::1 ancl.gl<::isnout. -
Manifestations of Nationalism: the Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990S
Europe-Asia Studies ISSN: 0966-8136 (Print) 1465-3427 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ceas20 Manifestations of Nationalism: The Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990s Nada Boškovska & Jeronim Perović To cite this article: Nada Boškovska & Jeronim Perović (2018) Manifestations of Nationalism: The Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990s, Europe-Asia Studies, 70:6, 853-861, DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2018.1489631 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2018.1489631 Published online: 31 Jul 2018. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ceas20 VOL 70, NO. 6, AUGUST 853–861 EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES, 2018 Vol 70, No. 6, August 2018, 853–861 Manifestations of Nationalism: The Caucasus from Late Soviet Times to the Early 1990s NADA BOŠKOVSKA & JERONIM PEROVIĆ WHEN MIKHAIL GORBACHEV INTRODUCED HIS POLICY OF REFORMS, he was not prepared for the rise of nationalism and ethnic conflict that would grip the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s. As a native of the ethnically mixed Stavropol Krai in the North Caucasus, Gorbachev, according to his own account, was well aware of the multinational character of the Soviet Union and the sensitivities of some of its ethnic minority groups (Nahaylo & Swoboda 1990, p. 231). However, in line with Marxist thinking, which anticipated the decline of nationalism, he was brought up believing that the ‘friendship among peoples’ was strong and that in socialism nations would ultimately grow ever closer together until their complete fusion (sliyanie) into a supranational ‘Soviet people’. -
The Chinese Civilization-State and Its Global Ambition1
DOI 10.20544/HORIZONS.A.27.4.20.P01 UDC 008(510) 339.56(510:100) 339.727.22(510:100) THE AWAKENING OF THE GIANT: THE CHINESE CIVILIZATION-STATE AND ITS GLOBAL AMBITION1 Goran Ilik, PhD Faculty of Law, University “St. Kliment Ohridski” - Bitola [email protected] Abstract This paper presents the basic premises of China as an emerging global actor with all its specificities of civilization-state. The Chinese civilization has an essential and complex body. It is this feeling of civilizational grandeur that generates a conviction in Chinese greatness. Special emphasis is given to the new global strategy of China, as a doctrine of President Xi Jinping. This new strategy is especially highlighted through the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) as the biggest project of the century and its 17+1 framework. The direct investment of China in countries around the world, appear as latent and hegemonic instruments for expansion of its political influence. Both, the BRI and the 17+1 framework represent triggers for achieving the Chinese global ambition. Keywords: China, Civilization-State, Nation-State, BRI, 17+1 INTRODUCTION “China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, for when she wakes she will move the world.” ― Napoleon Bonaparte 1 review scientific paper 7 This is a work of exploratory research conducted upon the content analysis method, comparative analysis method and descriptive method aiming to identify the main attributes of the Chinese exceptionality and the elements of its global or “going-out” strategy. This research seeks to answer the following research questions (RQ): RQ1) What are the building-blocks of the Chinese civilization-state? RQ2) What is the essence of Chinese global ambition? The choice of this research is to present the building-blocks of the Chinese civilization-state and the Chinese global ambition, embodied in the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) and the 17+1 framework, as paradigms for shifting its global political power in an unconventional way - through the use of economy, trade and investments. -
The German Fear of Russia Russia and Its Place Within German History
The German Fear of Russia Russia and its place within German History By Rob Dumont An Honours Thesis submitted to the History Department of the University of Lethbridge in partial fulfillment of the requirements for History 4995 The University of Lethbridge April 2013 Table of Contents Introduction 1-7 Chapter 1 8-26 Chapter 2 27-37 Chapter 3 38-51 Chapter 4 39- 68 Conclusion 69-70 Bibliography 71-75 Introduction In Mein Kampf, Hitler reflects upon the perceived failure of German foreign policy regarding Russia before 1918. He argues that Germany ultimately had to prepare for a final all- out war of extermination against Russia if Germany was to survive as a nation. Hitler claimed that German survival depended on its ability to resist the massive faceless hordes against Germany that had been created and projected by Frederick the Great and his successors.1 He contends that Russia was Germany’s chief rival in Europe and that there had to be a final showdown between them if Germany was to become a great power.2 Hitler claimed that this showdown had to take place as Russia was becoming the center of Marxism due to the October Revolution and the founding of the Soviet Union. He stated that Russia was seeking to destroy the German state by launching a general attack on it and German culture through the introduction of Leninist principles to the German population. Hitler declared that this infiltration of Leninist principles from Russia was a disease and form of decay. Due to these principles, the German people had abandoned the wisdom and actions of Frederick the Great, which was slowly destroying German art and culture.3 Finally, beyond this expression of fear, Hitler advocated that Russia represented the only area in Europe open to German expansion.4 This would later form the basis for Operation Barbarossa and the German invasion of Russia in 1941 in which Germany entered into its final conflict with Russia, conquering most of European 1 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, trans Ralph Manheim (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1943, originally published 1926), 197. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title The Party Politics of Political Decentralization Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6jw6f00k Author Wainfan, Kathryn Tanya Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles The Party Politics of Political Decentralization A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 c Copyright by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Party Politics of Political Decentralization by Kathryn Tanya Wainfan Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Michael F. Thies, Chair In this dissertation, I ask why certain types of parties would agree to support creating or empowering sub-national governments. In particular, I focus on nationalized parties { those that gain support from throughout a country. Political decentralization can negatively impact nationalized parties in at least two ways. First, it reduces the amount of power a party can enjoy should it win control of the national-level government. Second, previous studies show that political decentralization can increase party denationalization, meaning regional parties gain more support, even during national-level elections. I argue that nationalized parties may support decentralization when doing so reduces the ideological conflicts over national-level policy among voters whose support they seek. By altering political institutions, a party may be able to accommodate differing policy prefer- ences in different parts of the country, or limit the damage to the party's electoral fortunes such differences could create. -
SESSION I : Geographical Names and Sea Names
The 14th International Seminar on Sea Names Geography, Sea Names, and Undersea Feature Names Types of the International Standardization of Sea Names: Some Clues for the Name East Sea* Sungjae Choo (Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Kyung-Hee University Seoul 130-701, KOREA E-mail: [email protected]) Abstract : This study aims to categorize and analyze internationally standardized sea names based on their origins. Especially noting the cases of sea names using country names and dual naming of seas, it draws some implications for complementing logics for the name East Sea. Of the 110 names for 98 bodies of water listed in the book titled Limits of Oceans and Seas, the most prevalent cases are named after adjacent geographical features; followed by commemorative names after persons, directions, and characteristics of seas. These international practices of naming seas are contrary to Japan's argument for the principle of using the name of archipelago or peninsula. There are several cases of using a single name of country in naming a sea bordering more than two countries, with no serious disputes. This implies that a specific focus should be given to peculiar situation that the name East Sea contains, rather than the negative side of using single country name. In order to strengthen the logic for justifying dual naming, it is suggested, an appropriate reference should be made to the three newly adopted cases of dual names, in the respects of the history of the surrounding region and the names, people's perception, power structure of the relevant countries, and the process of the standardization of dual names. -
Andreas Umland the FASCIST THREAT in POST-SOVIET RUSSIA an Investigation Into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Su
Andreas Umland THE FASCIST THREAT IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA An Investigation into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Suggestion on the Appropriateness of the `Weimar Russia' Metaphor Contents Abbreviations Part I: Fascist Tendencies in Zhirinovskii's Writings in the Newspaper Liberal 1. The Research Framework and Political Context of the Chapter Right-Wing Extremism and Peace Studies Zhirinovskii versus Gaidar 2. The `Whys' of Studying Fascism in Russia 2.1. The Significance of Zhirinovskii's Political Ideas The LDPR's Direct Influence on Russian Politics The LDPR's Indirect Influence on Russian Politics 2.2. `Fascism' - a Redundant Label? 2.3. `Fascism' in Post-Soviet Russia `Fascism' vs. `Right-Wing Extremism' The Moscow Anti-Fascist Centre `Fascism' as a Legal Term `Fascism's' Pre-Eminence 3. Identifying Fascism 3.1. Some Methodological Problems of Empirical Fascist Studies in Russia `Fascism' a Special Notion in Russia? Zhirinovskii a Fascist?: Pros and Cons My Approach to Zhirinovskii's Fascism The Procedure of this Inquir 3.2. Some Problems of a Theoretical Conceptualization of Fascism Generic Fascism as a Sub-Type of Right-Wing Extremism Concepts of Fascist Ideology 1 3.3. An Operational Definition of Fascism Griffin's `Fascist Minimum' A Note on Contemporary Russian Political Terminology 4. Palingenetic Ultra-Nationalism in Zhirinovskii's Articles in Liberal 4.1. The Newspaper Liberal 4.2. Zhirinovskii's Articles in Liberal Number 2-3, 1990 Number 4-5, 1992 Number 6-7, 1992 Number 8-9, 1992 Number 10, 1992 Number 1 (11), 1993 Number 2 (12), 1993 Number 3 (13), 1993 4.3.