US Foreign Policy Traditions and Cold War Interventions
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Presidential Foreign Policy Doctrines
20 July 2015 Presidential Doctrines, the Use of Force and International Order Did the US’ military and legal reactions to the 9/11 attacks fundamentally transform its foreign and security policies? Joseph Siracusa doesn’t think so. He argues that the so-called Bush and Obama Doctrines have had more in common with previous presidential approaches than most people realize. By Joseph Siracusa for ISN In the ever-changing landscape of international relations, the extent to which the actions of the United States contribute to justice and order remains a source of contentious debate. Indeed, it is difficult to find a point in recent history when the United States and its foreign policy have been subject to such polarised and acrimonious reflection, both domestically and internationally. Notwithstanding recent ‘decline’ debates and the rise of emerging powers, the United States continues to hold a formidable advantage over its chief rivals in terms of formal power assets more than twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War. Few anticipated this situation; on the contrary, many assumed that, after a brief moment of unipolarity following the collapse of the Soviet Union, international affairs would soon regain a certain symmetry. Instead, US hegemony is still par for the course. In this context, because the foreign policy ‘doctrines’ of American presidents remain an important driver of the outlook of the United States, these doctrines continue to play a significant role in shaping international order. Though they have veered from isolationist to interventionist to expansionist over the years, these doctrines in fact exhibit a remarkable continuity – even in the post 9/11 era. -
Use of Force in Bloc Situations
IDEOLOGY AND THE LEGAL REGULATION OF THE USE OF FORCE THE USE OF FORCE IN BLOC SITUATIONS Ross R. Oglesby* My task is to examine the use of force in bloc situations and to discover, if possible, whether there are "rules of the game," or norms of international law, which govern such use. In analyzing the question, two incidents will be examined in particular-the United States use of force in the Dominican Republic in 1965 and the Soviet use of force against Czechoslovakia in 1968. From a study of these two incidents, as well as others not presently under examination, it appears that a pattern is developing. It will be necessary in this context to employ the word "intervention" frequently; hence, it should be mentioned at the outset that the word "intervention" will be used to describe the phenomenon of international life in which a state sends military men and materiel across another state's boundaries.' This use of the word is not to imply that intervention of this nature is the only kind that exists or matters; rather, it implies that such intervention is the only kind congruent with the use of force in bloc situations. This type of intervention is not only the most trau- matic for the international system, but illustrates with the greatest lucid- ity and forcefulness what appears to be the development of a rule gov- erning the use of force in bloc situations. Since the Second World War, both the Soviet Union and the United States have engaged in intervention on a somewhat continual basis. -
The French Strategy in Africa: France’S Role on the Continent & Its Implications for American Foreign Policy
The French Strategy in Africa: France’s Role on the Continent & its Implications for American Foreign Policy Matt Tiritilli TC 660H Plan II Honors Program The University of Texas at Austin 11 May 2017 ____________________________________________________ J. Paul Pope Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Supervising Professor ____________________________________________________ Bobby R. Inman, Admiral, U.S. Navy (ret.) Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs Second Reader Abstract In the post-World War II era, the nature of military interventions by traditional powers has changed dramatically due to changes in political priorities and the kinds of conflicts emerging in the world. Especially in the case of the French, national security interests and the decision-making process for engaging in foreign interventions has diverged significantly from the previous era and the modern American format. France has a long history of intervention on the African continent due in part to its colonial history, but also because of its modern economic and security interests there. The aim of this thesis is to articulate a framework for describing French strategy in the region and its implications for American foreign policy decisions. Contrary to the pattern of heavy-footprint, nation building interventions by the United States during this time period, the French format can instead be characterized by the rapid deployment of light forces in the attempt to successfully achieve immediate, but moderate objectives. French policy regarding Africa is based on the principles of strategic autonomy, the maintenance their status as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, and the ‘Europeanization’ of future initiatives. In order to achieve these objectives, France has pursued a foreign policy designed to allow flexibility and selectivity in choosing whether to intervene and to maintain the relative balance of power within their sphere of influence with itself as the regional stabilizer. -
Contention Between Communalist and Capitalist Inhabitants Escort to the Cold War
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 4 No 2 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) Published by MCSER-CEMAS-Sapienza University of Rome May 2013 Contention Between Communalist and Capitalist Inhabitants Escort to the Cold War Dr. Abdul Zahoor Khan, Ph.D. Assistant Professor, Department of History & Pakistan Studies Faculty of Social Sciences, International Islamic University, Islamabad-Pakistan, Phone Office: +92-51-9019517, Cell: +92-300-5527644, +92-300-7293535 Emails: [email protected], , [email protected] Doi:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n2p437 Abstract: In retrospect, the question, (what was the cold war about?), seems to a great extent harder to answer than it probably did to contemporaries, some of whom would probably shake their head in wonderment at the above analysis. Yet if we address each of its putative justifications singly, any clear answer seems to fade into the ether. First, from the U.S. side, was the cold war about fighting communism? As long as the Soviet Union remained the sole Communist state, this was a fairly simple proposition, because communism and Russian/Soviet power amounted to the same thing. After 1948, however, with the emergence of independent centers of Communist power in Yugoslavia and then in China, the ideological simplicity of the cold war disappeared. The United States found itself supporting communism in its national variety precisely in order to complicate the projection of Soviet power. The Yugoslav case has been mentioned; and although the U.S. opening to China would be delayed by two, decades of tragic ideological blindness, the United States did undertake, after 1956, to encourage and cultivate national communism in Eastern Europe in the form of the policy of differentiation. -
Killing Hope U.S
Killing Hope U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II – Part I William Blum Zed Books London Killing Hope was first published outside of North America by Zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London NI 9JF, UK in 2003. Second impression, 2004 Printed by Gopsons Papers Limited, Noida, India w w w.zedbooks .demon .co .uk Published in South Africa by Spearhead, a division of New Africa Books, PO Box 23408, Claremont 7735 This is a wholly revised, extended and updated edition of a book originally published under the title The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books, 1986) Copyright © William Blum 2003 The right of William Blum to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Cover design by Andrew Corbett ISBN 1 84277 368 2 hb ISBN 1 84277 369 0 pb Spearhead ISBN 0 86486 560 0 pb 2 Contents PART I Introduction 6 1. China 1945 to 1960s: Was Mao Tse-tung just paranoid? 20 2. Italy 1947-1948: Free elections, Hollywood style 27 3. Greece 1947 to early 1950s: From cradle of democracy to client state 33 4. The Philippines 1940s and 1950s: America's oldest colony 38 5. Korea 1945-1953: Was it all that it appeared to be? 44 6. Albania 1949-1953: The proper English spy 54 7. Eastern Europe 1948-1956: Operation Splinter Factor 56 8. Germany 1950s: Everything from juvenile delinquency to terrorism 60 9. Iran 1953: Making it safe for the King of Kings 63 10. -
Army for Progress: the U.S. Militarization of the Guatemalan
University of Rhode Island DigitalCommons@URI Open Access Master's Theses 1995 ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969 Michael Donoghue University of Rhode Island Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/theses Recommended Citation Donoghue, Michael, "ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969" (1995). Open Access Master's Theses. Paper 1808. https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/theses/1808 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@URI. It has been accepted for inclusion in Open Access Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@URI. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARMY FOR PROGRESS : THE U.S. MILITARIZATION OF THE GUATEMALAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CRISIS 1961-1969 BY MICHAELE.DONOGHUE A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF RHODE ISLAND - ABSTRACT The purpose of this thesis is to explore the military and political implications of the United States' foreign policy towards Guatemala in the years 1961 to 1969. Guatemala was a key battleground of the Cold War in Latin America in the crucial decade of the 1960s. While greater scholarly attention has focused on the 1954 U.S. backed CIA planned cou~ in Guatemala, the events of the 1960s proved an equally significant watershed in U.S.-Latin American relations. Tue outbreak of a nationalist insurgency in Guatemala early in the decade provided the Kennedy Administration with a vital testing ground for its new counter-insurgency and civic action politico-military doctrine. -
Military Aid
Presidential succession and United States-Latin American relations. Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Gaarder, Stephen Matthew. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 08/10/2021 17:23:43 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186120 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to light in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. -
By Bradley Disilvestre
The Effects of the Cold War on Lan America BY BRADLEY DISILVESTRE Post WW2 Adjustments (Ideology) The United States rose in the West as a democrac superpower The USSR rose in the East as a communis2c superpower USSR aempted to spread communism with post-war influence US aempted to limit the expansion, leading to indirect conflicts “the war had been won by a coali2on whose principal members were already at war - ideologically and geopoli2cally if not militarily - with one another.” 6 Gaddis Post WW2 Adjustments (La4n America) Lan American countries con2nued developing with import subs2tu2on industrializaon, creang more factories as to limit import reliance US opened trade with Lan America, many were afraid the trade would destabilize or slow the growth of their economies Many in Lan America saw the new superpowers as a way to upheave the current systems US Lan America Policies Containment Policy Focuses on stopping the growth/spread of the USSR through economic, diplomac, and military power Implemented primarily by the US, first applied in Truman doctrine but used repeatedly by various presidents The applicaon is reminiscent of Ta’s Dollar Diplomacy in how money was distributed to greatly further internaonal influence/relaons Truman Doctrine March 12, 1947 President Truman declared immediate economic/military (400mil) assistance to Greece and Turkey to protect from Soviet expansion in their area Massive outreach is supported by Truman’s Domino Theory where the fall of one Naon into communism would cause a cascade of revolu2on in the surrounding areas, so communism must be stopped before it is firmly established Set precedent for predecessors Truman Doctrine OPCVL h8p://www.history.com/speeches/the-truman-doctrine Origin and Purpose O) March 12, 1947 speech from United States President Harry Truman about his 400 million dollar doctrine of aid for Greece and Turkey P) To give raonale for his doctrine as to convince congress and inform the American people “Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the en2re Middle-East. -
The Geopolitics of Great Power Intervention, 1815-2015
‘For the Happiness of the World’: The Geopolitics of Great Power Intervention, 1815-2015 by Christopher David LaRoche A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Christopher David LaRoche 2019 For the Happiness of the World’: The Geopolitics of Great Power Intervention, 1815-2015 Christopher David LaRoche Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto 2019 Abstract Why do great powers sometimes invest significant resources in efforts to secure approval from other great powers for their interventions, but other times do not? This dissertation argues that explicit or implicit agreements between great powers called geopolitical bargains have shaped great power intervention by delineating where they can acceptably intervene. When a great power intervenes in an area that a geopolitical bargain delimits as its own area of preponderance—its sphere of influence—it need not worry about making its intervention acceptable to its peers, and it can tailor its intervention coalition to closely meet its military needs. When it intervenes outside of its sphere, the great power must resort to other methods to legitimize its actions, such as formal multilateralism and legal approval. I trace the effects of geopolitical bargains across three periods of great power peace: the Concert of Europe, the Cold War, and the post-Cold War era. ii Acknowledgments Gustav Mahler said “a symphony must be like the world… It must embrace everything.” Anyone who has heard a Mahler symphony will know this is dangerous advice for a doctoral student already predisposed to excess. -
DECISION MAKING in the U.S. ADMINISTRATION and the ROLE of BUREAUCRACY DURING the BERLIN CRISIS 1961 a Thesis Presented in Parti
DECISION MAKING IN THE U.S. ADMINISTRATION AND THE ROLE OF BUREAUCRACY DURING THE BERLIN CRISIS 1961 A Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of a Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Schanett Riller ***** The Ohio State University 1998 Master's Examination Committee: Approved by Dr. Peter L. Hahn, Adviser Dr. Carole Fink Dr. Ahmad Sikainga ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the role bureaucracy played during the Berlin crisis in 1961/62. It focuses on two aspects: first, the process of decision making in the Kennedy administration before August 13, 1961, and second, the question of policy implementation in Berlin from September 1961 to April 1962. With regard to the question of decision making, this thesis finds that Kennedy's informal governmental style and accessability for his staff provided him with a broad range of opinions on all matters concerning the Berlin problem. He established several working groups on Berlin, who discussed policy options in an open atmosphere and made valuable recommendations. In Washington, therefore, the policy making body worked smoothly and enabled the President to make carefully considered decisions. The record of the policy-implementation process, however, looks different, for implementation was not ensured. Both technical problems and personal differences between commanders in the European theater disrupted the execution of instructions from Washington. General Clay's presence in ii Berlin as Kennedy's Personal Representative complicated the situation further. Though Clay had no authority technically, he still initiated actions of his own. The climax of this policy was the dangerous confrontation of U.S. -
The Kennedy Doctrine: Moral Disagreement and the "Bare Desire to Harm" Maggie Gallagher
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Case Western Reserve University School of Law Case Western Reserve Law Review Volume 64 | Issue 3 2014 The Kennedy Doctrine: Moral Disagreement and the "Bare Desire to Harm" Maggie Gallagher William C. Duncan Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Maggie Gallagher and William C. Duncan, The Kennedy Doctrine: Moral Disagreement and the "Bare Desire to Harm", 64 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 949 (2014) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/caselrev/vol64/iss3/9 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Law Review by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Law Review·Volume 64·Issue 3·2014 The Kennedy Doctrine: Moral Disagreement and the “Bare Desire to Harm” Maggie Gallagher† & William C. Duncan†† Is there a distinctive Kennedy Doctrine in Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence? We believe so. True, it is not clear who else on the Supreme Court adheres to the Kennedy Doctrine aside from Justice Anthony Kennedy himself: In the substantive analysis of United States v. Windsor,1 Justice Kennedy cited six Supreme Court precedents, three of which he authored,2 and one decision out of the First Circuit Court of Appeals.3 The Kennedy Doctrine, as it has emerged in a series of opinions drafted by Justice Anthony Kennedy culminating in the Windsor decision striking down the Defense of Marriage Act4 (“DOMA”), represents a startling conceptual departure not only from constitutional theories of limited government and textual originalism, but from standard equal protection jurisprudence as well. -
The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America'
H-USA Berger on Rabe, 'The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America' Review published on Tuesday, June 1, 1999 Stephen G. Rabe. The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. 257 pp. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8078-2461-0; $23.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-8078-4764-0. Reviewed by Mark T. Berger (The University of New South Wales, Sydney, N.S.W., Australia) Published on H-USA (June, 1999) Stephen Rabe has produced an impressive study of a crucial period in the history of inter-American relations. Using a range of secondary and primary sources, including recently released government material, Rabe's detailed analysis of John F. Kennedy's anti-communist crusade in Latin America follows on from his earlier volume on the Eisenhower era. InEisenhower in Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism, which is still widely regarded as one of the best overall histories of U.S. policy in the Americas in the 1950s, Rabe emphasized that Eisenhower and his advisors "interpreted inter-American affairs almost solely within the context of the Soviet-American confrontation" and "willingly embraced military dictators who professed to be anti-Communist." He argued that even by its own standards the Eisenhower administration's Latin American policy was "unsuccessful." In the 1950s, said Rabe, Washington policy-makers justified their policies toward Latin America with the argument that "they