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Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada

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Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada Fascism and Settler Colonialism in Canada by Dallas Jokic A thesis submitted to the Department of Philosophy In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September 2019 Copyright © Dallas Jokic, 2019 Abstract This thesis aims to map out the relationship between fascism and settler colonialism in Canada. In the first chapter, I go through a number of theories of fascism, including by contemporary historians and 20th century Marxists. I draw on the work of Deleuze and Guattari and their distinction between molar and molecular (or micro) fascism. In the context in a country like Canada, in which fascism has not taken on a molar form on the state level, I argue that we need an account of fascism that is sensitive to its molecular expressions. I highlight three tendencies of fascism that we should keep an eye on if we are concerned about its emergence. In the second chapter, I explore the role of the settler state in cultivating and producing microfascist affects, feelings, and beliefs. I examine the deputization of settlers by the Canadian state in order to expand and protect territory and the way this cultivates racist affect and encourages (often fatal) acts of violence. Finally, I consider the way whiteness in Canada becomes a territorializing force, and sketch out a model of private property I call settler whitespace. In the third chapter, I consider the fascist rhetoric around “the great replacement” and “white genocide” in relation to the structure of settler colonialism. I consider the logic of replacement in Canada as not just a territorial project, but one that also creates a racially exclusionary idea of Canadian nationalism. Fascist rhetoric not only echoes the Canadian history of eugenics, it inverts the practices of replacement and genocide inherent to the settler state, and engages in what I will call a biopolitics of the nation. This inversion is not just a coincidence, it is part of what makes this rhetoric so affectively compelling. I will conclude by arguing that given the intimate relationship between fascism and settler colonialism in Canada, anti- fascist action must follow the lead of practices of Indigenous resurgence. ii Acknowledgements This thesis has been influenced by countless people, and it would be impossible to thank them all here. First, the thesis would not have been possible without the amazing intellectual community of the Queen’s Philosophy Department. My deepest thanks to my supervisor Lisa Guenther, whose insightful comments and questions profoundly shaped and motivated this thesis, and whose unwavering support, singular brilliance, and fierce integrity are endlessly inspiring. I also owe a great deal to Jackie Davies, whose recommendations and incisive questions undoubtably strengthened my thesis, and whose thoughtfulness and principles motivated me to always do better. My work has also been shaped by conversations with and support from professors Mick Smith, Elliot Paul, Christine Sypnowich, and Lisa Kerr, and my colleagues (and comrades), Alisha Sharma, Adam Schipper, Jared Houston, Andrew Lopez, Sofie Vlaad, Jonas Monte, Kate Lawson, Lesley Jamieson, Omar Bachour, Timothy Skulstad-Brown, Brennan Harwood, and Steph Elms. Special thanks to Susanne Cliff- Jüngling and Sheena Wilkinson for all their hard work and support. I would also like to thank the professors from my undergrad at the University of Guelph who encouraged my interest in philosophy and my decision to go to grad school; Karen Racine, Casey Ford, Monique Deveaux, and Karen Houle. I would be remiss not to mention Marie-Pier Lemay, whose mentorship and friendship has been immensely meaningful to me, and who first suggested that I come to Queen’s. I would also like to thank my parents, Tom Jokic and Cheryl Williams, who have supported me unconditionally, patiently, and actively for my entire life, and my brother, Graeme Jokic whose talent and compassion make me a better writer and person daily. Finally, I would like to thank Mary King, whose love and kindness have gotten me through this year, and whose brilliance and sense of justice has shaped not just this work, but everything I write. iii Table of Contents Introduction: Fascism in Canada………………………………………... 1 Chapter One: Theorizing Fascism Why Fascism?……………………………………………………... 4 Contemporary Historians on Fascism…………………………… 7 Marxist Theories of Fascism……………………………………... 11 Molar and Molecular Fascism……………………………………. 15 Fascist Tendencies………………………………………………... 21 Chapter Two: The Microfascisms of Settler Property Introduction……………………………………………………….. 29 Microfascisms and the (Settler) State……………………………. 30 The State and Settler Property……………………………………. 32 Deputization and Vigilantism……………………………………. 38 The Execution of Colten Boushie……………………………….. 44 Whiteness as Territory and Settler Whitespace…………………. 50 Chapter Three: The Logic and Fear of Replacement Introduction……………………………………………………… 56 Replacement as Canadian Nation-Building…………………… 57 The Fear of Replacement ………………………………………. 66 Biopolitics of the Nation………………………………………… 71 Desiring Fascism in Canada…………………………………….. 75 Conclusion: Indigenous Resurgence as Anti-Fascism………………… 79 Bibliography……………………………………………………………… 84 iv Introduction: Fascism in Canada On October 22, 2018, white nationalist Faith Goldy placed third in the Toronto mayoral race, receiving over 25,000 votes, making up about 3.4% of Toronto voters.1 Goldy has recited the fascist slogan the “fourteen words,” cited the work of holocaust deniers, propagated the “white genocide” conspiracy theory, and appeared on a neo-Nazi podcast in the days following the Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville.2 The electoral success of Goldy, as well as her growing influence on social media, is not an isolated event, it has coincided with anti-Muslim and white nationalist groups like Pegida, Proud Boys, Yellow Vests, WCAI, and Le Meute gaining new members and increasing their public presence. Canada has also seen a substantial rise in hate crimes against Muslim, Jewish, and Black people over the last 10 years.3 Online, far right views are being proliferated on sites like reddit and 4chan, by YouTubers like Stefan Molyneux and Lauren Southern, and in private chat rooms, often leading to in person meetings and organizing.4 These views often reference and promote Nazi or fascist symbols, slogans, and strategies. In addition to the rise in prominence of once fringe far-right and fascist groups, many of their leaders and views have been magnified by the mainstream right. For example, just this past February, Conservative leader Andrew Scheer shared a stage with Faith Goldy at the United We Roll convoy in Ottawa, years after he first appeared on her show on The Rebel.5 Earlier this year, a city council member in 1 Jeff Gray and Oliver Moore, “Toronto election 2018: Tory handily wins second term as mayor,” The Globe and Mail, October 22, 2018, https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/toronto/article-toronto-election-2018-live- results/ 2 Alheli Picazo, “A Guide To Faith Goldy And How (Not) To Report On Her,” Canadaland, September 26, 2018, https://www.canadalandshow.com/guide-to-reporting-on-faith-goldy/ 3 John Rieti, “Hate Crimes Reached all Time High in 2017,” CBC, November 29, 2018, https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/statistics-canada-2017-hate-crime-numbers-1.4925399 4 Jon Milton and Shannon Carranco, “Canada’s New Far Right: A Trove of Private Chat Room Messages Reveals an Extremist Subculture,” The Globe and Mail, April 27, 2019, https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article- canadas-new-far-right-a-trove-of-private-chat-room-messages-reveals/. 5 Tamara Khandaker, “Andrew Scheer Criticized For Support of United We Roll Convoy,” Vice, February 20, 2019, https://www.vice.com/en_ca/article/a3bjb4/andrew-scheer-criticized-for-support-of-united-we-roll- convoy. 1 Barrie, Ontario was reprimanded after he made a Facebook post pointing out the friendliness of two local Conservative leaders to Goldy.6 The closeness of a mainstream conservative party to far right figures suggests an ideological affinity, a concern about not being outflanked to the right, and a willingness to traffic in racism. While many have rightly connected the rise of fascist groups, beliefs, and figures in Canada to their equivalents in countries like Brazil, Poland, India, Hungary, the Philippines, the United States, and France, I am interested in their connection to the Canadian settler state and the larger settler society in which they emerge. While the Canadian government describes Canada as a multicultural state, many of its practices and norms cultivate fascist beliefs, desires, and affects. In the first chapter, I will consider different theories of fascism in order to have a clear account to work with. I will start by exploring accounts of fascism by contemporary historians, then turn to Marxist accounts from the early 20th century. I will then outline Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s account of fascism from their two part work, Capitalism and Schizophrenia. I will highlight three tendencies of fascism: extreme nationalism, a fabricated sense of victimization, and the aestheticization of violence. In the second chapter I will explore the ways in which the settler state and its practices cultivate what Deleuze and Guattari call microfascisms, in particular through the regime of private property characteristic of the settler state. These practices not only cultivate all three tendencies of fascism, they work to tie the idea of the Canadian
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