Modern Chinese national identity and transportation

by Hai Yu Liu

B.E., Shandong University, 2016

Extended Essay Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts

in the School of Communication (Dual Degree Program in Global Communication) Faculty of Communication, Art and Technology

© Haiyu Liu 2018 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Summer 2018

Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval

Name: Hai Yu Liu Degree: Master of Arts Title: Modern Chinese national identity and transportation Program Co-Directors: Yuezhi Zhao, Adel Iskandar

Alison Beale Senior Supervisor Professor

Adel Iskandar Program Director Assistant Professor

Date Approved: August 14, 2018

ii Abstract

As an imported concept, ''nation'' is used ambiguously in Chinese context. Even in the

communication strategy formulated by the government, there is always a mixing that

includes ethnic groups and nation-states. This essay discusses ''nation'', ''state'', and

''nation-state'' separately yet together to figure out their relationship. Whether the

nation is imaginary or an ideology, it is the people’s view of their national identity that matters. Understanding national identity is a key to complex questions of the “nation” because national identity not only exists in every member's mind within a nation, but

also interacts with all kinds of social elements (eg. religion, geography). As a

multidimensional concept, national identity includes languages, sentiments and

symbolism in the field of education, communication and transportation. Following the

demand of modern society, a series of new concepts rise in respond to the proper

time and conditions. On the other hand, new-born technologies facilitate the

development and spread of these notions, for instance, nation. In many nations,

especially China, transportation plays a leading role in the age of reform. It is the

technologies which provide the main impulse of the transportation. Meanwhile,

transportation is also a universal carrier of national resolve. For instance, it is the

railway system and the freeway network system that build the basis of political power

and shape the structure of economic change in many countries. These elements

show up in everyday life as the infrastructure or context and thus, exert a subtle but

essential influence on national identity. In order to clarify the process of Chinese

national evolution, then, transportation and national identity are proper entry points.

Key words: Chinese nation; national identity; transportation

iii Acknowledgements

I wish to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Alison Beale, who influences me a lot in academics and the thoughts of world throughout the past year.

She has offered kind attention and constructive suggestions for my capstone, especially in the discussion about transportation in China. I can actually feel myself improving every time after talking to her.

And I would like to thank Dr. Yuezhi Zhao, who has provided such an amazing opportunity for me. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Adel Iskandar, who has dedicated himself to this program with unbelievable patience and enthusiasm.

I also want to give special thanks to our TA Xiaoxing Zhang who encouraged and inspired me a lot with valuable comments, and Program Coordinator, Dora Lau who helped me a lot in school affairs.

A lot of thanks to my cohort, I really enjoy this year with all of you.

Finally, I would like to thank my family and my friends for supporting me to experience such a wonderful year in Vancouver.

iv Table of Contents

APPROVAL ...... II

ABSTRACT ...... III

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... V

LIST OF ACRONYMS ...... VI

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 5

2.1 NATION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY ...... 5

2.2 TECHNOLOGY THAT SHAPES PEOPLE'S IDENTITIES ...... 8

CHAPTER 3. NATION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY ...... 11

3.1 NATION IN CHINESE CONTEXT ...... 11

3.2 THE NATION OR THE STATE? ...... 16

3.3 PEOPLE AND THEIR NATIONAL IDENTITY THAT MATTERS ...... 21

CHAPTER 4. TRANSPORTATION AND IDENTITY ...... 25

4.1 INDUSTRIALIZATION AND TECHNOLOGY THAT SHAPE IDENTITY ...... 25

4.2 RAILWAY SYSTEM ...... 29

4.3 AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY ...... 35

CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION ...... 40

REFERENCES ...... 41

v List of Acronyms

PRC People's Republic of China CPSU Communist Party of the Soviet Union ROC Republic of China GDP Gross Domestic Product NDRC National Development and Reform Commission

vi Chapter 1. Introduction

The ''nation'' has had considerable influence around the world since it emerged as a new type of politically basic unit. However, there are always plenty of controversies when talking about the term "nation", whether in an academic way or not. Experts did a series of researches covering all the process of it, from the very beginning to every turning point. For instance, just trying to make a consensus about the rough time of the first appearance of ''nationalism'' has already provoked a large-scale debate.

When historians debate whether nationalism emerged during the early Partitions of Poland (Lord Acton), during the American Revolution (Benedict Anderson), the English Revolution (Hans Kohn) or even Fichte's 1807 Addresses to the German nation (Kedourie). (Smith, 1991, p. 85)

As for the discussion about turning points, the foundation of the first nation-states is one of the most contentious topics. Snyder (1964, p.26) argued that nation-states have spread in Western Europe as one of the legacies of the French

Revolution. On the contrary, Anderson (1991) analyzed the Spanish colonies in South

America and the Caribbean to showcase how the horizontally limited pilgrimage and print capitalism influenced native Hispanics' imagination about their nation-state. So, it is thus evident that concepts about ''nation'' are particularly controversial.

Similar debates happen in the East, too. Due to the cultural and linguistic differences and translation context, the term ''nation'' is even more complicated in

Chinese. Sometimes, ''nation'' is used to describe an ethnic group in some political slogans. For instance, "fifty-six nations", which refers to the fifty-six main ethnic groups living all around China. Every single community is acknowledged by the government to maintain its specialty in tradition and lifestyle, as well as an equal relationship with others. In the meantime, ''nation'' also represents all people living in

PRC. In other words, there is a great ''Chinese nation'' corresponding to the nation-state founded in 1949. However, this ''nation'' is created both spatially and

1 temporally. The development of all the people within the land is included in its

narrative. In order to clarify a series of puzzles of "nation" whether inside and outside

modern China, we should pay more attention to the people and thus their national

identity.

As an artificial concept to define a community, ''nation'' is based on the

"people" even in the very beginning. No matter how the pioneers organize or

construct a nation, it always rests on the human's consciousness and activity. Even before the French Revolution, Sieyes (1963) regarded the nation as ''body of associates, living under a common law, and represented by the same legislature''.

Furthermore, the nation's development and even existence rely on the sentiment and acceptance of folks. Weber (2009, p.176) posited that "a nation is a community of sentiment which would adequately manifest itself in a state of its own; hence, a nation is a community which normally tends to produce a state of its own''. So, we cannot simply understand and explain nation as "an ideology or form of politics". It is a sophisticated social phenomena about politics, economy, culture, ethics, class, religion, etc. Nation and nationalism "must be related to national identity, a multidimensional concept, and extended to include a specific language, sentiments, and symbolism" (Smith, 1991, p.vii).

Therefore, for the solution of a series of modern Chinese problems with social conflicts and national image, it is an efficient and essential path to research the national identity. With the ever-increasing power, China can now devote more energy to domestic issues, such as ethnic relations and wealth gap, as well as regional and international affairs. At the same time, facing the ever-changing global situation, many new challenges come one after another. That is why protecting national identity and ensuring national revival process continues are top priorities for the Chinese government. National identity includes not only the sense of identity and the belonging that the people hold for their nation, but also the self-construction where the nation gets its characteristics and image to develop further. They complement each other:

Only a strong and cohesive nation can form a unique and substantial national identity; 2 similarly, distinctive identity is also the reason why a nation is widely accepted by its

people. The construction of modern Chinese national identity also follows this path

where nation and people interact with each other. In this process, transportation

incorporates it into almost every aspect of the nation.

As mentioned above, national identity is such a comprehensive concept that

almost every element in politics, economy, and culture can be involved. However,

transportation is one of the most special factors among all of them. Almost all the

affairs about everyday life, from private traveling to international transport, from jobs in

the automotive industry to national plans about rail network, rely on the transportation.

Its development is always accompanied by social progress.

In term of industrial manufacture, the automotive industry is supposed to be the most typical representative of industrial society. According to Gellner (1983), the sustained growth of industrial society is the reason why the nation is constructed. For instance, in the Golden Age after the First World War, the United States led the world in total automobile production by producing over 90% cars in use. Therefore, the development of automotive industry always reflects the social condition at that time.

As a significant part of industrialization, the automotive industry shapes the self-recognition and moral value of the people, organization, and nation involved. The modern automotive industry, to some extent, is bound up with the foundation of modern nations. For instance, when the first automotive got a patent in 1886 in

Germany, it was only 15 years since German unification.

Besides, the programming and construction of transportation system also have an impact on the nation. In Mattelart's analysis about France at the end of the nineteenth century, new railway system was as crucial as the telegraph, which was invented by French and has already proved itself during the post-Napoleon wars. He regards the railway as an essential part of technical networks providing ''a new mode of exchange and circulation of goods, messages, and persons, as well as a new mode of organizing production'' (Mattelart, 1994, p.3). In contrast to what happened in

3

Europe and the United States, the lack of symmetry between rail systems slowed down the national unification in Latin America until the interfering of the military and the decline of British economic hegemony. In modern Chinese practice of national revival, Beijing attaches great importance to the transportation system. High-Speed

Rail project and Belt & Road Initiative are both deeply related to the development of transportation. The black smoke used to be the very sign of progress (Ferro, 1978), nowadays, the High-Speed Rail succeeds its predecessor.

Ling (1982) has widely assessed the importance of transportation. He argued that Chinese problems such as the transition of the society, the ideological awareness, the development of the economy, as well as the evolution of the politics, are all related to the transportation. All of these sophisticated meanings construct another multidimensional concept – national identity. The transportation that influences national identity shapes the Chinese nation to some extent.

4

Chapter 2. Literature review 2.1 Nation and national identity

Most of the researches discussing the term ''nation'' cannot avoid the topic of nationalism. The relation between nation and nationalism, or more specifically, the sequence of their respective first appearances is one of the most controversial yet decisive points in the debate over the ''nation''. In the very beginning, there is a prevailing view that nation and nationalism are not relevant to modernization or industrialization (Armstrong, 1982). In other words, the fact that the nation exists as a

community is not stimulated by the effect of modernism. So, the nation is a primordial

concept rather than a production of nationalism. Similar opinions are also supported

by Pierre van den Berghe (1978) and Edward Shils (1995), who believe in

Primordialism School through a sociobiological perspective or due to the civil society.

Besides, Greenfeld (1992) regards England in the sixteenth century as the birthplace

of nation and nationalism. The analyses about the history of England, France, Russia,

German and the U.S.A. extend beyond the Renaissance. According to her,

nationalism is anterior to modernism and then influences it.

However, Modernism School has become the mainstream theory since the

1960s. More and more scholars agree that nationalism is a modern phenomenon

about ideology, social movement, and symbolism. Gellner (1983) uses the political

history in Europe to test his hypothesis that the sustained-growing industrial society

requires nationalism and its production - nation. Nationalism, which is primarily a

political principle, is used to organize and maintain a new cultural and educational

system that accords with industrial society. He emphasizes the crucial role that

industrialization plays in the process and thoroughly discusses the effect of education,

communication, and culture to define a nation. According to the author, even though

''state'' distinguishes itself from ''nation'' by politics in the end, they are deeply

connected with each other when nationalism come into play in the formation of the

modern nation.

5 Anderson (1991) who relatively pays more attention to culture researches the national revolutions in Southeast Asia and Latin America to test his hypothesis that nation is an imagined community which emerges in the modern society. Due to the decline of religious community, dynasty and old view of time, nation is available to be imagined as a secular, horizontal and transverse concept. Supported by capitalism, printing technology and destined diversity of languages, nation build itself on the basis of secular dialect. The author uses the limited pilgrimage in Latin America to expand traditional Europe-centric vision about the origin of the nation. Though there are different genres in Modernism School, whether they prefer politics, economy or culture as their emphasis, scholars argue that the nation is created as the

concomitant of the modern nation-state. (Giddens, 1985; Hobsbawm, 2012)

Anthony D. Smith's work (1986; 1991; 1998) provides a new option that

admitting the continuity between modern nationalism and pre-nation nationalism. His

criticism of modernism focuses on the ignorance of the historical discontinuity.

Furthermore, only on the basis of a real ethic community can a modern nation be

constructed. Smith (1991) finds a key to the interior world of nationalism – national

identity, which is supposed to create a supra-ethnic political culture for the new

political community. He researches several nations about their construction and

transformation, as well as how different social elements influence national identity. By

testing the previous theories that it is nationalism that creates national identity, he

posits that nation and nationalism are no more invented than other kinds of culture or

ideology, too. In order to understand national identity, we should pay more attention to

concepts, language, myths, and symbols rather than consciousness and sentiment

which are too abstract to gauge.

In terms of Chinese researches, the concept of nationalism was introduced to

China at the end of the nineteenth century. In the last years of the Qing dynasty,

reformists held high the banner of nationalism and linked nationalism with the

resolution of practical issues in China. They intended to explore a path to save the

nation and enrich its people. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (1989) first used the term ''nation'' in 6 Chinese and was widely accepted as the pioneer of the Chinese nation. After Sun

Yat-sen proposing Three Principles of the People in 1905, nationalism was widely

spread by the revolution all around China. However, radical political conflicts and

endless wars slowed down the further extension and explanation of the theory in practice. So, researches at that time were mainly about the review of foreign theories.

For instance, right after Kohn (1944) published The Idea of Nationalism, Wu (1944)

wrote a book review in the same year aiming at enlightening Chinese nation research

through historical perspective from the West.

After the founding of PRC, in order to help solve domestic ethnic problems, such as policymaking about ethnic minority and liberation of Xinjiang and Tibet, understand the world situation, and meet the urgent needs of international communication, China has carried out a timely study of the national issues. Ge and

Zhu (1999) argued that the translation and review of the Marxist classical national

issues, as well as the introduction of the national theories and practices of the CPSU,

guided the formation and development of the Chinese national theories and policies.

Jin (1999) indicated that the opposition to Chauvinistic nationalism and local

nationalism was incorporated into the study of Chinese nation theory, basically

guiding the socialist revolution and construction at that time. Chinese scholars used to

research national issues under the socialist instruction. They saw their analyses about

nationalism subordinate to the Marxist theory. Until the end of Cold War, researches

about nation and nationalism started to expand into more aspects and angles. In the

period of nationalism re-emergence, right after the collapse of the Soviet Union,

Chinese scholars have gradually kept pace with the third climax of nationalistic

research in international academy. Some researchers focused on the national crisis in

the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. They analyzed the intrinsic causes of the

disintegration of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia from the perspective of history and

reality, especially the spread and expansion of Russian Chauvinistic nationalism and

Yugoslavian local nationalism (Hao, 1993; Hao & Luan, 1993; Zhang, 2002).

7

Meanwhile, macro studies about nationalism and international political relationship also advanced a lot. These works have studied various types of nationalism and have highlighted the political nature of nationalism. It is helpful to fully understand the history, status, impact, and meaning of nationalism around the world.

(Wang, 1993; Ge, 1995; Ning, 1995; Xu, 1998; Yu, 1999)

2.2 Technology that shapes people's identities

Technology influences people's sentiment and cognition about the world not only by being implemented as a medium or instrument but also due to its broad application in the production, transportation, and consumption. Industrialization brings

a bright promise of science and technology. Carey (2008) indicates that no matter there will be ''the eighth day'' or ''electronic revolution'', people's identities are shaped by the prestige of technological innovations. On behalf of science and technology, new prominent creations invite the public to participate in an elaborate future. There is no exempt here. America and other developing countries are not isolated from the

European influence. By comparing electricity and machine, two dominant power in the

technological process, we can find that there is a deep-seated connection beneath

their qualitatively superficial differences. Electricity promised the freedom,

decentralization, ecological harmony and democratic community which

mechanization failed to deliver. However, as different phases of industrialization, they

promised the same power, productivity and economic expansion. The newborn can

be easily identified as the inspirational symbol which is able to renew people's

confidence about rehabilitation. Basically, they hold the opinion against the electronic sublime as Mosco (2004), who argued that technology was a never-ending myth that we would finally enter techno-utopia. However, their analyses about how technology influences peoples' identities are still valuable here. As for the further controversies about techno-utopia, they are not related to our topic here.

8

It is Harold Innis who uncovers the path how technology influences people and social organizations in the field of communication. Innis (2008) mainly discusses the social changes through the technological innovations in communication media. He puts the medium in a large social environment to study. Divided by technological medium, nine different periods witness that people pursue the eternal time and the infinite space. Different media have different influences on the content and the recipients of the content. These effects are summarized as the bias of communication.

The emergence of new mediums can often change people's identities, adjust social forms, and shift power centers. The competition of social power is inseparable from the competition for seeking new forms of communication technology. Thus, Innis regards the control of new mediums as a means of exercising social and political power.

In sum, people's sentiment and choice, which are associated with a series of social changes, are merely isolated from the promising evolution of everyday technology. Meanwhile, even though there might be temporary manifestations of alternative trends, people will finally make clear that their identities are only shaped again and again by the exclusive narrative. Identity is vulnerable when facing the overwhelming yet promising technological changes. Mattelart (1994) also focuses on the communication technology. For him, communication was at the vanguard of identity and ideology revolution which happened in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, especially modernism and nationalism. Communication, which was consecrated as the agent of civilization, shaped people's imagination about reality.

Take the Victorian Empire for example, railway networks, the electric telegraph, and underwater cable were all stitched together as symbols of an interdependent world.

According to Mattelart, the advent of electronic information and communication must

be a prediction of the future, because a multitude of terms and neologisms about

social, economic, and cultural changes are connected with technology.

The transportation relates to the development paths of newborn nations, including China. Smythe (1994), who was inspired by his visit to China at the early 9

1970s, indicated that technological choices could exert a silently decisive transforming influence on national character and identity. Smythe summed up the practice of socialist construction and technical options in China from the perspective of political technology: First, to criticize the capitalist technology and political-economic relations behind it; Second, to demonstrate the possibility of developing a socialist technology based on the form of socialist political and economic organization. Because according to his study, technology is not autonomous. If

"socialist roaders" were going to build a process where China could leapfrog ahead of capitalism, they have to find a new way to develop technology against the existed technology which was designed to fit capitalism. Otherwise, socialist Chinese national identity has to face tremendous challenges. Measuring Chinese technique against the accomplishments of capitalist technique will mislead the development of China in the future. Smythe's understanding about the non-neutrality of technology led the times.

He keenly realized that technology, or any other medium, should be understood in a larger political and economic context, because they were connected with people, or even larger organizations' identities.

10

Chapter 3. Nation and national identity 3.1 Nation in Chinese context

Generally speaking, nations came up in Western Europe in the first place.

(Snyder, 1964; Gellner, 1983; Mattelart, 1994) As a political principle, it was created during the evolution of westernized governance organization, either inside or outside

Europe. Even though some scholars argue that Eastern Europe or oversea colonies are the places where nationalism originated, like Poland or Latin America. (Lord Acton,

1984; Anderson, 1991) It is fair to say that most of them will agree that the emergence of nations has an indispensable connection with Western European culture. Since nations were founded one after another and gradually became the basic units of the modern world system, differences between them have grown more and more apparent. Until now, a lot of nations which evolve from the origins may still maintain some basic characteristics left from the beginning era of nation establishment.

However, they do distinguish themselves from the precedent in Western Europe,

because their own initial geographical and historical condition that can determine the

national evolution of politics and economy are different. (Berkowitz & Clay, 2011) The

term ''nation'' varies a lot in different context. As mentioned in the introduction, there

are so many controversies and ambiguities which may cause misunderstanding and

incomprehension about nation and nationalism. The only key to tackle these problems

is to clarify the definition of ''nation'' and ''nationalism'' in a specific context rather than

focus on isolated historical events.

As a community cannot be designed to cover every contingency, it is not hard

to understand that the evolution of nations is also filled with the unexpected. It is a

definition up in the air, being fabricated, invented or imagined, just as the nation itself.

No matter what kinds of words were used in the books and essays which aimed at

figuring out the myth of national entities or the term ''nation'', as artificial concepts in

the field of sociology, nation and nationalism were inevitably imposed with a lot of

11 misunderstanding and interpretation. Due to the cultural differences and translation

choices, things are even more complicated in the Chinese context.

China, as a nation-state founded after the Second World War, also regards

itself as a nation. But ''minzu'', which should be the Chinese translation of nation, is

easily confused with ''guojia'', which means nation-state, and ''zuqun'', which means

ethnic group. Since the 1980s, Chinese ethnology and anthropology scholars have

already had a lot of discussions, trying to explore the China origin of the term "nation".

There has been a widely accepted view among the researchers that the Chinese word

''minzu'' was introduced to China from Japan as the translation of nation because it

was not found in the ancient Chinese literature. Han and Li (1985) have combed the

chapters related to the term ''nation'' in ancient classics and come to a conclusion that

''minzu'' does not appear before and the two words ''min'' (people) and ''zu'' (ethnic groups) are used separately. Since this research published, Scholars have tended to support that ''minzu'' was introduced from Japan and applied to the construction of the

Chinese nation in the late Qing Dynasty.

The community as a nation is a conceptual extension of the family as a clan.

Nation combines the concept of individual, family, and state in Chinese tradition

(Zhang, 2010). In order to find a political basis for a new country, the reformists used the term ''nation'' to formulate their policies for the first time at 1903 (Dikötter, 2015).

Japanese scholar Matsumoto Masumi (2003) also believed that ''minzu'' is a

Japanese word, which was translated from the German word ''volk'', and Liang

Ch'i-ch'ao did its introduction into China during his stay in Japan. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao

(1989) first used the term ''nation'' in Chinese to integrate his expounding about

Bluntchli's work and enlighten Chinese to fight together for a promising future.

Obviously, both German and Japan are two of the most typical nation-states with a single major nation. Following this path, it is no wonder that the Chinese cannot distinguish between the nation and the state clearly, because they were introduced from these two nations. The nation and the state were regarded as indivisible and complementary parts for each other in German or Japanese context, all the people 12 living within the land relied on the eternally destined sense of the sacred when facing

the catastrophe, like German in the Napoleonic Wars, or Japan after the Perry

Expedition (Fichte, 2008; Wilson, 2013).

However, it is worth noting that the controversy over whether or not the word

"minzu" was introduced from Japan is due to the absence of its counterpart in ancient

Chinese literature, which can only gain support from the ancient essays filled with

arbitrary judgments or ambiguous guesses. By combing historical literature from both

China and Japan, some scholars have recently reached a new conclusion. Hao (2004)

argued that ''minzu'' has been relatively widely used in ancient China, at the same time, Japanese has not yet made a systematic explanation of it until the twentieth

century. In terms of its meaning in ancient China, it can be used to explain both the

public (comparing to the royal) and the ethnic groups divided by geographic and

cultural divisions. So, there is a mutual cultural borrowing between China and Japan,

which means that Japanese borrowed words and phrases from ancient Chinese, on

the other hand, Chinese borrowed new meanings and thoughts from Japanese

translations of western theories. It can be seen that the term "nation" is difficult to

clarify in the Chinese context because of its tortuous development process. Naturally,

the understanding of it is controversial.

Besides translation inaccuracy between foreign languages and Chinese, the

difference of establishments between modern countries is also an essential cause of

this misunderstanding. Just as mentioned before, most of the countries in the West

are nation-states, which mean political entities that based on self-determination and

autonomy of modern nationalities. They usually compose of one or several ethnic

groups. And so far, the nation-state is still the only political organization that has been

recognized by the world, and the basic unit that constitutes the world system (Smith,

1995). Thus, to some extent, the nation and the state have such a strong connection

that you can hardly separate them when talking about the people and their

nation-state. The term "nation" is used to emphasize its close relationship with the

13 modern nation-state and the fact that it is based on political unity and territorial integration.

The establishment of modern China and the Chinese nation is different from

western countries. Jacques (2009) argued that far from becoming a western-style

society, China used to and will remain highly distinctive. China has organized a

tributary-state system in Eastern Asia during the last twenty centuries. This system

was organized by every Chinese dynasties to exert influence on China’s nearer and

smaller neighbors. In the meantime, China is a civilization-state rather than a

nation-state, the governor of China is usually regarded as the guardian and protector

of Chinese civilization by all Chinese.

The state has consistently been seen as the apogee of society, enjoying sovereignty over all else. In European societies, in contrast, the power of government has historically been subject to competing sources of authority, such as the Church, the nobility, and rising commercial interests. In effect, government was obliged to share its power with other groups and institutions. In China, at least for the last millennium, these either did not exist (there was no organized and powerful Church) or were regarded, and saw themselves, as subordinate (for example, the merchant class); the idea that different sources of authority could and should coexist was seen as ethically wrong. (Jacques, 2009, pp. 207-208)

In order to figure out what the ''nation'' means to China, we can never ignore

the existing political principle that ruled this land for several thousand years. Just as

civilization community, nation is created for governance and organizing. It is a new

concept to shape people's identities. Besides China, what happened in Japan can

prove it, too.

As mentioned before, it is a well-known opinion that ''minzu'' was introduced to

China from this most westernized country in Asia. Generally speaking, Japanese

scholars started to use the term "nation" around 1900. It was the first time that the

Japanese regarded the Nippon people, or the Yamato people, as members of a

nation. In 1926, Kunio Yanagita, who is considered as the father of Japanese native

14

folkloristic, discussed the terms "folklore", "ethnology", "volkskunde", etc. He decided to use ''minzu'' as the Japanese translation of the German word ''volk'' and the Greek word ''ethnos'' (Hao, 2004).

It was a remarkable fact that the national theory that most Japanese scholars learned and used was from Germany. Considering that the Germanic has not yet achieved reunification at that time, different from other nation-states in Western

Europe, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli indicated that volk-state was a more appropriate community. His opinion about the differences between the nation and the state had a great impact on Japanese and Chinese scholars. In 1882, Toyosuke Hirata used

''minzu'' to translate ''nation'', which implied an agreement of Bluntschli's volk-state.

Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, who was also absorbed by the concept of ''volk'' and ''nation'', first came up with the term "Zhonghua Minzu" (The Chinese Nation) to awaken the

Chinese people (Levenson, 1970). However, the differences and misunderstanding between ''minzu'' and "nation" have already existed since the beginning.

It looks like the term ''nation'' may not be such a universal concept around the world or can easily be applied into different contexts. We describe and analyze the situation in China in order to distinguish different understanding between diverse cultures. The reason why there is a divergence of views is people always put all these related concepts together to meet their own political purpose. Their different emphases on nation, state, or nation-state show their tendency. Basically, the nation we focus on in this essay will more closely reflect the Chinese nation that relates to

China - a political entity, a state. In this situation, the ambiguity of the term ''nation'' in ancient translation might cause more errors. To figure out a series of misunderstanding about nation, whether inside or outside China, we should pay attention to the relationship between a nation and a state.

15

3.2 The nation or the state?

As mentioned above, national issues in China are sometimes about the identity divergence between ethnic groups and the Chinese nation. However, what we should focus on is the more extensive one of them. Fei (1999) uses the term ''the pattern of diversity in unity of the Chinese nation'' to describe the situation that

Chinese face in the new age. It is not difficult to find that the ''diversity'' Fei emphasized is corresponding to the numerous ethnic groups in China. Nevertheless, he immediately indicates that ''minzu'' and ''guojia'' are two different yet connected concepts. By ''connected'', ''minzu'' means ''nation' rather than ''ethnic group'' here.

Only following this path, the unity of the Chinese nation can be constructed. At this point, he agrees that the scope of the nation and the scope of the state are basically consistent. An abstract and magnified Chinese nation was the context for his discussion.

This kind of strong connection between the nation and the state actually started from the West in the very beginning. Since the Industrial Revolution, leadership in politics, economy and military force has made Europe a well-deserved world center. Even after the Second World War, under the situation that Europe has been weakening, Western culture's domination was still difficult to challenge. No matter where nationalism originated, how it spread all over the world, it finally cannot bypass the evolution of European nations to make sense.

The unity and split of Europe are influenced by the newborn term ''nation'' in the last two hundred years. Before divided into numerous independent nations, there was a united community that brought the whole of Europe together. Even now, a great number of European governments are still dedicating themselves to bring this unity back. In the last century, after the foundation of European Coal and Steel Community,

European countries were trying to fulfill a joint development, but for every two steps forward there was one step back. Against this context, the reason why there could still constitute a basis for the European Union was the legacy of a historical-political entity.

16 The idea of a European federal union is an ancient one, and as early as the fourteenth

century, people were trying to design some patterns for tighter collaboration among

the many states of Europe (Heater, 1992). Without a doubt, what can build the

collective identity and the emotional basis is the common memory (Muschg, 2005).

The Roman Empire, with its united pattern beyond its era, became the eternal

memory for every generation of the European people. People cannot resist the charm

of Rome so that the successors of the Roman Empire, or who decorates himself as

the successor, are always taking a leading position in politics. The Catholic religious

community, the numerous dynasties connected by cross-Europe affinities, and the

Medieval Latin are typical examples (Anderson, 1991).

With the knowledge of how powerful the idea of unity is, we can figure out the reason why nations are still the winners more clearly. As people usually missed the

Roman Empire because of the safe and stable environment it provided, rulers missed the title "Emperor of the Romans", which meant a lot to their sovereignties.

Unfortunately, although the rulers of every subsequent generation tried to place themselves in the position of Roman Emperor, they had never been able to fulfill their wishes. Perhaps in 800, when Charles the Great was crowned as "Emperor of the

Romans" by Pope Leo III in St. Peter's Cathedral, he and his Charlemagne Empire made the whole of Europe a remarkable unity in theory (Dawson, 1950). However, with the Verdun Treaty signed in 843, Charlemagne Empire was divided into three counties, which meant a brief reunification in European history was eliminated. The

Charlemagne Empire is a short dynasty, but it has once again placed Christianity at the position of the state religion. The divine right represented by the church was

introduced into Europe and played a decisive role when the royal power is difficult to

clarify, and thus maintained entire feudal Western Europe united in a large political

system. The religious community centered on the Vatican take the place of Roma to a

great extent.

Medieval Europe was built in this case, the term ''nation'' was a concept that

did not exist. The division of territories relied on fief system. Humanistic care was 17

naturally provided by Omnipotent, Omniscient and Omnipresent God (Granqvist,

Mikulincer, & Shaver, 2010), and the Latin has created a bridge of communication

between all clergies and senior intellectuals across Europe. This kind of brief is

''imaginable largely through the medium of a sacred language and written script''

(Anderson, 1991, p.13). The Latin is so sacred and unique that it is not only the

language in which teaching is done, but also the only language that is worth the

teaching (Bloch, 2014, p.77). Basically, the Latin and the Church represent the

religious community that existed before the nation.

In these processes new self-definitions of community are forged, often in the teeth of resistance by guardians of the older ethno-religious self-definitions, so as to lay the basis for entry into the world of nations. (Smith, 1991, p.68)

The last element that shaped Europe was the dynastic realms connected by

kinship and marriage. For long periods of time, these pre-modern empires and

kingdoms were able to sustain their rule over the various lands. These antique

monarchical states expanded ''not only by warfare but by sexual politics'' (Anderson,

1991, p.20). One can always find some proofs about how the dynastic realm expand

itself within legitimate excuses that only existed before the nation. The House of

Habsburg, whose motto is that ''Leave the waging of wars to others! But you, happy

Austria, marry; for the realms which Mars awards to others, Venus transfers to you''

(Spielvogel, 2003, p.330), showcases a great integration of the realm from the Atlantic

to the Balkan. What happened in England could also prove this. In 1066, Harold II,

who was a Danish in fact, Harald III - Norwegian, and William the Conqueror - French,

all could use their respective claims to fight for the throne of England (Marren, 2004).

So, no matter who was on the throne after such a mass, there would not be an

''English'' dynasty in London anymore. Similarly, in 1417, John the Fearless, Duke of

Burgundy, allied with Henry V, King of England, to confront Louis XI, King of France.

Until the early death of Charles the Bold at the Battle of Nancy and his fiefdom was carved up, Burgundy has been swaying between England and France (Gunn & Janse,

2006). In sum, people in lower classes had no idea about who they were connected

18 with and which community they belonged to horizontally. Only the nobles had

influence on and were influenced by the development their states in the long

Medieval.

It is definite that the European Medieval society was a stratified society that horizontally segregated. Layers of military, administrative, clerical and sometimes commercial ruling class are connected outside the boundaries. In the meantime, laterally insulated communities of agricultural producers suffered from the incomprehensible liturgical languages and inaccessible educational culture (Gellner, 1983, pp. 8-13).

The three successors of Rome we mentioned before are indeed the fences

that horizontally differentiate the society, which meets the demand of the ruling class

to maintain their political units in peace. Therefore, without the stimulation of industrial

society and the awakening of people, this horizontally segregated society might last

for much more centuries. The collapse of the old order created the vacuum for new

shaping power, not only about the political principle but also about the political entities

themselves. The new elements, no matter industrial or cultural, strengthened the

boundaries between nations rather than between classes or any other existed entities.

Nations and states emerged together in this situation that new communities need to

be rebuilt. They were destined for each other in the ruins of kingdoms and empires.

As two newborn concepts, their relationship is quite subtle.

Not only is our definition of nationalism parasitic on a prior and assumed definition of the state: it also seems to be the case that nationalism emerges only in milieux in which the existence of the state is already very much taken for granted. The existence of politically centralized units, and of a moral-political climate in which such centralized units are taken for granted and are treated as normative, is a necessary though by no means a sufficient condition of nationalism. (Gellner, 1983, p.4)

In recent years, the nation is more like a natural social unit, while the state is designed as a political shell (Gellner, 1983, p.132). However, in the radically social transforming days, when politics and society were still unstable, nations and states were both in progress, there were no clear distinction between ''shell'' and ''flesh''.

19

''Nationalism is primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the

national unit should be congruent.'' (Gellner, 1983, p.1) The counterpart of the political

unit here is the state without a doubt.

The reason why we pay a lot of attention to the relationship is to clarify the construction of a nation-state and the construction of a nation are in parallel.

Nationalism is not only the instructive principle for a nation, but also the basic tenet for

a nation-state. Hegel (1975, p.134) indicates that ''nations may have had a long history before they finally reach their destination – that of forming themselves into state''. By emphasizing the destination, he intends to clarify that the real history of a nation only begins when it acquires its own state. Therefore, nation and state both benefit largely form nationalism, which ''sees itself as a natural and universal ordering of the political life of mankind'' (Gellner, 1983, p.48). Since its inception, people have tended to use the nation to guide their political appeals for their own state.

In 1789, even before the French Revolution, Emmanuel J. Sieyes, a French

Roman Catholic abbot, published a pamphlet - What is the Third Estate, which had a great impact on the Revolution and helped to transform the Estates General into the

National Assembly. Sieyes highly appreciated the Third Estate and the nation they represented. He almost regarded these two groups as the same thing.

The Third Estate embraces then all that which belongs to the nation; and all that which is not the Third Estate, cannot be regarded as being of the nation. What is the Third Estate? It is the whole. (Sieyes, 1963)

He raised the status of the nation out of his political intention and argued that the nation existed before any other things and was even the source of everything.

What is a nation? According to Sieyes, it would be a ''body of associates, living under a common law, and represented by the same legislature'' (Sieyes, 1963). By which,

Sieyes emphasized that all were equal in not only politics but also daily life. Everyone should be subjected to the law passed by all the citizens, represented equally by delegates, afforded the same opportunities. Obviously, Sieyes' nation, as a group living in the same political circumstance, is the alternative description of the state. 20

Although numerous scholars have different definitions of the term "nation" and represent their own interpretations of different theoretical schools, they all basically recognize that a nation is a community of people and has political features. Max

Weber used to locate nation's definition in the field of politics, ''a nation is a community of sentiment which would adequately manifest itself in a state of its own; hence, a nation is a community which normally tends to produce a state of its own'' (Weber,

2009, p.176).

In sum, we can never figure out the nation and the state separately or out of context. In a newborn nation, the construction of itself is connected with the corresponding process of the state. Only from the perspective of historical course can we fully realize the role that a nation plays in evolution.

3.3 People and their national identity that matters

We discuss what the term ''nation'' means in Chinese context to showcase

different connotations it has during the long-term historical course. The Chinese

nation is a more proper concept in further discussion, which is deeply connected with

China – a political entity. However, the relationship between a nation and a state is

subtle, whether inside or outside China. They rely on each other and complement

each other in the seeking of an unprecedented society constituted by a great number

of newborn nation-states. The nation-state is undoubtedly a typical and exemplary

form for the state, so that in the last century, after its emergence, the influence of nation-states quickly expanded around the world. Normally, when we talk about the term "nation", we all regard "nation" as a concept of political entity which has already been confirmed by the world, linked firmly with the nation-state. However,

We cannot understand nations and nationalism simply as an ideology or form of politics but must treat them as cultural phenomena as well. …Nationalism…must be related to national identity, a multidimensional concept, and extended to include a specific language,

21 sentiments and symbolism. (Smith, 1991, pp. vii)

As a concept with rich connotations, ''nation'' could not come up as a mature concept out of thin air for the first time. It must go through a long process of development in which the whole society gets involved. After the collapse of former political principles, as we mentioned before, the lower class - in other words, the people - were admitted into the construction of a new political entity. Their identities first matter in the field of politics. National identity became the key to the nation and its people. From this point, some scholars even believe that none of the ethnological theorists could provide a definite definition of nation from an objective point of view, because the best answer is that any community, as long as its members are aware that they are members of the community and want to maintain their identity, is a nation; they tend to consider that the nation is a soul, a spiritual principle (Cobban,

1970; Renan, 2002). Giuseppe Mazzini agreed that the nation is the sentiment of love, the sense of fellowship. In the meantime, he indicated that The Alps and the

Mediterranean define the boundaries of the Italian nation (Burns, 1963).

As guardian of national identity, the state derived its legitimacy from the nation it sought to embody and represent; just as only nations with states of their own could feel secure and autonomous in a world of 'nation-states'. (Smith, 1991, p.168)

Nation identity is such an important concept that shapes what the nation is and determine how the nation develops. State acts as the guardian to protect the legacy of national identity – nation itself.

Therefore, different from other scholars who paid much attention to the controversies, let us step back to the people, to the self-identity. Because one is

composed of ''multiple identities and roles – familial, territorial, class, religious, ethnic and gender'' (Smith, 1991, p.4).

Following Smith, lots of controversies will be easy to clarify if we take different facets of a nation into consideration. We can accept that the term ''nation'' varies from

Western model to non-western model based on the knowledge of identity. For

22

instance, a standard western model nation has close relations with its historic territory,

legal-political equality and common culture. On the other hand, the non-western

model usually distinguishes one's feature by the birth community and native culture. A

nation is ''first and foremost a community of common descent'' (Smith, 1991, p.11).

Admitting and understanding differences are essential for people to recognize the reality that national identity is a fundamentally multi-dimensional concept and can

never be reduced to a single element. It may build on a traditional territory inherited

from ancestries, or the myths and memories, even oblivion shared by all the members.

As Renan said,

Yet the essence of a nation is that all individuals have many things in common; and that they have forgotten many things. No French citizen knows whether he is a Burgundian, an Alan, a Taifale, or a Visigoth, yet every French citizen has to have forgotten the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, or the massacres that took place in the Midi in the thirteenth century. (Renan, 2002)

Therefore, national identity is a mass public culture and a common demand for right and duty. The nation draws on elements of lots of collective identity as its interrelated components – ethnic, cultural, territorial, economic and legal-political.

It is fair to say that nationalism creates the national identity. But different from

Gellner or Kedourie, who believes that nationalism is a doctrine invented in Europe, nation and nationalism are ''no more invented than other kinds of culture, social organization or ideology'' (Smith, 1991, p.71). Even though carried with characteristics of the times, they are still dependent on earlier motifs, visions, and ideals.

For individuals, identity is a permission to join a community, become a recognized member, and succeed his ancestors historically and fatefully. In fact, after the breakdown of earlier religious forms of culture, there is no difference between creating ''a world of collective cultural identities or cultural nations'' (Smith, 1991, p.99).

The Nation and the state are destined for each other, because as legitimate guardian

and realistic reflection of the national identity, the state can only feel secure and

23 spontaneous when closely related to the nation. When a group of people take their national identity into consideration at first in their self-identity, other differences and confusion are not important any more.

Therefore, we can draw the conclusion that the nation used to and will always be political. As an artificial principle to organize the human society which based on modernization and industrialization, it first came up after the collapse of the feudal dynasty and religious community. In the cases that productivity surpassed the limitation of ancient society, it is undoubtedly logical to bring some new ideologies to reconstruct the world. For the people who participated in this process, politics was the first and foremost thing they need to consider about. However, as the term ''nation'' gets more and more accepted, they change their posture from inspiring people to communicating with people. Once, all the supporters of the nation were prophets and politicians; but now, in a world constituted by hundreds of nation-states, people all recognize nation as the only choice to secure their independence and happiness. To maintain its existence or enrich its connotation, national identity – as a way to position oneself in an ever-transforming world, care more about ethnic, cultural and civil features rather than a political slogan – becomes the best explanation for the slightly old term ''nation''.

From the perspective of national identity, we can avoid some deviations in previous researches about Chinese nation issues. The study focusing on ethnology often leads to the conclusion that the existence of the Chinese nation-state is denied.

"There is an overwhelming opinion that China is a multi-ethnic state, but it seems that we have forgotten the conclusion that China is a great nation-state." (Ning, 1995) In the meantime, political science often uses the concept of the Chinese nation from the perspective of sovereignty and international relations, ignoring the national connotation behind it (Ye, 2009). National identity is a more appropriate path to solve modern Chinese national issues.

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Chapter 4. Transportation and identity 4.1 Industrialization and technology that shape identity

National identity and the nation comprise many interrelated components – ethnic, cultural, territorial, economic and legal-political (Smith, 1991, p15). Nation formation and persistence rely on the shared sentiment of continuity and membership.

The technology uses its unique logic and all-pervasive influence to shape and change people's cognition and thoughts, which in turn affects the composition of culture and multidimensional identity.

It is worth noting that some communication and sociology scholars hold the opinion that technology is the primary determinant of inevitable social change. This thought is usually regarded as Technological Determinism. Therefore, some of our analyses in the following are closely related or similar to their opinion about the shaping power of technology.

A medium of communication has an important influence on the dissemination of knowledge over space and over time and it becomes necessary to study its characteristics in order to appraise its influence in its cultural setting. (Innis, 2008, p33)

Medium, indeed a kind of technology, has vital implication to various civilizations due to its bias. People who share the civilization and identity appear to be powerfully influenced by the characters of the technology they adopt. According to

Innis (2008), the use of a medium for a long time will determine the character of knowledge to some extent. The pervasive influence of medium will eventually lead to the emergence of a new civilization in which social setting meet the technological characteristics. Basically, people who highly appreciate the influence of technology tend to believe in the sustained growth of society based on the development of technology. Technology includes medium, energy, transportation and information, is regarded as the driving force for further social progress. Some ideal inferences are quite similar to the techno-utopia, but there are more controversies about it.

25 Mosco indicated that this kind of Technological Determinism has already been a myth: whenever a new medium technology emerges, someone will claim that time, space and power are completely transcended, which means the end of history, geography, and politics; humans will truly enter the era of Utopia.

This is very much an ever-ending story. For it tells the story of how the end came several times before the birth of cyberspace. The telegraph, electricity, the telephone, radio, and television were accompanied by their own versions of the end of time, space, and social relations, their own promise of revolution. (Mosco, 2004, p.115)

Similar criticism can also be found in Carey's analysis. He argued that the first task against full-blown optimism about technology was to demythologize the rhetoric of the technological sublime. Take the electronic technology for instance,

There is within their rhetorical descriptions of the electronic revolution a common set of ideas. They all convey an impression that electrical technology is the great benefactor of mankind. Simultaneously, they hail electrical techniques as the motive force of desired social change, the key to the re-creation of a humane community, the means for returning to a cherished naturalistic bliss. Their shared belief is that electricity will overcome historical forces and political obstacles that prevented previous utopias. (Carey, 2008, p.88)

Both Mosco and Carey are strongly against the full-blown optimism from

techno-utopia; however, these controversies are not that important in the following

discussion. More and more scholars notice that what threatens our lives the most is

technology is allowed to take over human's society. In other words, rather than saying

that people make machines serve themselves, it is better to say that people have to

adapt to machine or mechanic abstract logic. The prelude to this machine civilization

is a mechanical concept of time. Time is accurately measured to the second, and thus

the pace of human life is controlled by the rhythm of the clock ticking. “Wasting time”

has since become the most hateful sin, and people are driven by the abstract concept

of time to never stop working. The first step of mechanization runs counter to life

activities: rigid standard of time replaces the former standard of life, boring routine

procedures and strict management replace personal enthusiasm and cooperation

26 (Mumford, 1934, pp.12-18). Technology is so attractive that people keep re-shaping their identities to accommodate its development.

However, what we discuss in the following is quite far from the myth of technology. Since we have already make sure that it does have a numerous impact on the society, our purpose here is to discover and elaborate how the technology, especially the transportation industry and techniques after industrialization, lays the foundation of people's national identity and participates in the construction of modern nations. It is the actual impact of technology on society and people that matters rather than the distant future it promises.

Gellner (1983, pp.13-38) indicates how industrial society strengthens the

definition of ''nation'' by analyzing the process from agrarian society to the industrial

society. In agrarian society, the local communities depend for their function on a good

measure of face-to-face contact, and they cannot expand in size radically without

transforming themselves out of all recognition. However, industrial society is the only

society ever to live by and rely on sustained and perpetual growth. It is the first society

to invent the concept and ideal of progress, of continuous improvement. The

industrialization and the sustained growth it promises require both a mobile division of

labor, and frequent and precise communication in a standard idiom and in writing

when necessary. So, to some extent, education and culture that corresponding to

newborn nations are both designed to fit the demand of technological progress. Their

maintenance, in turn, is beyond the financial powers of even the biggest and richest

organizations within society. Only the nation can sustain so large a burden and only

the nation is strong enough to control so important and crucial a function. For a given

nation, people who share one identity can all breathe, communicate and produce

together.

Smythe (1994) also points out that technology is not autonomous. He is more

concerned about the economic and political factors behind the technology application.

Technology is not only the achievement of scientific study but also a social and

27 cultural phenomenon. It is different from science, for it contains a variety of possibilities, and the final result to show is only one of them. Technoogy is not neutral, on the contrary, is loaded with ideologies that have an impact on people's identities.

According to Heidegger (1977), the essence of modern technology is Gestell, or

"enframing", and technology is representing. In most cases, people only understand a multi-perspective thing from one angle. Usually, this angle is corresponding to our need and purpose of using a specific technique. Such as regarding air as the provider of oxygen, regarding the Rhine River as the provider of water, regarding the whole of nature as the provider of energy. People can surely decide what technology will pervade in their life, but the narrow vision of the technique also limits them.

Back to Smythe's analysis about Chinese dilemma of technology choices: if

"socialist roaders" were going to build a process where China could leapfrog ahead of capitalism, they have to find a new way to develop technology against the existed technology which was designed to fit capitalism. Because just as he said in the last but one paragraph, "the statement that China will catch up with or leap-frog ahead of capitalist technology is a dangerous one for it implies that socialist technique can be measured against the accomplishments of capitalist technique." Socialist China should and have to go in a different direction against technology that leads to individual consumption, for example, private automobiles, stylish clothing, and cosmetics. The development of technology has a direct influence on everyday lifestyle and experience. Therefore, people's identities are quite vulnerable when facing significant change and adjustment in the route selection of nation-level technology, especially in the early days of such a ground-breaking invention.

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4.2 Railway system

The transportation system is deeply connected with the national identity, especially in newborn nations. Their policymaking and strategy adjustment sometimes depend on citizens' sentiment and knowledge, but in general, changes and inventions in the transportation system are able to shape the national identity.

Railway dramatically changes the model of transportation over the course of the nineteenth century. This unprecedented transformation brought a significant change to many existing views about the nation.

Argentina's railway nationalization in 1948 is an essential instance to showcase the connection between nationalists' identity and independent national railway system. After winning the election with the support of the workers, Peron faced the task of further consolidating the political power, which required him to continue the political and economic policies that have benefited the working class since 1943. The Argentine working class, which attached to the export economy, had a strong nationalist sentiment. In the meantime, the nationalization of the railway is also in the interest of the railway workers in Argentina, which in turn encourages them to work hard and shape their national identity as an independent world power (J. C.

Brown, 1997; Baily, 1967). Before the nationalization, the most important industries in

Argentina's export economy, such as mining, meat packaging, and railway transportation, were mostly controlled by the United Kingdom and the United States.

Foreign workers and managers enjoyed a high status among employees, which has caused dissatisfaction among the Argentine workers. The Argentinean confirmedly opposed foreign capitalists and believed that it was their exploitation that led to the tragic living conditions of the working class. (Wright, 2014) The contradiction between the Railway Union and the British Railway Corporation has continued for decades. In order to strengthen the newborn government after 1943 and encourage Argentinean to discover an independent developing path without the interference from the West, a series of policies are implemented in the field of transportation.

29 The rail network was strongly associated with society because it brought a new mode of exchange and circulation of goods and persons. In the meantime, it required a corresponding organization to manage the numerous messages and productions it brought. The construction of rail routes and the standardization of gauge were the focuses in the very beginning.

The standardization of gauge came slowly. Even in England, the norm chosen by George Stephenson in 1825 for the railway line from Stockton to Darlington (1.435meters), was not established definitively until 1892, despite the fact that parliament in 1846 had granted its preference to this gauge, which coincided with that of road vehicles of the period. Among European countries, there was scarcely any unification of gauges. In 1844, under the influence of English engineers, Spain adopted a gauge of 1.674 and Russia chose 1.52 meters. For reasons of state security, neither of these two nations later sought to link up with other European networks, where the Stephenson standard had finally triumphed. (Mattelart, 1994, p.19)

According to Mattelart, different from widely accepted telegraph unified regulation, the rail network traced by the locomotive is another entity of national borders. Every nation paid attention to keep its railway system distinctive. Military security is one of the most important reasons why nations were all prudent in their choices. Similarly, as the locomotive of the industrial revolution, the train itself was easily related to further industrialization and nation-shaping. Virilio (1986) indicates that the fate of the train is tied up with the construction of the industrial nation-state and the national bourgeoisie.

Therefore, in the bare land of colonies or former colonies, the railway system developed more dramatically with lasting political and economic influence. A series of networks were under construction at that time not only for financial needs but also for strategic demands. From port cities on the coast to mines and sawmills in the hinterland, from administrative centers to more territories to be conquered and colonized, the train carried more pacification and coercion than any other choices.

Even the influence of overwhelming military power could not last for that long. Ferro

30 regarded the train as a prominent symbol with infinite power and charm that everyone

was willing to follow its myth.

Its black smoke was the very sign of progress. Through the train, the west was identified with its symbol. In the name of the train, Victoria conquered Africa from the Cape to Cairo. In the name of the train, Nicholas and Alexander threatened Asia and would reach Vladivostok…. The French republican rooster aspired to the same dream: to span a continent. Alas, between Dakar and Djibouti, its hopes were quashed at Fashoda. To dominate the empire of the Rising Sun, or at least obtain an audience, Uncle Sa, offered the Mikado a small mechanical train. Just as shamelessly, Tseu-Hi's China offered itself to the great powers in return for an express that would stop at the gates of Canton. Thus humanity in all its color submitted to the masters of the smoking machine. (Ferro, 1978, p.52)

The penetration of railway in America showcased its considerable influence on

political operation and self-identity in newborn nations. We discussed how Argentina

nationalize the rail system in the beginning. However, before this radical revolution,

there were three different types of gauge existed in Pampas. External political or

economic hegemony imposed each of these three standards from the United

Kingdoms or France. The problem left from history threatened the national unification

and caused social polarization. Even Peron would like to solve this problem by allying

himself with the working class, the split from bottom to top in Argentine society finally

threw him away. It is clear that every nation has no choice but to attach importance to the construction of independent and unified national transportation once take over the control.

The United States, which used to take British standard, ''had left completely to

private initiative the task of establishing routes and to free competition that of laying

down the lines'' (Mattelart, 1994, p.20). However, the rapid increase in railroad

mileage and the whole system dramatically changed the social identity.

The rapidity of the change wrought by railroads is stunning. In 1830, when Lincoln was already an adult, there were scarcely 30 miles of steam railways in the United States (Report on Transportation, US Census Bureau, 1895.) By 1860, when he was elected President,

31

railroad mileage had skyrocketed to almost 29,000 miles. At the 1890 Census total railroad mileage was over 163,000. (J. H. Brown, 2013)

According to Brown, these railroads initially functioned as trade routes to connect a central city with its rural hinterland within the state. However, as time went by, the nation noticed that there was a feasible integrated rail network in the near future. Since the 1950s,

Of the later construction very little was intended to meet the wants of existing business. Some of it was due to political considerations; the remainder – perhaps two thirds of the whole amount – was intended to develop new regions and new trade. (Hadley, 1885, p.15)

The Interstate Commerce Act in 1887 was intended to regulate the rail

network in order to allow the country to take a great leap forward in the Industrial

Revolution, which at this stage was still necessarily national in character (Mattelart,

1994, p.20)

These regulations and changes in rail system reflected the policy adjustments with the participation of nations. However, no matter nations were initiative or not in these rail reformation, national identity is inseparably connected with transportation and how people treated it. Modern Chinese national identity was also related to the construction of railways.

The railway has been in China for a long time. In 1876, the Shanghai Wusong

Railway was officially opened as the first available railway in China. If we count from that time, the Chinese railway has a history of 142 years.

The railway is accompanied by a series of disputes and competitions in China.

It has experienced a painful and tortuous process and had a major impact on modern social culture (Ma & Zhou, 2002; Sun & Chen, 2005). Around 1840, the knowledge about railways was introduced into China with the arrival of foreign missionaries. Then, it appeared in the writings of reform pioneers, such as Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan. Later, the bureaucrats engaged in foreign affairs and the scholars with improved thinking within the Qing dynasty also proposed railroad construction requirements. Just as Li

32

Hongzhang and others advocated the construction of railways, British colonizers started the construction of Wusong Railway in Shanghai without regard to the opposition of the Qing dynasty. But soon the Wusong Railway was redeemed and disassembled by the Chinese government.

The Qing dynasty highly concerned railway issues and attached national dignity to the independent construction of railroads. Feng Junguang, who was the governor of Shanghai, indicated that all construction engineering affairs around the world, as well as the development of roads, were controlled by every sovereign government. Even the Japanese, who were forced to radically change their policies after the Perry Expedition, could still build railways out of their own will (Tang, 1989, p.347). The construction of the Wusong Railway was leveled up to the national affairs, which meant the treaty between China and other nations should be strictly followed.

The Qing dynasty strongly valued whatever little national sovereignty it had left, because its reflection on this event would be deeply connected with citizens' opinions and their identity (Li, 1994, pp. 63-66). This policy had started since 1863, when Trade

Minister Li Hongzhang explicitly informed the colonizers: Only when the Chinese themselves build and manage the railway will that benefits the Chinese; the Chinese are resolutely opposed to hiring foreigners in the Mainland; once the land owned by

Chinese people is ruined by road construction, it will cause great opposition. Without a doubt, bureaucrats were concerned about defending the benefits of the ruling class.

But furthermore, they stood their ground for the national basis: never give up on the autonomy of Chinese railway; never allowed further invasion on Chinese sovereignty

(Kent, 1907, pp.2-6).

We can safely draw the conclusion that the reason why the Qing government was extra tough on Wusong Railway was by no means the simply fatuous superstition.

The United States Ambassador Welsh analyzed the following in his report to

Washington: The disassembling of the Wusong Railway was entirely due to the political necessity. If the railroad was left there, it was sufficient to verify that the

33

Chinese authority’s actions are mediocrity; and it would give an encouragement to

similar violations of the Chinese nation and his independence (Dennett, 1922).

After preparation that lasted for several years, the Chinese started to build their railway in 1881. The tension in the struggle for independent transportation built up toward a climax after the Sino-Japanese War, when colonizers speeded up their invasion in the construction of railways. The major railways built at that time are as following: Zhongdong, Northern Nanman, Southern Nanman in the Northeast;

Jingfeng, Luhan, Jinpu, Jingzhang, Zhengtai, Bianluo, Jiaoji, Daoqing in the North;

Songhu, Hujing, Huhangyong, Ningsheng in the East; Yuehan, Zhuping, Dianyue,

Guangjiu, Xinning, Chaoshan in the South; Nanxun, Zhangxia in the Southeast. From

1876 to 1911, the Qing government has built a total of 9,100 kilometers of railways

(Zhu, 2009).

In 1911, after the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Sun Yat-Sen, the founding

father of ROC, proposed his own strategy for the Chinese rail system. He planned to

build six railway systems - Center, Northwest, Northeast, Southwest, Southeast - so

that China could become a powerful modern nation with 100,000 miles railways.

According to Sun (1922), the transportation is the most critical part in the industry, while the railway is the most critical part in the transportation.

The speed of rail meant less expense and more convenience in trips, which gave citizens more opportunities to experience the outside and shaped their identity of an uprising China. Locomotives and coaches connected the views and lands on the side of railroads. It was the first chance to regard the whole nation as one. The government paid attention to the construction of national identity. They encouraged people to travel around China by rail and provided special ticket set for long-distance trips. Comparing to normal choices, special ticket's price, term of validity, and permission for luggage were all more attractive (Li, 1994, p.494). Moreover, in order to provide convenience for new immigrations to Northeast and Northwest, there were corresponding discounts.

34 In order to increase people's knowledge about railway, as well as cities along the railway, almost every railroad we mentioned before published its own travel guide, such as Daoqing Railway Travel Guide, Jingsui Railway Travel Guide, Jiaoji Railway

Travel Guide and a comprehensive Chinese nation-owned Railway Travel Guide

(''Press'', 1933). These guides introduced the information about rail route, operation condition and every city along the railroad in detail. Furthermore, they all mentioned

each other about rail connections, schedules, and contact information in the appendix.

As for the purpose to compile these guides, Jingsui Railway Travel Guide said as

follows:

The main purpose of operating Jingsui Railway is to showcase the beautiful Northwest to travelers. In order to encourage more citizens take action, we will introduce all the views, productions and social conditions, as well as the railway information, along the railroad to the public… (Jingsui Railway Administration, 1922, p.14)

The Chinese Railway Administration intended to build connections among

numerous provinces to shape all the citizens' identities as an inseparable nation –

China.

4.3 Automotive industry

By examining the development of Chinese automotive industry and the evolution of its industrial policy since the industry establishment in 1949, we can find that the Chinese nation-state has the capability to practice proactive industrial policy.

In order to promote an infant industry, the newborn nation-state proposed a lot of protective measures in form of strategic trade policies. The reason why we bring policymaking into discussion is to analyze which policies and measurement were used to influence trade flows and how these trade policies impact the regarding industry and the Chinese economy itself. The Chinese automotive industry benefited from the effectiveness of such protective measures and helped the nation-state achieve industrialization and welfare maximization. In the meantime, the attention of

35 the global automotive industry has turned to China, where the fast growing economy, coupled with considerable potential in domestic and export markets is attracting much attention. In 2009, China rivaled the United States for the position of the largest market in the world with its domestic passenger vehicle sales of 13.6 million units

(Guo, Li, & Chen, 2017).

The automotive industry can be defined as ''the manufacturers of automobiles and their engines, motor tractors, superstructures, trailers and passenger vehicle components and paraphernalia'' (Terporten, 1999, p.86). As a recipient of strategic trade policies, the automotive industry is of particular interest for every independent nation. High net exports and high GDP levels are inter alia driven by a strong domestic automotive industry. Besides, other domestic industries (e.g. steel, plastic, electronics etc.) are supposed to receive positive side effects that provided by an international competitive automotive industry.

In the very beginning, the domestic Chinese automotive industry could be considered uncompetitive, while the foreign industry was mature and capable of producing a substitute for the domestic good. However, the founding fathers started their first plans to develop the domestic automotive industry right after the foundation of the PRC in 1949. In order to achieve a stimulation of national economy by the means of further promotion of the agricultural sector, China was in urgent needs of efficient transportation solutions to promote production and distribution of agricultural products (Bjorn, 2014). Other reasons for the development of an independent automotive industry were the compelling threads due to the upcoming cold war. China attached great importance to the construction of national industry and linked it with national security. Obviously, a sophisticated transportation system coupled with a strong automotive industry could meet the demand for increased mobility and armament (Harwit, 1995, p.17).

Therefore, rather than let private corporations or foreign capital participate in the post-war reestablishment of Chinese national automobile, the newborn

36 nation-state decided to take direct charge of it with limited help from the Soviet Union.

In 1956, the First Automotive Works was founded in Changchun as the first

state-owned enterprise focusing on the production of automobiles. As time went by,

there were more factories established at cities in southern China, such as Shanghai

and Nanjing (He, & Jing, 2009, p.58). We can find evidence from the production

activities to prove how national strategies influenced the economy. The major focus of

all industry participants was the production of trucks and lorries because of the

growing need in the field of armament and agriculture. So, personal passenger

vehicles were almost unavailable at that time. Only upper government servants might

have the chance to be served by passenger vehicles (Harwit, 1995, p.17).

Further development of the Chinese automotive industry happened in the

Sino-Soviet split, which was caused by De-Stalinization and revisionism. Despite the

complicated background politics here, the main difference of opinion was that

Chairman Mao Zedong proposed a relatively belligerent attitude towards capitalist

countries, while the Soviets preferred a peaceful-coexistence policy (Lenman, 2000).

Furthermore, the Chinese nation felt increasing menace from the West, especially

after the Vietnam War, where China confronted the United States again. Therefore,

these political tensions and boundary conflicts with the Soviet Union and the direct

intervention of the United States in Southeast Asia stimulated the Chinese

government to spread its autarkic industrial centers with the whole country. The main

reason why the government further expanded the coverage of automotive industry

was in the case of a potential invasion. In addition, China used to fully rely on the most

industrialized and developed areas of the West to support its national strategies.

However, China carried out a massive programme of investment in the remote

regions of south-western and western China this time. This was so called ''the Third

Front''. By the large-scale industrial shift, the nation-state envisaged a huge

self-sufficient industrial base area to serve as a strategic reserve for the whole nation

(Naughton, 1988). It was definitely an emphasis to involve every corner of China into a grand integration. For instance, the Second Automotive Works was established

37 during the foundation of ''the Third Front'' in central China. All the automotive factories followed the standard that they were supposed to produce totally independent from foreign technology. In sum, the production of automobiles in the very beginning was influenced by national choices. The technology adoption from the Soviet Union and the independent development of technology in ''the Third Front'' were directly due to the adjustment of national strategies.

After China transiting from a centrally planned economy to an economy based a market mechanism and opening-up, multinational companies have their chances to entered China. However, most of them are only able to accomplish the task through joint ventures with state-owned enterprises. China still regards the automotive industry as a special kind of national strategic industry and an industrial-politically significant sector for the economic development. ''Against this background, a remarkable phenomenon in the Chinese auto industry is the fast development of several independent local automobile-makers relying on their own efforts to produce independently owned car brands.'' (Guo, Li, & Chen, 2017) As a large emerging economy, China tried to achieve a consolidation and a modernization of the industry by implementing protective interventions and additional measurement. ''Formal Policy on the Development of the Automotive Industry'' and ''Automotive Industry

Development Policy'' are implemented to instruct national automotive industry (Yin,

2010). These policies aim to

Propel and upgrade the compositional regulations of the automotive industry, comprehensively increase the international competitiveness of the automotive industry, satisfy the consumers demand on automotive products, facilitate a healthy development of the automotive industry and uniquely formulate policies regarding the development of the automotive industry……By the means of the implementation of this policy, the Chinese automotive industry will develop as the nationals economies industrial pillar before 2010 and in order to realize the goal of a sustainable establishment of social welfare it will dedicate even greater contribution.(NDRC, 2004)

38

In order to help and encourage the Chinese automotive industry compete against foreign competitors, the government proposed a series of policies to promote

the utilization of personal passenger vehicles within the Chinese society (Holwig, Luo,

& Oliver, 2009, p.68). For instance, they provide easier access to credit to finance the

acquisition of motorized vehicles so as to increase private consumption. Beijing

inform local government that they are not allowed to ''implement additional burdens

and fees on the purchase, the registration and the usage of vehicles'' (Yang, 2005, p.1)

Administrative burdens and addition taxes are disposed in order to encourage the

development of national automotive industry.

39 Chapter 5. Conclusion

Modernism was the key point to the rise of nation and nationalism by insisting on an idea that both of them were connected with a series of modernizations such as industrialism, capitalism, urbanization, secularization, etc. Gellner (1964) first appealed to scholars to focus on modernism and initiated a new theory by associating

nationalism with industrialization. Following Durkheim and Weber, He proposed that

nation researches should be put into the process of social transformation and

evolution. By analyzing what happened in modern China, we get rid of the

misunderstanding in translation and misuse. Nation and state, as two independent yet

complemented concepts, are destined for each other. The key point within both of

them is national identity - a multi-dimensional term that gathers around people in a

newborn political entity.

In lots of elements that shape people's identities, technology and industry are

special items because their distinct importance that related to modern nations. The

transportation is definitely a prominent instance and always the sphere for political

power. Before the emergence of modern nations, it used to be the path for the

communication and trade between villages. However, in the process of nation

construction, the transportation is connected with newborn national governments'

sovereignty and citizens' identities.

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