Andreas Umland the FASCIST THREAT in POST-SOVIET RUSSIA an Investigation Into the LDPR-Ideology 1990-1993, and Some Tentative Su
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Social Fascism Revisited
Stefan Vogt. Nationaler Sozialismus und Soziale Demokratie: Die sozialdemokratische Junge Rechte 1918-1945. Bonn: Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf., 2006. 502 S. gebunden, ISBN 978-3-8012-4161-2. Reviewed by Eric Kurlander Published on H-German (May, 2007) During the tumultuous fourteen years of the ed the chief bulwark against both communism Weimar Republic, members of the Communist and fascism. Indeed, leading socialist moderates, Party (KPD) regularly assailed their moderate So‐ sometimes referred to as the Junge Rechte, en‐ cial Democratic Party (SPD) colleagues with accu‐ dorsed "social market" capitalism, peaceful revi‐ sations of "social fascism." By allying with bour‐ sion of the Versailles Treaty, and a bourgeois al‐ geois parties in defense of a liberal democratic liance in defense of liberal democracy. Though state, the Communists argued, the SPD fomented they failed in staving off fascism, these historians nationalist revisionism, monopoly capitalism, argue," the "young Right" succeeded in paving the and--inevitably--fascism. Few western scholars way for the social liberalism of postwar ("Bad have accepted this critique in its entirety, but Godesberg") Social Democracy.[2] many have blamed the Majority Socialists' initial Stefan Vogt's new intellectual history rejects vacillation between Left and Right for the weak‐ this bourgeois revisionism out of hand, adding a ness and ultimate collapse of the Weimar Repub‐ new wrinkle to the "social fascist" paradigm of the lic. Rather than nationalizing heavy industry, 1930s. In Vogt's provocative reading of events, purging the monarchist bureaucracy, or breaking Weimar social democracy enabled fascism not up Junker estates, the SPD colluded with right- only in its hostility to the communist Left but in wing paramilitary groups in 1919 to suppress its ideological commitment to the radical Right. -
Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism
Nationalism and the Collapse of Soviet Communism MARK R. BEISSINGER Abstract This article examines the role of nationalism in the collapse of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s, arguing that nationalism (both in its presence and its absence, and in the various conflicts and disorders that it unleashed) played an important role in structuring the way in which communism collapsed. Two institutions of international and cultural control in particular – the Warsaw Pact and ethnofederalism – played key roles in determining which communist regimes failed and which survived. The article argues that the collapse of communism was not a series of isolated, individual national stories of resistance but a set of interrelated streams of activity in which action in one context profoundly affected action in other contexts – part of a larger tide of assertions of national sovereignty that swept through the Soviet empire during this period. That nationalism should be considered among the causes of the collapse of communism is not a view shared by everyone. A number of works on the end of communism in the Soviet Union have argued, for instance, that nationalism played only a minor role in the process – that the main events took place within official institutions in Moscow and had relatively little to do with society, or that nationalism was a marginal motivation or influence on the actions of those involved in key decision-making. Failed institutions and ideologies, an economy in decline, the burden of military competition with the United States and instrumental goals of self-enrichment among the nomenklatura instead loom large in these accounts.1 In many narratives of the end of communism, nationalism is portrayed merely as a consequence of communism’s demise, as a phase after communism disintegrated – not as an autonomous or contributing force within the process of collapse itself. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
Russisk Strategisk Kultur Under Putin
Rapprt FEBRUAR 2018 Russisk strategisk kultur under Putin Af Jørgen Staun, Ph.d, Lektor i international politik, Institut for Strategi, Forsvarsakademiet, e-mail: [email protected] FORSVARSAKADEMIET Russisk strategisk kultur under Putin Af Jørgen Staun, Ph.d, Lektor i international politik, Institut for Strategi, Forsvarsakademiet E-mail: [email protected] © Forsvarsakademiet Alle rettigheder forbeholdes. Mekanisk, fotografisk eller anden gengivelse af eller kopiering fra denne publikation eller dele heraf er kun tilladt i overensstemmelse med aftaler mellem Forsvaret og Copy- Dan. Enhver anden udnyttelse uden Forsvarsakademiets skriftlige samtykke er forbudt i følge gældende lov om ophavsret. Undtaget herfra er korte uddrag til brug ved anmeldelser København februar 2018 Forsvarsakademiet Svanemøllens Kaserne Ryvangs Allé 1 2100 København Ø Tlf.: +45 728 17000 Ansvarshavende redaktør: Anja Dalgaard-Nielsen, Chef for Institut for Strategi Layout: FAK ISBN: 978-87-7147-225-7 Russisk strategisk kultur under Putin INDHOLDSFORTEGNELSE Abstract .................................................................................................... 4 Indledning ................................................................................................. 5 Strategisk kultur-teori ................................................................................. 6 Indledende drøftelser: Ruslands strategiske kultur under Putin ........................ 8 Internationalt niveau: Rusland som stormagt .............................................. 11 Realisme og -
Rock in the Reservation: Songs from the Leningrad Rock Club 1981-86 (1St Edition)
R O C K i n t h e R E S E R V A T I O N Songs from the Leningrad Rock Club 1981-86 Yngvar Bordewich Steinholt Rock in the Reservation: Songs from the Leningrad Rock Club 1981-86 (1st edition). (text, 2004) Yngvar B. Steinholt. New York and Bergen, Mass Media Music Scholars’ Press, Inc. viii + 230 pages + 14 photo pages. Delivered in pdf format for printing in March 2005. ISBN 0-9701684-3-8 Yngvar Bordewich Steinholt (b. 1969) currently teaches Russian Cultural History at the Department of Russian Studies, Bergen University (http://www.hf.uib.no/i/russisk/steinholt). The text is a revised and corrected version of the identically entitled doctoral thesis, publicly defended on 12. November 2004 at the Humanistics Faculty, Bergen University, in partial fulfilment of the Doctor Artium degree. Opponents were Associate Professor Finn Sivert Nielsen, Institute of Anthropology, Copenhagen University, and Professor Stan Hawkins, Institute of Musicology, Oslo University. The pagination, numbering, format, size, and page layout of the original thesis do not correspond to the present edition. Photographs by Andrei ‘Villi’ Usov ( A. Usov) are used with kind permission. Cover illustrations by Nikolai Kopeikin were made exclusively for RiR. Published by Mass Media Music Scholars’ Press, Inc. 401 West End Avenue # 3B New York, NY 10024 USA Preface i Acknowledgements This study has been completed with the generous financial support of The Research Council of Norway (Norges Forskningsråd). It was conducted at the Department of Russian Studies in the friendly atmosphere of the Institute of Classical Philology, Religion and Russian Studies (IKRR), Bergen University. -
The Culture of Wikipedia
Good Faith Collaboration: The Culture of Wikipedia Good Faith Collaboration The Culture of Wikipedia Joseph Michael Reagle Jr. Foreword by Lawrence Lessig The MIT Press, Cambridge, MA. Web edition, Copyright © 2011 by Joseph Michael Reagle Jr. CC-NC-SA 3.0 Purchase at Amazon.com | Barnes and Noble | IndieBound | MIT Press Wikipedia's style of collaborative production has been lauded, lambasted, and satirized. Despite unease over its implications for the character (and quality) of knowledge, Wikipedia has brought us closer than ever to a realization of the centuries-old Author Bio & Research Blog pursuit of a universal encyclopedia. Good Faith Collaboration: The Culture of Wikipedia is a rich ethnographic portrayal of Wikipedia's historical roots, collaborative culture, and much debated legacy. Foreword Preface to the Web Edition Praise for Good Faith Collaboration Preface Extended Table of Contents "Reagle offers a compelling case that Wikipedia's most fascinating and unprecedented aspect isn't the encyclopedia itself — rather, it's the collaborative culture that underpins it: brawling, self-reflexive, funny, serious, and full-tilt committed to the 1. Nazis and Norms project, even if it means setting aside personal differences. Reagle's position as a scholar and a member of the community 2. The Pursuit of the Universal makes him uniquely situated to describe this culture." —Cory Doctorow , Boing Boing Encyclopedia "Reagle provides ample data regarding the everyday practices and cultural norms of the community which collaborates to 3. Good Faith Collaboration produce Wikipedia. His rich research and nuanced appreciation of the complexities of cultural digital media research are 4. The Puzzle of Openness well presented. -
Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity: Perspectives from Below
Nationalities Papers (2021), 49: 1, 89–107 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.8 ARTICLE Mainstream Russian Nationalism and the “State-Civilization” Identity: Perspectives from Below Matthew Blackburn* The Institute of Russian and Eurasian Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected], [email protected] Abstract Based on more than 100 interviews in European Russia, this article sheds light on the bottom-up dynamics of Russian nationalism. After offering a characterization of the post-2012 “state-civilization” discourse from above, I examine how ordinary people imagine Russia as a “state-civilization.” Interview narratives of inclusion into the nation are found to overlap with state discourse on three main lines: (1) ethno-nationalism is rejected, and Russia is imagined to be a unique, harmonious multi-ethnic space in which the Russians (russkie) lead without repressing the others; (2) Russia’s multinationalism is remembered in myths of peaceful interactions between Russians (russkie) and indigenous ethnic groups (korennyye narodi) across the imperial and Soviet past; (3) Russian culture and language are perceived as the glue that holds together a unified category of nationhood. Interview narratives on exclusion deviate from state discourse in two key areas: attitudes to the North Caucasus reveal the geopolitical-security, post-imperial aspect of the “state- civilization” identity, while stances toward non-Slavic migrants in city spaces reveal a degree of “cultural nationalism” that, while -
Global Social Fascism: Violence, Law and Twenty-First Century Plunder
Global Social Fascism Violence, Law and Twenty-First Century Plunder Lara Montesinos Coleman Working Paper No. 15 May 2018 CENTRE FOR GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9SN United Kingdom Telephone: +44 (0) 1273 872735 Fax: +44 (0) 1273 723 673563 E-Mail: [email protected] Website: www.sussex.ac.uk/cgpe CGPE WORKING PAPER SERIES The Series aims to publish innovative research that attempts to shed light on and advance our understanding of the forces that influence the production, reproduction and change of our social universe, and thus our multiple ways of being and becoming in the international. To meet this aim the Series will try to foster the inter- and multidisciplinary study of International Political Economy by bringing together scholars, ideas, issues, methods, methodologies, problematiques from different social science disciplines. INFORMATION FOR SUBMISSION Papers should be submitted to the series editor Julian Germann <[email protected]>. All papers will be refereed by CGPE staff or external referees. Changes may be required before publication. The copyright remains with the author(s). Submission specifications: 1. Papers should not exceed 12,000 words. Shorter policy oriented papers of up to 5,000 are also welcomed. 2. A cover page should be included with the title, abstract and author name(s), as well as postal address, telephone and e-mail information. 3. A biographical note of the author(s) should be attached as a separate file. 4. Both the Chicago and Harvard referencing styles are acceptable. Global Social Fascism Violence, Law and Twenty-First Century Plunder Lara Montesinos Coleman is a Senior Lecturer in International Relations, University of Sussex and Co-Director of the Law, Ethics and Democracy Project. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
12 the Return of the Ukrainian Far Right the Case of VO Svoboda
12 The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right The Case of VO Svoboda Per Anders Rudling Ukraine, one of the youngest states in Europe, received its current borders between 1939 and 1954. The country remains divided between east and west, a division that is discernible in language, culture, religion and, not the least, historical memory. Whereas Ukrainian nationalism in the 1990s was described in terms of “a minority faith,” over the past half-decade there has been a signifi cant upswing in far-right activity (Wilson, 1997: 117–146). The far-right tradition is particularly strong in western Ukraine. Today a signifi cant ultra-nationalist party, the All-Ukrainian Association ( Vseukrains’ke Ob ’’ iednanne , VO) Svoboda, appears to be on the verge of a political breakthrough at the national level. This article is a survey, not only of its ideology and the political tradition to which it belongs but also of the political climate which facilitated its growth. It contextualizes the current turn to the right in western Ukraine against the backdrop of instrumental- ization of history and the offi cial rehabilitation of the ultra-nationalists of the 1930s and 1940s. MEMORIES OF A VIOLENT 20TH CENTURY Swept to power by the Orange Revolution, the third president of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko (2005–2010), put in substantial efforts into the pro- duction of historical myths. He tasked a set of nationalistically minded historians to produce and disseminate an edifying national history as well as a new set of national heroes. Given Yushchenko’s aim to unify the country around a new set of historical myths, his legitimizing historians ironically sought their heroes in the interwar period, during which the Ukrainian-speaking lands were divided, and had very different historical experiences. -
The Res Publica Party in Estonia
Meteoric Trajectory: The Res Publica Party in Estonia REIN TAAGEPERA Formed in 2001, Res Publica won the Estonian parliamentary elections in 2003, and its leader became prime minister. It failed to win a single seat in the European Parliament in 2004 and was down to 5 per cent in opinion polls in 2005 when it dropped out of the cabinet. The founding chairperson of the party analyses here the causes for Res Publica’s rapid rise and fall, reviewing the socio-political background and drawing comparisons with other new parties in Europe. Res Publica was a genuinely new party that involved no previous major players. It might be charac- terized as a ‘purifying bridge party’ that filled an empty niche at centre right. Its rise was among the fastest in Europe. For success of a new party, each of three factors must be present to an appreciable degree: Prospect of success ¼ Members  Money  Visibility. Res Publica had all three, but rapid success spoiled the party leadership. Their governing style became arrogant and they veered to the right, alienating their centrist core constituency. It no longer mattered for the quality of Estonian politics whether Res Publica faded or survived. Key words: new parties; Estonia; Res Publica; rightist politics Democratization includes developing a workable party system. Around 2000, I would have told anyone who cared to listen that Estonia had too many parties. A study by Grofman, Mikkel and Taagepera1 also noted that no major new player had entered the field since 1995. We characterized the party constellation in the early 1990s as kaleidoscopic, but gave figures to show that the party system in Estonia seemed to stabilize. -
Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration.