Stefan Vogt. Nationaler Sozialismus und Soziale Demokratie: Die sozialdemokratische Junge Rechte 1918-1945. Bonn: Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf., 2006. 502 S. gebunden, ISBN 978-3-8012-4161-2.
Reviewed by Eric Kurlander
Published on H-German (May, 2007)
During the tumultuous fourteen years of the ed the chief bulwark against both communism Weimar Republic, members of the Communist and fascism. Indeed, leading socialist moderates, Party (KPD) regularly assailed their moderate So‐ sometimes referred to as the Junge Rechte, en‐ cial Democratic Party (SPD) colleagues with accu‐ dorsed "social market" capitalism, peaceful revi‐ sations of "social fascism." By allying with bour‐ sion of the Versailles Treaty, and a bourgeois al‐ geois parties in defense of a liberal democratic liance in defense of liberal democracy. Though state, the Communists argued, the SPD fomented they failed in staving of fascism, these historians nationalist revisionism, monopoly capitalism, argue," the "young Right" succeeded in paving the and--inevitably--fascism. Few western scholars way for the social liberalism of postwar ("Bad have accepted this critique in its entirety, but Godesberg") Social Democracy.[2] many have blamed the Majority Socialists' initial Stefan Vogt's new intellectual history rejects vacillation between Left and Right for the weak‐ this bourgeois revisionism out of hand, adding a ness and ultimate collapse of the Weimar Repub‐ new wrinkle to the "social fascist" paradigm of the lic. Rather than nationalizing heavy industry, 1930s. In Vogt's provocative reading of events, purging the monarchist bureaucracy, or breaking Weimar social democracy enabled fascism not up Junker estates, the SPD colluded with right- only in its hostility to the communist Left but in wing paramilitary groups in 1919 to suppress its ideological commitment to the radical Right. working-class revolutionaries and tolerated a cap‐ Far from suggesting a "third way" between free italist economic order that guaranteed the persis‐ market liberalism and revolutionary Marxism, tence of the conservative elites who brought the Junge Rechte incorporated "national Socialist" down the Weimar Republic.[1] While most histori‐ traditions that were hostile to modernity and ra‐ ans now concede that the 1918-19 revolution was tionality. Like Hitler's National Socialist German "incomplete," however, some contend that such Worker's Party (NSDAP), Vogt suggests, these So‐ moderation was necessary. As the bourgeois par‐ cial Democrats were similarly obsessed with ties disintegrated, the Majority Socialists constitut‐ H-Net Reviews völkisch nationalism and eastward expansion and idealism and anti-Enlightenment irrationality to covetous of the reactionary Mittelstand. Despite prove that Jewish socialists like Bernstein or Co‐ his protests to the contrary, Vogt therefore propos‐ hen provided the basis for National Socialism.[4] es a "special path" thesis rather more teleological The same lack of nuance characterizes Vogt's ap‐ than the frst (pp. 16-22). praisal of Paul Tillich's "religious socialism," A long frst chapter examines the origins of which ostensibly sought "Anschluß an einen ideol‐ the Junge Rechte, or more precisely its ideological ogischen Diskurs, der sonst vom rechten Rand des underpinnings, in the socialist revisionism of the politischen Spektrums" aus betrieben wurde" (p. prewar period. Whereas many historians read Ed‐ 76). Both claims might have been better served by uard Bernstein's turn away from revolutionary drawing out the similarities between "national So‐ Marxism as a pragmatic attempt to create a more cialist" trends on the bourgeois "Left" and the so‐ viable and modern Volkspartei, Vogt locates a cialist "Right." Vogt manages to discuss concepts growing fascination with ethnic nationalism and like Mitteleuropa, "Christian" Socialism, and "na‐ anti-Enlightenment irrationalism. War merely ac‐ tional Socialism" repeatedly without a single ref‐ celerated preexisting trends toward "national So‐ erence to Adolf Stöcker's Christian-Social or cialism" (pp. 27-28). The socialists' decision to sup‐ Friedrich Naumann's National-Social Party (Na‐ port war credits and defend their country from tionalsozialen). These lacunae are especially hard invasion was certainly a departure from doctri‐ to understand when prominent members of both naire Marxism, as Vogt makes clear. But one wish‐ organizations would later join the SPD and/or the es for greater diferentiation between the moder‐ NSDAP. The chapter concludes by examining two ate patriotism endorsed by universalist, and often of the most important social bases of the Junge Jewish, socialists like Bernstein or Hermann Co‐ Rechte in the wake of the First World War, the hen and the exclusionary völkisch nationalism of Jungsozialisten and, more importantly, the the radical Right.[3] It also seems careless to con‐ Hofgeismar discussion circle ("Hofgemeis‐ fate Bernstein's support for colonialism or impe‐ arkreis"). Vogt argues efectively that these two rialism on economic grounds with radical nation‐ groups, impressed more strongly by the war expe‐ alism (pp. 35-39). Paul Lensch or Eduard rience than their older colleagues and radicalized Heimann's emphasis on the "fundamentalen Kon‐ by the Ruhr occupation, sought to emancipate the fik zwischen Deutschland und England, in dem German nation alongside the proletariat. die gesellschaftlichen Prinzipien von Individualis‐ Chapter 2 addresses the organizational devel‐ mus und Liberalismus besonders ausgprägt sein" opment of the Junge Rechte during Weimar's peri‐ has parallels to conservative nationalist propa‐ od of relative political and economic stability. ganda (pp. 41-45). The fact remains, however, that Having come together and matured during the many left-wing socialists also denigrated the indi‐ initial crisis years (1919-24), the Junge Rechte ex‐ vidualistic Anglo-Saxon social order well before perienced a period of political stagnation during Germany entered the First World War. the years of relative stability (1924-30). Vogt According to Vogt, another essential element makes a convincing case, however, that the social‐ in the genesis of "national Socialism" is the Mar‐ ist "right-wing" gained a growing infuence on burger School's decision to oppose an ethical and various republican institutions. Academics like religious socialism inspired by neo-Kantianism to Adolf Reichwein and Eduard Heimann introduced the dialectical materialism of Marx. This section is adult education programs at the universities of fascinating to read and cleverly argued. It none‐ Jena and Berlin, while Theodor Haubach, Gustav theless requires a considerable elision of Kantian Dahrendorf, and Carl Mierendorf took up promi‐ nent positions in the party bureaucracy, the para‐
2 H-Net Reviews military Reichsbanner and socialist press, espe‐ Junge Rechte likewise articulated a view shared cially Die Neuen Blätter für den Sozialismus, by many bourgeois and socialist republicans (pp. which became one of the most infuential socialist 205-206). There is no denying that the ethical con‐ periodicals during the waning years of the cerns of the Junge Rechte with regard to the eco‐ Weimar Republic. From Reich Interior Minister nomic interest politics of the 1920s bore certain Carl Severing to Chancellor Hermann Müller, similarities to the anti-materialism of the bour‐ from intellectuals like Tillich and Radbruch to geois Center-Right. But these concerns were hard‐ journalists like Rathmann and Mierendorf, by the ly indicative of Nazi proclivities. Indeed, Vogt ad‐ late 1920s the "Junge Rechte besaß ein breites und mits numerous times that, despite their putative zuverlässiges Netz an Verbündeten in der ober‐ afnities for the forces of "conservative revolu‐ sten Führungsetage der Partei, etwas, das dem tion," the Junge Rechte remained frmly anchored linken Flügel der Partei weitgehend fehlt" (p. 153). in the ranks of Social Democracy, unwilling to Having established the disproportionate polit‐ abandon proletarian interests, undermine the Re‐ ical and institutional strength of the Junge Rechte, public, or embrace antisemitism (pp. 159-160, Vogt turns in chapter 3 to the "Entwicklung ihrer 165-166, 168-169, 175, 180, 191, 209-210, 212, 215, ideologischen und politischen Diskurse" in the 220, 256-257). These frequent qualifcations do lit‐ context of fve "ideologischer Leitmotive": nation, tle to enhance Vogt's argument. class, state, democracy, and belief. Many of these Shifting the focus from ideology to practice, in arguments are already familiar. There is no chapter 4 the author contends that the Junge doubt, for example, that the Junge Rechte was Rechte manifested strong proclivities for National more "nationalist" than the proletarian Left and Socialism in everyday politics. Here too, little dis‐ the USPD or KPD. But Vogt never really proves tinguishes the Junge Rechte's political support for that their patriotic support for Anschluß with German self-determination or a revision of the Austria, revision of the Versailles Treaty, or the re‐ Versailles Treaty from that of the republican Cen‐ turn of lost territories in the East was qualitative‐ ter-Left (pp. 271-277). The Junge Rechte's concep‐ ly diferent from mainstream socialism. If, in fact, tion of a "socialist market economy" (p. 278) or a there is little to distinguish the Junge Rechte's for‐ "third front" between communism and free mar‐ eign policy from that of Weimar's longtime for‐ ket capitalism (p. 294) seems remarkably similar eign minister and Nobel Peace Prize Winner, Gus‐ to the social market capitalism of Ludwig Erhard, tav Stresemann, are we to believe that he was also the basis of the postwar West German economy. a proto-Nazi? The same lack of diferentiation ap‐ Although clearly ambivalent toward the Weimar plies to Vogt's discussion of class and politics. Vogt constitution, the Junge Rechte's debate about argues that the Junge Rechte, in rejecting the whether to tolerate Heinrich Brüning's minority Marxist idea of outright proletarian revolution-- government was precisely the question facing all which the majority of socialists had already repu‐ moderate republicans who feared an even worse diated before the First World War--favored na‐ dictatorship of the Left or Right. In suggesting that tional over social revolution. Yet this antipathy to the constitution be changed to allow majority in‐ class warfare and support for a "social market stead of proportional voting (p. 297), the Junge economy" seems also to represent a "third way" Rechte wanted to preserve democracy, not under‐ (p. 180) between doctrinaire socialism and free mine it (p. 309). Indeed, the fact that the Junge market capitalism. When it comes to the discus‐ Rechte continually vacillated between authoritari‐ sion of building a stronger executive in order to an and democratic methods of defending the Re‐ ameliorate the exhausting struggles among inter‐ public (pp. 325-336) is perfectly consistent with est groups that were paralyzing parliament, the the stance taken by the Majority Socialists in 1919,
3 H-Net Reviews when Friedrich Ebert and Gustav Noske invoked The author is probably correct when he ar‐ Article 48 and employed the Freikorps to prevent gues that the Junge Rechte contributed little to a Communist revolution. Particularly inscrutable postwar politics; most were too traumatized by is Vogt's assertion that a desire to attract lower- the collapse of Germany's frst republic to engage middle-class voters in the midst of the Great De‐ immediately in building a second. But this reti‐ pression refects widespread sympathies for Na‐ cence hardly confrms a proto-fascist, irrational, tional Socialism (pp. 346-349). The author himself anti-modern trend within German socialism. The admits that "die Möglichkeiten für die SPD, in die communists were certainly more hostile to the Entwicklung einzugreifen, angesichts der vehe‐ Federal Republic, while adherents of the bour‐ menten Ablehnung der Weimarer Demokratie geois Center-Right, which lent the greatest sup‐ durch einen großen Teil des Bürgertums und vor port to Hitler in 1933, were easily the most sup‐ allem der bürgerlichen Eliten denkbar gering portive. It seems that the few concessions to "na‐ waren" (p. 259). What, then, was so "irrational" in tional Socialism" made by the Junge Rechte repre‐ the Junge Rechte's determination to attract disen‐ sented a pragmatic turn to the liberal democratic franchised Mittelstand voters away from the Center, not an ideological leap to the radical Right. Nazis? By 1932 even Leon Trotsky and Rudolf Hil‐ In their desire to expand the socialist constituency ferding, neither of whom could be called National into bourgeois ranks, in their pragmatic support Socialists, had abandoned doctrinaire Marxism in for a "social market" capitalism, and ultimately in the name of building the widest possible coalition their attempt to build a republican front against against fascism.[5] fascism, one hardly gets the sense that the Junge The leitmotif of political and ideological collu‐ Rechte refects a peculiarly German fascination sion also informs the fnal chapter on the Junge with irrationalism, anti-modernism, or authori‐ Rechte's fervent opposition to the Third Reich. tarianism. Rather, in reading Vogt's book, one can‐ For, despite being "disproportionately" represent‐ not help but wonder what might have happened ed among the socialist resistance, Vogt contends had the rest of the Left followed their lead. that these socialists maintained their "zuvor fest‐ Notes gestellten relativen Afnität ... zum National [1]. See, for example, Bela Kun: "[T]he 'Nation‐ Sozialismus" (p. 358). After surveying the Junge al Revolution' of Hitler is a new stage of the "Ger‐ Rechte's central involvement in nearly every im‐ man Revolution" begun in November, 1918. It is portant resistance group, Vogt concludes the indubitably established that the November Revo‐ chapter with an extensive analysis of the Junge lution--not of the German proletariat, but--of Rechte's participation in the famous Kreisau Cir‐ Scheidemann, Ebert, Noske and Haase, and the cle and July 20 plot against Hitler. Numerous his‐ 'National Revolution' of Hitler-Goering-Goebbels- torians have argued that the Kreisauers, for all Rosenberg, are two extremes of one and the same their noble motives, were nationalist conserva‐ process of German historical development, which tives at heart, intent on salvaging German honor have a common content. The unbroken connec‐ and restoring the rule of law, but little interested tion in the further development of German histo‐ in liberal democracy. Vogt suggests, however, that ry from November 1918 (and in the sense of the the Junge Rechte was even more nationalist, au‐ Ninth of November of Ebert, Scheidemann, Noske thoritarian, and culturally pessimistic than East and Haase) until January 30 and March 5 was not Elbian conservatives like Helmuth von Moltke maintained by National-Socialism, but by Social- and Claus Schenk Graf von Staufenberg (p. Democracy. In other words: Ebert sowed, Her‐ 452-453). mann Müller, Otto Wels and Rudolf Hilferding
4 H-Net Reviews nursed the growth, and Hitler reaped." Quoted in universalist and völkisch nationalist trends with‐ "The Second International in Dissolution" (New in the (national) Socialist ranks. See Eric Kurlan‐ York: Workers' Library Publishers, 1933), accessi‐ der, The Price of Exclusion (New York: Berghahn ble at http://www.marxists.org/archive/kun-bela/ Books, 2006). pamphlets/1933/ch05.htm . See also Arthur Rosen‐ [4]. See, for example, Peter Gay, The Dilemma berg, A History of the German Republic (London: of Democratic Socialism: Eduard Bernstein's Chal‐ Methuen, 1936); Franz Neumann, Behemoth: The lenge to Marx (New York: Columbia University Structure and Practice of National Socialism Press, 1952). (London: V. Gollancz, 1942); Reinhard Rürup, [5]. For example, Rudolf Hilferding: "Although "Problems of the German Revolution 1918-19," the fascist movement appeared on the point of Journal of Contemporary History 3 (1968): seizing power in Germany it had been kept from 109-135; F.L. Carsten, Revolution in Central Eu‐ doing so thanks to the tactics of the Social rope: 1918-1919 (Berkeley: University of Califor‐ Democrats, whose policy of 'toleration' prevented nia Press, 1972); Dieter Groh, Negative Integration the bourgeoisie from uniting in a reactionary und revolutionärer Attentismus. Die Deutsche mass under fascist leadership, and so obstructed Sozialdemokratie am Vorabend des ersten the entry of the fascists into the government dur‐ Weltkrieges (Frankfurt am Main: Propyläen, ing the period of their ascent." Quoted in D. 1973); Detlev Peukert, The Weimar Republic: The Beetham, Marxism in the Face of Fascism (Man‐ Crisis of Classical Modernity (London: Allen Lane, chester: Manchester University Press, 1983), 261. 1991). Similarly, Leon Trotsky: "March separately, but [2]. See, for example, Hans Mommsen, "Die strike together! Agree on how to strike, whom to Sozialdemokratie in der Defensive. Der Immobil‐ strike, and when to strike! Such an agreement can ismus der SPD und der Aufsttieg des National‐ be concluded with the devil himself, with the sozialismus" in Sozialdemokratie zwischen grandmother, and even with Noske and Grzesin‐ Klassenbewegung und Volkspartei, ed. Hans sky. On one condition, not to bind one's hands" Mommsen (Frankfurt am Main: Europa Verlag, (Leon Trotsky, The Struggle Against Fascism In 1974), 106-133; Wolfram Pyta, Gegen Hitler und Germany [New York: Pathfnder, 1972], 138-139). für die Republik. Die Auseinandersetzung der deutschen Sozialdemokratie in der Weimarer Re‐ publik (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1989); Eberhalb Kolb and Wolfram Pyta, "Die Staatsnotstandsplanun‐ gen unter den Regierungen Papen und Schleich‐ er," in Die deutsche Staatskrise 1930-1933. Hand‐ lungsspielräume und Alternativen, ed. H.A. Win‐ kler (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1992), 155-181. [3]. I have argued elsewhere that there were actually two competing conceptions of national identity within bourgeois liberalism, one univer‐ salist and one völkisch, which, along with the par‐ allel socioeconomic crises of the 1920s, helped di‐ vide the republican Center-Left and pave the way for National Socialism. Vogt's work might have benefted by diferentiating between the same
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Citation: Eric Kurlander. Review of Vogt, Stefan. Nationaler Sozialismus und Soziale Demokratie: Die sozialdemokratische Junge Rechte 1918-1945. H-German, H-Net Reviews. May, 2007.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=13138
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