CHALLENGES FROM WITHIN: THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN WESTERN EUROPE

By

KEVIN T. RODGERS

Integrated Studies Final Project Essay (MAIS 700)

submitted to Dr. Mike Gismondi

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts – Integrated Studies

Athabasca, Alberta

August 2016

THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 2

ABSTRACT

Neo-nationalism is a political ideology that seeks to limit the effects of globalization on the historically defined nation-states of Europe. Neo- nationalism is growing rapidly and is not beholden to class based norms, nor is it defined by a traditional ideological construct. This paper seeks to define the factors that have led to the rise in the popularity of neo-nationalist parties in Western Europe. To do this effectively, an interdisciplinary approach is used that seeks to combine insights from across the disciplines of anthropology, economics, gender studies, geography, sociology and political science in order to better understand neo-nationalism’s popularity. I argue that the rising popularity of neo-nationalist groups lies in their ability to use an adaptive mythology that plays on pre-existing regional, religious, gender, and economic sensitivities in order to stoke fears of either a real or a perceived loss of political, cultural, and economic power.

THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 3

Over the last thirty years globalization and space-time compression have fundamentally altered our social, economic, and political worlds. Neo-liberalism and globalization have since become interlinked as neo-liberal economic policies have come to dominate globalization initiatives. Although globalization policies have connected the world and shifted some regions out of poverty, globalization has also negatively affected individuals and altered traditional class patterns. In Western Europe, a rise in neo- nationalist sentiment has formed a challenge to the globalist policies of neo-liberal institutions and organizations like the IMF, the World Bank, and the European Union.

Neo-national groups like the France’s National Front, Britain First, the United Kingdom

Independence Party (UKIP), and Austria’s Freedom Party have all dominated political headlines in Western Europe, surprising academics and pundits alike with their swift rise in popularity. This paper seeks to address the factors that have led to the rise in popularity of neo-nationalist parties throughout Western Europe. I argue that the rising popularity of Neo-nationalist groups in Western Europe, lies in their ability to craft an adaptive mythology which plays on pre-existing regional, religious, gender, and economic sensitivities, as a means to stoke fears of either a real or a perceived loss of political, cultural, and economic power.

Supporters of neo-nationalism are united by their fear of the unknown and their fear of a future they neither understand or control. The European Union, and the social changes that have been brought about by neo-liberalism, provide an enemy that neo- nationalists can frame as the negative force that has altered member nations’ economic agendas, reduced the power of once powerful domestic unions, changed social and cultural elites, altered ideas of masculinity, and encouraged economic migration. Like the THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 4 dangerous nationalist groups of the past, neo-nationalist groups deflect blame and hold

‘foreign’ others as being responsible for social and economic changes affecting their self- defined nation. Neo-nationalism’s ability to present suitable scapegoats and cater to popular descent allows the movements rise in popularity.

When studying social phenomena, like the rise of neo-nationalism, it is important to incorporate a variety of disciplinary perspectives as individual adherence to neo- nationalist ideologies can vary greatly between participants in the movements. It is not simple to categorize individuals who may feel a connection to neo-national causes.

People participate in political movements in individual ways. Therefore it is important to incorporate as many theories and perspectives as possible in order to come to a more complete view of the factors leading to the popularity of neo-national movements.

Another challenge for this study lies in what Sager (2014) calls methodological nationalism; a research phenomenon where investigation of global problems are often addressed through the historical and cultural biases of the researcher’s national perspectives (p. 62). The presence of the nation-state as an organizational tool still represents a key assumption in fields like political science, history, geography and economics. Scholars, politicians, and journalists study the GDP of a state, the population of a state, and the history of a state – these assumptions fuel the dominance of the nation in social research. Methodological nationalism plays an important role in our understanding of neo-nationalist movements, since most citizens have been taught to think of the nation as a foundational presence in our day to day lives - a belief that biases many in the West towards discourses that rely on concept of ‘the nation’. In order to avoid the pitfalls of methodological nationalism, and disciplinary biases / blind spots, this THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 5 paper uses an interdisciplinary research method that incorporates perspectives from both the humanities and social sciences (from several national regions) in order to find consensus and to better understand neo-nationalism as a transnational phenomenon. This paper attempts to bridge gaps in discipline specific research by drawing on assumptions and theories present in anthropology, economics, gender studies, geography, sociology and political science. Interdisciplinary techniques allow for a more comprehensive analysis of the growth in popularity of neo-nationalist parties over the last 15 years.

Although this paper focuses on events unfolding in Western Europe, nationalist ideas are rising globally. Research into the popularity of neo-nationalism is key to understanding fundamental political and social changes of our times. It appears that nationalist sentiment - spread by groups like Britain First, the National Front, or even the

US Republican Party under Donald Trump- has been able to mobilize support and create a new form of resistance to neo-liberalism. In Putin’s Russia, nationalism has replaced

Marxism as a force for social and political control. Neo-nationalism is a force that could fundamentally alter political and economic policies around the world. Understanding the motivations, politics, and aims, of neo-nationalist groups and their supporters is key to understanding a potentially revolutionary period in world history.

We often associate nationalism with a historical phenomenon that peaked in the

1930s and led to two world wars. Yet nationalism, as a social and political ideology, played an important role during the 19th and the 20th centuries through organizing economies, cementing loyalties to the state, and providing individuals with a sense of belonging in lieu of the feudal ties. In short, nationalism built the modern nation –state. It is important to note that although nationalism and neo-nationalism are linked, both THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 6 movements are unique and are formed from a different set of underlying principles, enemies, and aims. Delany (1996) states that: “nationalism today in fact represents something substantively new and it is therefore legitimate to speak of ‘neo-nationalism’.

The emergence of new nationalism is indicative of a more general transformation of political culture: a gradual shift from monolithic ideologies to a diffuse politics of cultural identity and a concern with social themes” (p. 127). While sharing some ideological similarities with nationalist movements of the past, neo-nationalists argue against the new ‘others’ of global capitalism and economic migration, while believing that supranational entities, like the EU, the World Bank and the International Monetary

Fund work to undermine the strength of their once dominant nation-states. Sociologists

Ager and Valdez (2015) indicate that neo-nationalism differs from its historical name sake in that neo-nationalism is: “a boundary maintenance project rather than a nation building project” (p. 127). In anthropology, Gingrich (2006) adds that while neo- nationalism rejects some key ideas behind modern capitalism, neo-nationalism maintains a link to capitalist ideas of individualism. He further suggests that to neo-nationalists, individual exceptionalism can be widened to apply to the nation and stoke ideas of national exceptionalism. (p. 198). Economist, Quentin Duroy (2014) echoes Gingrich’s link between neo-nationalism and capitalism, stating: “The rise in neo-nationalism has coincided with the increased influence of neo-liberal ideology on economic development in Europe through policies of deregulation, privatization, austerity and / or European

Union membership” (p. 469). Thus emerges a clear cross disciplinary consensus (shared by researchers in the fields of sociology, economics and anthropology) which denotes THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 7 neo-nationalism as something distinct from past nationalisms and is tied to capitalism and neo-liberalism in historically specific ways.

In order for a political movement to grow and recruit, the movement must create a palatable ideology. Each political or social ideology grows due to what Duroy (2014) calls enabling myths. These myths can become the backbone of any political movement and are important factors that are used to gain support in a population. Duroy writes:

“Myths are context-dependent and their salience hinges upon their cognitive

appeal in explaining, shaping or justifying aspects of current social conditions.

Myths are successfully transmitted if they provide producers and users with a

sense of ontological security which alleviates the fear and anxiety of losing a

sense of continuity in self-identity and the constancy of the surrounding social and

material environments” (p. 470).

In Western Europe, neo-nationalist have adapted the enabling myths of neo-liberalism to gain support, while also taping into existing frustrations and local resentment associated with some more controversial aspects of neo-liberal through in order to caste itself as an ideology focused on the needs of people. By adapting existing ideologies, neo-nationalist groups are able to maintain a comfort zone within their base while also proposing radical reforms. Individualism and market discipline form key myths for both neo-liberalism and for neo-nationalism (Duroy, 2014, p. 470). Neo-liberalism uses the myth of market individualism to argue for deregulation and reduce government interference in ‘private economic affairs’; while neo-nationalists use the same myths to argue for what they believe is the necessary maintenance of their national exceptionality. To neo-nationalists, national governments should encourage success within their own borders rather than THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 8 engage in globalization initiatives that benefit foreigners. By adapting individualism to serve a collective purpose, neo-nationalists are able to use an already dominant discourse to underpin their own ideological framework. This connection to already dominant discourses aids group’s abilities to recruit, as possible adherents are already familiar with some aspects of the group’s ideology.

While in support of a bastardized version of neo-liberalism’s individualism, neo- nationalists place themselves in opposition to another less popular tenant of neo- liberalism – ethno-cultural neutrality. According to Duroy: “neoliberalism is argued to promote ethno-cultural neutrality by creating a level playing field for all individuals regardless of race, class, gender, or any other marker of minority status” (Duroy, 2014, p.

472). These ideas are epitomized in the European Union’s migration policies that allow citizens from one member state to seek work in any other member state. Ideologically, in neo-liberalism (and in the EU) businesses should hire the most qualified regardless of race, class, or gender. Gender and Ethno-cultural neutrality principles have led to increased participation by minorities and women in the labour market over the last 30 years. To neo-nationalists, gender and ethno-cultural neutrality, goes against the basic principles of individualism argued by modern discourses of capitalism and individual rights. More employment competition can lower wages or raise entry level qualifications for jobs. For segments of the population that have historically benefited from a stagnate labour market, the world has become a more difficult place to practice individualism as competition interferes with individual personal aims. As Allen (2014) points out in his study of Britain First in the UK, “Britain First believes that it is a combination of these factors [ethno-cultural neutrality as embodied in liberalism, and multiculturalism] that THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 9 have given preference to ethnic minorities at the expense of ‘genuine British citizens’, who have subsequently been relegated to second class status in relation to housing, jobs, education, welfare and health” (p. 357). Neo-nationalist groups like Britain First believe that the gender and ethno-cultural neutrality espoused by multi-culturalism and neo- liberalism are a key element in the deteriorating economic standing of formerly dominate elements in society ( who especially? White male heads of households? See if you can find a quote). The effects of globalization on local employment markets, has become an important rallying point for neo-nationalist groups who seek to limit foreign participation in the economy.

Economic changes resulting from globalization have led to the freer movement of capital, space-time compression, and have promoted labour mobility. Within states, inter-state migration has led to shifts in regional demand for workers and skills as well as a shift towards more precarious and temporary work. Duroy argues that Neo-liberal policies have actively worked to “alter the structure of post-industrial economies by shifting the nature of working class occupations towards non-unionized, unprotected secondary labour” (Duroy, 2014, 473). This policy has upset traditionally defined power structures that played an important economic and political role in Western Europe before the onset of globalization. Although developed states like those of Western Europe still dominate the global economy, mainly with their service and tertiary sectors, large segments of the population that had formally worked in manufacturing or resource extraction now struggle to find comparable work in an increasingly competitive environment. To Duroy, “The emergence of transnational capitalism has thus created economic uncertainty and vulnerability which have been exploited by neo-nationalist THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 10

‘political entrepreneurs’ through an anti-immigrant and anti-EU populist propaganda which has been increasingly appealing to working-class segments in cultural majorities

(Duroy, 2014, p. 474). European Union policies that encourage migration and promote a reorganization of traditional economic aims, have created a distinction between the aims of the supranational organization – that views Europe as a single market - and the personal aims of large segments of the European population who are concerned about how these policies will affect their personal wealth and social standing. This cleavage has created a fracture between the aims of the EU and many citizens, neo-nationalist groups aim to exploit this fracture in order to recruit new followers who are frustrated by the current transnational discourse and fear the local effects of the trans-nationalization of the

European economy.

An ideological focus on individualism can focus one on the personal effects of economic and political changes, as people fear losing the position within society that they have worked to achieve. This fear can manifest on a potentially dangerous fixation with

‘the other’, a force that is responsible for the changes affected what some view as the majority. Thus, the fear of loss helps foster the ‘us vs. them’ mentality that is a key factor used to grow neo-nationalism in Western Europe. Gingrich (2006) notes that neo- nationalist groups have been able to appeal to wider margins of voters by playing on a perceived fear of two important others.

“Most importantly, these forms of nationalism share a basic, tripartite hierarchical

ideological pattern: a coherent culturally essentialised form of ‘us’ is positioned in

the centre, and is contrasted against two groups of ‘them’. One group of ‘them’ is

constructed in terms of power as being ‘above us’: the EU authorities in Brussels THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 11

and their mysterious associates elsewhere. A second stratum of ‘them’ is

perceived as being ranked, in terms of status, ‘below us’: local immigrants and

other cultural and linguistic minorities living in the EU, plus their ‘dangerous

associates’ in Africa, Asia and elsewhere” (Gingrich, 2006, p. 199).

By working to create a three stratum system where groups both above and below represent a threat to the continuation of the status quo, adherents to neo-nationalism are drawn together as the supposed victims of neo-liberalism. The creation of a new caste system in neo-nationalist thought allows the movements to transcend traditional right, left and center class boundaries. Without ideologically imposed class boundaries, the movements are able to unite supporters who have traditionally been separated by social standing, economic power and class. Eger and Valdez (2005) add: “A new and increasingly salient division is the one that separates voters who seek economic, social, and cultural protection from the forces of globalization from voters who seek further supranational integration for the nation state” (p. 117). The reorganization of class in neo- nationalist thought allows for the creation of an unlikely alliance of individuals as those from working class pro-union backgrounds and anti-union business owners have become allies against globalization and the EU. Eger and Valdez (2014) add that: “Globalization has not erased traditional class cleavages, but it has certainly complicated them; so, rather than appealing to workers or capital, parties may also attempt to appeal to the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of globalization (p. 117). Neo-nationalism’s re-organization of traditional class based political norms allows the movements to grow and to recruit from across a more diverse strata of society when compared to class based movements of the past. THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 12

Neo-nationalists have not only created an ideology that rejects the class based status quo, but have also worked to form a new and more comprehensive ideology that is rooted in populism. Eger and Valdez (2014) have found that right wing economics

(individualism and deregulation) have largely been abandoned by neo-nationalist groups

(117). Eger and Valdez (2014) go on to state that neo-nationalism, as a political ideology, has dispensed with neo-liberal taxation and small state policies. Instead, these groups identify as anti-immigrant, and anti-EU, while supporting the social welfare state – so long as those receiving social welfare belong to the cultural majority (p.117). Although racist, anti-immigrant and pro-domestic business, most neo-nationalist groups do not seek to abandon the welfare state and instead see the welfare state as a necessary tool for the continued survival of their follower’s social power. The decision to maintain ties with the welfare state has created allies in the ‘left’ who value the redistribution of wealth and alleviation of poverty as a source of national pride (Plessis, 2015, p.16). Most neo- nationalist groups in Western Europe seek a cultural hegemony within their own borders and see the nation-state, with its historical powers, as the necessary savior from the flow of capital and labour that are rebalancing the world. This shift towards populism makes neo-nationalism seem more pragmatic and more palatable. The movement castes itself as being the only political force focused on the needs of its citizens rather than on ideology.

Neo-nationalism’s promotion of national sovereignty as a source for the maintenance of power and wealth, brings their ideology in conflict with neo-liberal parties, the E.U. and other supranational or transnational organizations who see the elimination of trade barriers as the best route to wealth. By placing itself as an ideology in conflict with neo-liberalism, big business, and the global elite, neo-national THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 13 movements have been able to gain support throughout society, especially from groups that fear policies of global governance and neo-liberalism. This of course makes it difficult to continue to categorize these movements as ‘right wing’ or ‘far right wing’ as the movement seems to reject typical class based ideological trends. Gingrich (2006) adds that “appeals to keep decision making in one’s own country can raise questions of national sovereignty that may attract political support from the left as well as the right.

The label of a ‘new right’ then is too simplistic” (p.196). By widening the appeal of the party and by separating from the class based definition of right and left, neo-nationalist groups are able to increase their levels of support across wider segments of society and appeal to a wider body of support.

In order to identify the groups within Western European society that form a particularly strong connection to neo-nationalists views it is important to examine previous elections and referendums where neo-nationalism expanded its influence.

Gingrich (2006) detailed election results in Belgium and the Netherlands, in the early

2000s and found that neo-nationalism’s support grew due to increased support from those who feared losing their social standing. He writes that supporters: “were not made up primarily of the unemployed. Rather millions of precariously employed urban voters were addressed, and many were won over. These were not only, and not even primarily, the ‘losers of globalization’ it was the fear of losing, and more specifically the fear of downward social mobility that attracted them to these voting preferences” (Gingrich,

2006, p. 199). Quantitative data from the Brexit referendum seems to support both

Gingrich’s (2006) claims of there being interclass support for neo-nationalist policies.

According to polling data released by the Guardian UK, individuals who voted to leave THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 14 the EU and pursue national independence, tended to not participate in higher education, have lower median income levels, were male, live outside of London, were born in the

U.K. and were over 40 years of age (The Guardian, EU Referendum Full Results). These individuals represent key strata of society that have the most to lose politically, socially and economically from the free market initiatives brought about by the EU.

‘Brexit’ forms an interesting point of analysis for neo-national recruitment, as it represents a popular campaign that was run using many of the beliefs and assumptions used by neo-nationalists. Effective arguments for a ‘Brexit’ focused on the over legislation and bureaucracy imposed on the U.K. by the European Union. Brexit the

Movie (2016), argues that the bureaucracy imposed by the E.U. damaged the British economy by subjecting British firms to too many useless trade standards. (Durkin, M,

Brexit the film, 2016, min 34). The film also argues that supranational regulation is dangerous and is responsible for unemployment and the hollowing out of the manufacturing workforce in the U.K. These arguments fit in with the enemy above arguments presented by both Gingrich (2006) and Duroy (2014). The arguments made throughout the film rally people to reject the principles of neo-liberalism, that the film argues, create an uneven playing field weighted against British workers. The film also argues that labour mobility and migration policies enacted by the E.U. overwhelm

Britain’s economy, by lowering wages and increasing competition (Durkin, M. 2016).

The film fits into the enemies above and below tripartite worldview that neo-nationalist groups argue is responsible for regional declines in secondary processing and jobs

(Durkin, M. 2016). The Brexit’s success illustrates that convincing arguments that can be used to persuade potential new voters by neo-nationalist groups. THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 15

In order to better understand the role that class, gender, and migration play in the ability for neo-national groups to increase their vote share, Gingrich (2016) completed an ethnographic study in pro-nationalist regions of Austria. Gingrich (2016) found that ideas of nationalism seemed to be perpetuated mostly by men, as women in his study seemed to disassociate from ideas of the nation and the ‘fatherland’ (p. 204). Gingrich’s studies seem to determine that the popularity of neo-nationalism in Austria and in other parts of

Western Europe is perpetuated by what he called ‘angry white man syndrome’ (2006, p.

196). This ‘syndrome’ creates an interesting and important link between gender, social standing and neo-nationalist leanings. Gingrich summarizes that:

“Reluctantly, they [male supporters of the movement] have come to realize that

they would never have the kind of staple jobs their fathers and grandfathers had

enjoyed during the reconstruction decades after the Second World War. Even

more gradually, it had begun to draw down on them that they might never be able

to assume the position of male ‘head of household’ that their fathers and uncles

had held, and that developments in the labour market might place them in

positions previously more typical of female and immigrant labour” (Gingrich,

20016, p. 208).

The economic changes brought forward by globalization and the EU, have altered perceptions of masculinity and tradition in rural areas of Austria (and parts of France,

Germany, Italy and more). Younger men may feel that as a direct result of EU policies that their generation is losing its traditional role in society. Gingrich (2006) adds that:

“The fears of the ‘angry white men’ were realistic in part, but they were also manipulated and instrumentalised in order to make the stand taken by the Freedom Party appear more THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 16 convincing, necessary and appropriate” (p. 208). By stoking fears that once dominant members of society will lose their power and/or social standing as a result of EU initiatives, neo-nationalist are able to gain a base of followers who fear losing grasp on their traditional worlds. In summary, Gingrich concludes that: “An angry white men’ syndrome thus can be identified at the core of neo-nationalism’s greatest success in

Europe thus far” (2006, p. 208). Gingrich’s research is especially important today as the

Freedom party under the charismatic leadership of Norbert Hofer barely lost the presidential election in Austria by a mere 30 863 votes (Oltermann, 2016). It seems that fears over the evolution of gender and social roles in Europe have created a fissure in society that neo-nationalists exploit in order to increase support for their movements.

Gender based analyzes of neo-nationalist movements show a connection between fears of emasculation and adherence to neo-nationalism. From the perspective of

Feminist Studies, researcher Elisabeth Schussler Fionenza, there is a link between nationalist and patriarchal society: “Gender symbols, control of women, the well-being of the heterosexual patriarchal family, appeals to religious scripters and laws, specific cultural forms of dress and behavior – all become central to the maintenance of traditional values and the construction of national identity” (Fionenza, p. 112). Fionenza goes on to state that “national identity is rhetorically constructed and often articulated in the interest of the hegemony and control of women” (p. 112). Thus feminist scholarship illustrates the important role that nationalism can play in maintaining the social status quo and attempting to allow those groups losing power, and ideology that sees their hegemony as valid and traditional. Contemporary perspectives seem to confirm the ethnographic research gathered by Gingrich in 2006. THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 17

Anger at the EU is only one tool that neo-nationalists use to gain support. Neo- nationalist groups argue for the superiority of their single culture and society as defined by membership in the nation-state. Neo-nationalists caste migrants and immigrants as outsiders who work to undermine to power and reduce the potential of native born citizens. Although this position seems unpalatable, anti-immigrant rhetoric plays an important role in these groups. Eger and Valdez (2015) write: “While their anti- immigrant stances and rhetoric are unpalatable to many, their popularity indicates that they represent more than a fringe element among their electorate” (p. 116). Importantly by linking migrants, immigrants, asylum seekers, and illegal immigrants together, the fear associated with the potential cultural and economic impact of these groups is increased. Thus, a Polish migrant to a Manchester factory can be lumped together with

Islamic suicide bombers in France – all are enemies to the established national order to neo-nationalists. Terrorist attacks throughout Europe and the developed world have benefited neo-nationalists by providing a more menacing ‘other’ than the EU. Linking these attacks to growth in migration to the EU from the Islamic world and Eastern Europe has worked to stoke pre-existing cultural tensions. Neo-nationalists have been able to argue that their nation, and other nations in Western Europe, are special and home to unique rights cultures that are not present in other places around the world (Doyle, 2013,

275). Neo-nationalists are able to juxtapose the rights culture of ‘the West’ with failed states, and authoritarian states in the Middle East and North Africa, as a means to support their calls for a reduction in immigration, while also arguing that Islamic culture is incapable of successfully integrating into European society (Doyle, 2013, p. 266). Neo- nationalists have been able to use fear of ‘the other’ to dominate discussions on terrorism THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 18 and increase their media time due to their extreme views on the subject. Pre-existing fears over terrorism are maximized by neo-nationalist groups who argue that Islamic terrorists are omnipresent enemies of liberal society (2013, p. 170). Anger stoked by neo- nationalist fears of a cultural invasion leads some to see symbols of Islamic faith, like the hijab, as foreign cultural elements to be feared and rejected. Jailani (2016) calls this ‘the white saviour complex’, a complex that uses European senses of cultural and moral superiority, backed by a healthy dose of nationalism and imperialist sentiment, to argue that ‘Western’ culture is superior to others and that those who wish to live in the West must bow to western cultural hegemony (, p.52). Dole (2013) adds that to neo-nationalists

Christian identity and national identity have become intertwined, stating that: “The need to defend liberal values is depicted as synonymous with the need to defend ‘European

Identity’ which has come to overlap with the Christian identity long invoked by the reactionary Extreme Right” (2013, p. 266). The shift towards cultural exclusion policies by neo-nationalist, and even by other more mainstream political groups, represents a potential dangerous precedent for myths of ‘Western’ pluralism. Issues of cultural identity and culture wars prove to be fertile breeding grounds for neo-nationalist sentiment and hate. Jean Marie Le Pen, France’s National Front, leader has argued that

Islamic values are incompatible with the traditional values of the French Republic, and has enhanced fears by comparing the Nazi occupation of France to what she called the cultural occupation of France by Islam (Jailani, 2016, p. 54). Jailani (2016) argues that:

“unless such countries take active measures to combat right-wing extremism, they continue to run the risk of enveloping themselves in a shell of religious and cultural intolerance under the banner of freedom and nationalist pride” (p. 54). With international THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 19 headlines focused on barbarism and terrorism abroad fear can cause people to seek the safety and cultural exclusivity of the nation-state. The radicalization of attitudes in

Western Europe towards Islamic immigrants serves to benefit neo-nationalist bent on pursuing a national agenda at odds with existing policies of immigration and pluralism.

By using freedom as an argument against immigration, neo-nationalists are able to argue that states must exclude newcomers in order to protect the liberties that Western

Europeans enjoy. The protection of freedoms is an important recruitment mechanism for neo-nationalists as it allows their groups to gain new supporters who fear the possible assimilation of their own cultural norms in pursuit of pluralism.

In conclusion, I have argued that the growth in support for neo-nationalist movements in Western Europe lies in the group’s ability to adapt their mythology and play on pre-existing regional, religious, gender, and economic sensitivities. Western

European neo-nationalists have been able to create unlikely alliances by positioning their movements as the only effective opposition to globalization, fast capitalism and the EU.

Neo-nationalist groups have moved towards a populist, and classless, election platform that aims to retain the popular welfare state as a mechanism through which the wealth of their nation can be preserved. Neo-nationalists in Britain, France, and other states in

Western Europe, also capitalize on security concerns emulating from waves of migration that bring newcomers to Europe in order to dominate headlines and label existing governments as as unfit protectors of their nation’s cultural identity. Although this paper has detailed key aspects that affect neo-national recruitment and alliances, analysis of these groups is far from complete. A more in depth national account that can reflect some of the unique variable that each specific neo-national group exhibits would be THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 20 valuable tool that enable a more complete understanding of the state specific recruitment potential of each movements. With the growth of neo-nationalism outside of Europe, in the US Republican Party for example, a comparative analysis between Donald Trump’s nationalist rhetoric in the US and the rhetoric of neo-national groups in Europe would help to understanding of the links between the popularity of these movements in geographically distinct states. The recent success of these movements on the national and international scale will no doubt draw more in depth research in the future. Continued and cross disciplinary research into the ideological framework and the popularity of these potentially dangerous worldviews appears to be paramount to understanding the key political and social challenges of our time.

THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 21

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