English 'Non-Name' Address Forms in The

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Sociolinguistic ISSN: 1750-8649 (print) Studies ISSN: 1750-8657 (online)

Article

English ‘non-name’ address forms in the non-native sociolinguistic context: The case study of the Akan of Ghana

Yaw Sekyi-Baidoo

Abstract In this paper, the focus is on non-name address forms, or rather, non-proper name address forms, and they are seen as English loan words, which are originally used in the native English culture not as address terms or names. With their use in the Akan culture, these expressions have not only been loaned, but they have also been referentially transformed. The paper looks at the use of such address forms of English origin as kinship terms, common formal titles, status-description names, names denoting age and physical characteristics and occupational names in the Akan culture. It discusses the meaning and use of these names vis-à-vis their usage in Standard English. The paper also discusses the processes of indigenisation as the terms are adopted into the Akan sociolinguistic culture.

KEYWORDS: ADDRESS TERMS, FORMAL TITLE, STATUS DESCRIPTION, KINSHIP TERMS, FILIAL TERMS, AKAN, GHANA

Afﬁliation

University of Education, Winneba, Ghana email: [email protected]

1 Introduction

This paper is a descriptive analysis of the use and meaning of English address forms in the Akan sociolinguistic culture. This discussion is based on Achebe’s contention that English, and for that matter second languages, must be ‘bent’ in order to satisfy the cultural experiences of its second language speakers, (Achebe, 1976:10; Kachru, 1977:32). It is upon this contention that our hypothesis is based, that English address forms as used among Akans, and Ghanaians as a whole, differ in systematic ways (semantically, phonologically and sociolinguistically) from their use among the people of England, or rather in their Standard English (SE) usage; and that these variations are in response to the peculiarities of the values, practices and experiences of the Akan sociolinguistic culture into which the address forms have been imported. The paper points also to the nativisation of English in Ghana (Ahulu, 1995; Quarcoo, 1994; Owusu-Ansah, 1994a, 1994b; Quarcoo, 1994; and Gyasi, 1991). The factors influencing such modifications in the use of these address forms can be seen as follows: First, the traditional naming and address practices of the Akan communities, which are themselves governed by their own rules of politeness, familiarity, intimacy and deference which speakers bring to bear on the English address forms. Second, the introduction of colonial occupations with English occupational expressions resulted in the creation of new economic, social and occupational roles, and the admiration or recognition of these roles. These roles and their semantic and sociolinguistic implications do not only influence the use and meaning of the address forms which were given to the roles in the traditional culture, but they are in turn also influenced by this use and meaning. Akans constitute the largest ethnic community in Ghana, and are speakers of various dialects, such as Asante, Fante, Akwapim, Assin, Breman, Denkyira, Twifo and Bono. According to the 2000 census, Akan, which covers most of the southern half of Ghana, is spoken by about 49.1% of the population of Ghana as a first language, and by an additional 44% as a second language. The predominance of the language and its culture as well as the marked similarities between the cultural values of the various ethnicities make the findings about the use of English address forms among the Akan quite representative of the use of the terms in the country as a whole.

2 Related studies and theoretical framework

This research attempts to ﬁll a gap in studies into address terms in European and non-European or African languages. Research has usually concentrated on the intralingual or intracultural, with less focus on the interplay between linguistic

‘NON-NAME’ ADDRESS FORMS OF THE AKAN OF GHANA 381 cultures. Studies in non-European address forms have generally concentrated on naming principles and practices as well as the choice of address forms as indicators of politeness, intimacy and deference. For instance, Evans-Pritchard (1964) discusses the complexity of Nuer naming and address practices, and Nketia (1955) presents a compilation of Akan appellations fixed to particular surnames or family names. Fadipe (1970) discusses Yoruba kinship terms as a reflection of Yoruba social or kinship life. Similar studies have been conducted by Adetugbo (1969) and Oyatede (1995). On the Akan, studies such as Obeng (1997, 2001) and Agyekum (2006) have generally concentrated on traditional names. The intralingual use of address terms has, however, been suggested by Afful (2006, 2007), and Luong (1990), who discusses how the Vietnamese translate native address forms into English words like ‘aunt’ ‘cousin’ etc. Similar findings have been noted by Oyatede (1995:533): ‘Certain kinship terms like “daddy”, “mummy”, “uncle”, “auntie” and “brother” have been borrowed from English into Yoruba but with altered use’. Sey (1973) and Forson (1996) have also noted the use of ‘brother’ for cousin as well as for distant relations. Forson, in addition, discusses the use of relational description terms such as ‘poppie ‘in brother’ and ‘mummie ‘in sister’ by second-cycle students for ‘uncle’ and ‘aunt’ respectively. This reflects Oyatede’s findings about the interlingual use of address terms, and the modification in usage and meaning that comes from this. In Agyekum (2006), there is cursory look at the use of English kinship terms in the Akan sociolinguistic culture, confirming Oyatede’s (1995) findings that these are used sometimes as persuasion and politeness markers rather than as kinship terms. It is such interlingual and intercultural uses of English address forms that are the focus of this paper. In this research, our focus is on address forms other than those which are considered real names in SE. Thus, first names such as ‘Charles’, ‘Arthur’ and ‘Elizabeth’, as well as last names like ‘Bedford’, ‘Ford’ and ‘Johnson’ will not be considered. Our analysis will cover address terms which are used in lieu of real names to designate persons being talked to or referred to. These address forms are used as titles, names or title-names. By titles, we are referring to address forms which are used as prefixes to actual names, usually indicating the position of the addressee, or the relationship between one and the addressee. ‘Mister’ (Mr.), and ‘Missus’ (Mrs) are titles. Names, on the other hand, are terms used in direct references to persons, and are considered the personal names of the addressees. Title-names, on the other hand, oscillate between being used as titles and as names. In SE ‘Sir’ can be seen as a title-name. One may be referred to as ‘Sir’ alone or as ‘Sir James’, as in name and title respectively.

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Loaning is a product of language contact, and the degree or type of contact determines the nature, direction, effect and interpretation of the loaned expressions. According to Sankoff (2001:638), ‘The linguistic outcomes of language contact are determined in large part by the history of social relations among populations, including economic, political and demographic factors’. He draws attention to the internecine nature of the inﬂuence of language contact thus:

(…) almost too obvious perhaps to merit stating, is that languages spoken by bilinguals are often altered such that ensuing changes differ from the results of internal processes of change within monolingual speech communities. In other words, languages spoken by bilinguals inﬂuence each other in various ways.

As we shall see, the use of English address forms shows this mutual inﬂuence. In such a situation, what one may observe is a convergence of language cultures with accompanying lexical items, such that three different linguistic cultures may be identiﬁed, showing pure L1 and L2 cultures with respective expressions and semantic and pragmatic associations, and the third, an intersection, where words from either (usually the L2) may be used and where the meanings of these words takes a form different from the expressions in two linguistic cultures – limiting, expanding, shifting or totally replacing the meanings of the expressions of the two respective cultures. In onomastics, such a situation usually results into allonyms and sociopononyms (from sociotoponyms). In this study, then, we posit the idea that the borrowing of English expressions has often resulted in a change from their usual SE meanings.

3 Methodology

This is an ethnographic study, with data obtained principally through the observation of address behaviour in conversation and interview. In addition, relevant interactions in dramatic performances on television and radio programmes, popular Ghanaian ﬁlms and songs, newspaper articles, short stories and lyrics of songs with interactive episodes were also documented. These different sources were used in order to obtain a comprehensive appreciation of the onomastic culture regarding the use of the address forms. Whilst the observations, both in the natural and in the artistic setting, provided information on the use and prevalence of the address forms, the interviews were conducted in order to appreciate people’s motivation and interpretation of their own uses of these address forms as well as their use by others. Perhaps the more revealing sessions have been the group interviews or discussions, which have drawn attention to the complexities of the motivation for and interpretation of the address forms.

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4 Discussions

4.1 General formal titles In both highly and minimally formal situations, there are evident modiﬁcations in the Ghanaian use of SE formal title forms such as ‘Mr’, ‘Mrs’ and ‘Madam’ as a result of attempts to contain the terms within the culture. These titles have co- existed with the indigenous forms, and have generally assumed the higher social recognition.

4.1.1 Missus ‘Mrs’ is an SE title which means ‘wife of Mr X’. Thus, for example, ‘Mrs Barnes’ means ‘wife of Mr Barnes’. Among English speakers, ‘Mrs’ is used automatically for all married women, whereas in Ghana it is not used for all married women. The traditional customary marriage does not usually qualify a woman to be called ‘Mrs’, which has become the preserve of women who have been married in the Western way. Thus, the semantic ﬁeld of ‘Mrs’ in Ghana is narrower than the SE ﬁeld. This differentiation also carries with it certain associative meanings, which give users of ‘Mrs’ a social prestige that is not associated with the SE use. For instance, ‘Mrs’ in Ghana implies a completeness of the marriage procedure. In some churches, leadership positions are given to men and women whose marriages have such ‘completeness’. Standing Order 742 of the Methodist Church, Ghana (1992) directs thus:

All catechists, local preachers, leaders and stewards if and when marry may do so in church or seek blessing of marriage in church shortly afterwards (...). Those who are married but fail to seek blessing in church or make the required afﬁrmation shall after due warning be excluded from ofﬁce.

‘Mrs’ is, thus, associated with the ability to assume high positions in church. Social prestige is also associated with the fact that in a society which is quite polygynous, the marriage which produces ‘Mrs.’ ensures strict monogamy. Normally, such ‘non-missus’ are not ofﬁcially recognized by their husbands’ employers and church members. Until the last two decades, weddings were usually associated with the well-educated and the well-resourced. Women called ‘Mrs’ thus enjoyed both social and economic prestige, which is evident in the differential use of ‘Mrs’ and ‘Maame’ for married women in the same speech context. Furthermore, ‘Mrs’ is sometimes used in circles of intimacy as an addressive (as in ‘Hi, Mrs’) for young or new couples, usually among equals or from those with a relatively higher social status, to indicate solidarity and excitement for the new marriage. It is considered impolite, however, when it comes from people

384 SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDIES with a lower age or social status. Grammatically, ‘Mrs’ is sometimes used not as an address form but as a descriptive term in a noun complement – as in ‘I am/she is missus./She’s somebody’s missus.’ – to evoke power and prestige.

4.1.2 Madam ‘Madam’, like ‘Mrs’, exhibits a number of similarities to its SE usage, principally as the female equivalent of ‘Sir’. It is used as a name where the name of the woman (usually an elderly one) is not known, and in remarkable formality where the real name, even if known, is considered inappropriate or irrelevant. A number of interesting differences may, nevertheless, be identified. In Ghana, ‘Madam’ is used both as a title to prefix real names which may be the first name (FN) or surname (SN) – as in Madam Dora or Madam Fathia Nkrumah – or as an independent addressive.

Madam and ‘Maame’. As a title-name, ‘Madam’ (or ‘Miss’, ‘Mrs’, ‘Auntie’) is a contextual variant of the traditional female titles ‘Maame’, ‘Awo’ or ‘Sewaa’, and the two sets of address forms are used to distinguish between modern and traditional situations. In European-style restaurants, women who serve the diners are usually referred to as ‘Madam’ whereas in traditional eateries, they are usually called ‘Maame’. Again, in traditional ceremonies like ‘Bragro’ (puberty rites) and naming ceremonies, women are more likely to be referred to as ‘Maame’ than ‘Madam’. On the other hand, in formal or official contexts such as in formal letters and in law courts, women are usually referred to as ‘Madam’. In mixed contexts, ‘Maame’ and ‘Madam’ tend to differ in the social prestige attached to their addressees. ‘Madam’ is usually associated with women of considerable economic, academic or social recognition, and two women of comparable age may be referred to as either ‘Maame’ or ‘Madam,’ in accordance with the addresser’s perception of their social status. The differential use is evident at church harvests in rural and semi-rural communities. Where ‘Madam’ is used in traditional contexts, it could reflect the status of the users, who are usually people who work in modern workplaces – schools, offices, factories and hospitals – where the term is customarily used.

Madam, Missus and Sister. As a designation for married women, ‘Madam’ is rated below ‘Missus’. It is usually used as a title-name for women who are married by traditional customs but not legally wed, or for those who are widowed or divorced. As a polite address term, however, ‘Madam’ is rated beyond ‘Mrs’, and some women referred to as ‘Mrs’ may not qualify to be called ‘Madam, because they lack the economic, educational and social qualities associated with ‘Madam’, and would be called ‘Sister’, since ‘Mrs’ is rarely used as a title-name.

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Principally, age is the parameter used to distinguish between the use of ‘Sister’ and ‘Madam’ as title-names. ‘Sister’, as we shall see, is usually used to designate young women, whereas ‘Madam’ usually refers to women in middle or old age. In the workplace, however, ‘Madam’ is sometimes used irrespective of age and marital status to refer to female bosses. Where the head of a section or organization is a woman, ‘Madam’ is used as a name to refer to her. Other female staff may be referred to as ‘Sister’. In such situations of politeness, ‘Madam’ is deemed higher than ‘Sister’ not on account of age, education or wealth, but on account of occupational status. ‘Madam’ here means ‘female boss’, whilst ‘Sister’ may be interpreted as ‘respectable female co-worker’. In schools, female teachers are usually referred to as ‘Madam’, sometimes as a female derivation of ‘tutor’ or ‘teacher’ as in ‘She is a Madam’.

4.1.3 Mr/Sir Generally, male titles do not exhibit remarkable differences from their SE use. There is, however, an attempt by some people to equate ‘Mr’ to ‘Mrs’ and see them both as marital designations. Thus, in some instances, a man is referred to by intimate and familiar people as ‘Mr’ when talking to his wife. Such use is usually in reference to recent marriage, and ‘Mr’ here refers to ‘husband’. It is customary for people in workplaces and schools to use ‘Sir’ for bosses in lieu of Title and Last Name, as in Mr Opare or Dr Alhassan. Though this use of ‘Sir’ as title-name does not represent a deviation from the SE norm, whilst ‘Sir’ is used in SE as a polite expression for males, it is restricted to male adults in Ghana, and again, it is often used as a ‘name’. It is rare to hear formal vocatives such as Mr Opare in workplaces and schools. What one often encounters is ‘Sir’ when calling a male adult, usually a superordinate member of staff. In ﬁrst and second cycle institutions, teachers are called ‘Sir’, and the most common use ‘Sir’ would be Sir Moses or Sir Aggrey. But non-teaching staff and adult male visitors would be referred to as ‘Mr’ as in Mr Quaye or Mr Dennis. In this sense, ‘Sir’ is interpreted as ‘male teacher’ and could be used as a title, still with the meaning of ‘teacher’, as in ‘Sir Douglas’ or ‘Sir Oppong’; or simply as a descriptive reference, as in ‘Mama, this is my sir. He is very kind to me.’

4.2 Status description terms 4.2.1 Manager, Chief, Master, Chairman, Boss, etc. ‘Manager’, ‘Chief’, ‘Master’, ‘Chairman’ and ‘Boss’ are used both as role descriptions and to denote general politeness, and as terms of general politeness or deference, these terms have a remarkably high usage among the Akans and other groupings in Ghana. Forson (1997) notes that ‘Chief’ is used to designate an ‘important person’. The remarkable use of these politeness markers is a reﬂection

386 SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDIES of the general Akan and African concept of deference especially with respect to age. Additionally, the development of new considerations of social differentiation with the rise of new social and occupational roles in modern society, coupled with the loss of the familiarity associated with the ethnic, simple traditional society, compels the need for newer ways of exhibiting deference and politeness. In workplaces, these address terms are used by subordinates and clients or customers as names for people in higher positions. However, as used by subordinates, ‘Manager’ usually expresses a description of the managerial position or designation of the addressee. Thus, whereas clients and customers can refer to people in any office as ‘Manager’, it is generally in departmental shops, banks and filling stations (where the bosses are officially designated as ‘Manager’) where workers use this term for their own bosses. In other situations, one would expect workers to refer to their bosses as ‘Sir’. The use of these terms by customers and clients, unlike by subordinates, may be political, and may not necessarily depict politeness towards a person of higher status. Such use of these terms may even be reciprocal, and may show both deference and solidarity. These politeness or non-familiarity address forms are not necessarily synonymous, with one being more appropriate in a given context than another. Of the four, ‘Master’ seems to be the most frequent and general, fitting all situations despite differences in deference. The corruption of the pronunciation from the SE massa] reflects its common use. Of the rest, ‘Chief’ seems to be the׳] ma:stә] to] most polite, since it is generally used for people who exhibit some importance in society. ‘Director’, ‘Chairman’ and ‘Manager’ are less deferent than ‘Chief’, and they are often used as friendly politeness forms where there may be no actual need for much deference. Thus, one is likely to refer to an important-looking man, whether familiar or unfamiliar, as ‘Chief’ rather than ‘Director’ or ‘Manager’. This may be due to the fact that in general occupational designations, ‘Chief’ is seen to be higher in many establishments in the country. The meaning of ‘Chief’ in public offices, as in ‘Chief Director’ or ‘Chief of Defence Staff’, is usually a very high position, and the idea of ‘chief’ as traditional ruler, may have influenced the deferent use of ‘Chief’ as an address form. ‘Boss’ is perhaps the least polite, and is normally used to show some differences amongst familiar people. ‘Boss’ means ‘a superior one’, and since almost everybody is superior to somebody, the deference and the importance attached to ‘Boss’ is deemed to be very general and simplistic. The very recent manifestation as ‘Bossu’ [bͻͻsú] signals further the high familiarity or low deference of ‘Boss’. Thus, whereas one would be permitted to refer to his superior at work as ‘Chief’, ‘Director’ or even ‘Master’, it is generally impolite to call such a superior ‘Boss’ or ‘Chairman’.

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Deference often deteriorates with frequency of use. For example, as stated earlier, ‘Master’ used to be a highly polite word. ‘Chief’, ‘Director’, ‘Boss’ and ‘Chairman’ are all adopted as attempts to refresh the politeness in the use of status names. With such neutralization, there are sometimes attempts to compound these addresses or adopt more complex status names and addresses such as ‘Managing Director’, ‘Master-Chief’ and ‘Your Excellency’ instead of ‘Chief, ‘Manager’ and especially ‘Master’, which are believed to have lost much of their politeness effects through overuse.

4.3 Kinship terms In addition to performing the role of describing consanguineal roles, kinship terms are used as address forms to show politeness. This sociolinguistic modiﬁ- cation is sometimes reinforced by correspondent phonological changes. Akans use kinship terms to describe, as indicated, the relationship between them and others. English kinship terms are used among the Akans as relational description terms, names and polite address forms. Our concern here, however, is not with the relational or ﬁlial use of the terms, but their use as address terms or names. Frequently used as address terms, names or titles are ‘Brother’, ‘Sister’, ‘Auntie’, ‘Uncle’, ‘Dad’ and ‘Mum’.

4.3.1 Brother and sister At home, the Akan adolescent usually calls a sibling ‘Brother’ or ‘Sister’ for reasons of politeness resulting from the addressee’s higher age, education, wealth, inheritance or general social prestige. Though personal names are used frequently among siblings, it is considered impolite to refer to a much older sibling by this real name. Such older sibling are called ‘Brother’ or ‘Sister’; and parents, family members and friends insist on this since it boosts the respect of the family as a whole. ‘Brother’ (‘Braa’) or ‘Sister’ (‘Sista’) is, thus, interpreted as ‘older or respectable sibling’. These kinship terms can be used as names or as titles preﬁxed to the personal name, as in ‘Braa Kwasi’ or ‘Sista Afua’. Closely associated with the age factor in the politeness use of ‘Brother’ and ‘Sister’ as a ﬁlial address form is the social and economic. In mid- or late adolescence, the older siblings would have started work or would be apprenticed to learn a trade, or would be in a higher stage of education, thus making them different from the younger ones. The latent response to this, such as changes in behaviour, thinking, dress, as well as economic dependability, all strengthen the use of the relational designation ‘Sister’ and ‘Brother’ as address terms denoting higher social status, deference and politeness.

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It is interesting to note that in the late adolescent or post-adolescent stage, the age factor often gives way very easily to the more pressing social and economic factors, and this often affects the use of the kinship address terms. To signify some equality, younger males sometimes drop the use of these terms for their senior siblings when they also reach adolescence. Among Akans, and in other ethnic groups, males in post-adolescence or early manhood are given a great deal of respect. It is thus common to find women calling their younger brothers ‘Brother’. Also, drastic positive or negative changes in the lives of the younger or older siblings can bring about corresponding changes in the use of these terms. For instance, when an older sibling debases him/herself through such things as exam failure, work failure or misbehaving, he/she may lose the title and the respect which goes with it. On the other hand, a younger sibling with economic and social recognition may win or acquire the title from his/her senior siblings. This is particularly notable among male siblings. As male siblings tend to have a more advanced education and are usually the recepients of inheritance, the status of the male siblings changes compared to the status of the female. It is therefore common to find women calling their younger brothers ‘Braa’. In this situation, it is social recognition or status, rather than age, which dictates the use of the title-name. Where both conditions operate, we find a reciprocal use of ‘Brother’ and ‘Sister’. Also, it is possible sometimes to find parents especially calling their own children ‘Brother’/‘Sister’ as the epitome of recognition and respect. Thus, the child receives ‘Brother’/‘Sister’ and gives ‘Dad’ or ‘Mum’, or especially ‘Papa’/ ‘Maame’ in return. In addition to the politeness use of the terms, ‘Braa’/‘Sista’ are sometimes given to underscore traditional Akan naming practices. Thus, some people are called by these address forms who may not have yet grown into adolescence, or who may not have acquired the relevant economic and social recognition. This practice does not affect ‘Brother’/‘Sister’ alone. ‘Dada’, ‘Mama’, ‘Aunt’ and ‘Uncle’ are also used in this practice. In this practice, parents refer to their children who were named after respectable relations with the title-names they used for these revered relations, or with relational terms commensurate to the relationship between them and these revered relations. Women would therefore usually not refer to their own children who are named after their husbands by their real names, since that would be deemed disrespectful of the husband, but as ‘Brother’. This is because in most families other than those of the present generation, wives show a greater respect to their husbands especially in the use of address terms, as discovered also in Oyatede (1995:532). Such venerating titles used for husbands include ‘Me Wura’ (My Lord), ‘Papa’, ‘Dada’ and ‘Brother’. Usually, such names as ‘Brɔ̀dá’ (‘Brother’), ‘Sɪ̀stá’ (‘Sister’) and ‘Uncle’ when

‘NON-NAME’ ADDRESS FORMS OF THE AKAN OF GHANA 389 used for children start out basically as honorific names or names of endearment, and become, so to speak, the real names of the children, as relations and other acquaintances join in its use. They are always used as names or parts of a name e.g. ‘Dada Kwesi’, and not as titles, which are status designations. As they grow into adolescence or adulthood, younger people sometimes prefix the honorofic names with politeness titles like ‘Brother’ or ‘Sister’, giving ‘Brother Papa Kwesi’, ‘Sister Auntie Esi’, ‘Sister Sɪ̀stá’ or ‘Uncle Brɔ̀dá’.

4.3.2 Mama, Dada, and Auntie English maternal and paternal address forms such as ‘Mama’, ‘Dada’ and ‘Auntie’ are sometimes used to depict Akan social differentiation. Let us ﬁrst look as the differential use of ‘Auntie’ and the traditional ‘Maame’ as names for a female parent or guardian in a home. Up till the 1980s, educated or economically sound parents in rural areas would prefer to be addressed as ‘Auntie’ by their children rather than ‘Maame’, which was usually associated with uneducated mothers or families. Similarly, until lately, ‘Mama’ and ‘Dada’ were of limited use, usually restricted to families whose social status was higher than those in which children use ‘Auntie’ for the female parent. In effect, ‘Maame’, ‘Aunti+e’, ‘Mama’/‘Mummy’ as designations for mothers could be put on a vertical grid corresponding to low, middle and high social classes, respectively. Where ‘Papa’ and ‘Dada’/‘Daddy’ and especially ‘Auntie’ and ‘Mama’ co- occur in the household, they generally help to distinguish between the status of different children. ‘Mama’ and ‘Daddy’ are used by the children or by very close relations, whilst ‘Auntie’ and Papa’ are used by servants, house helps and people who are considered ‘outside’ of the family. Such outsiders who are well-liked may be permitted to use ‘Mama’ and ‘Dada’ just as the children do, to depict their acceptance as non-outsiders.

4.4 Post-relational filial names Kinship uses of ‘Brother’/‘Brɔ̀dá’, ‘Sister’/‘Sɪstá’,̀ ‘Mama’, ‘Auntie’ and ‘Uncle’ often function as established ‘names’ of people. Starting as relational expressions based on the relationship between the user and the referent, it often extends beyond the users to other members in close circles. For instance, a child born into a situation where the mother is called ‘Sister’ by siblings might end up calling their mother ‘Sister’. There are instances where these names have been adopted by parents, who might refer to their own children as ‘Sister’ or ‘Brother’ as a result of the pervasiveness of its use in the family or household. We refer to such uses as ‘post-relational’ filial names because, although they are still used as filial names, they are used beyond the specific relational contexts in which the term was adopted as a name.

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4.5 Politeness uses These terms, again, function as title-names in non-kinship relationships to show politeness and deference, which is normally determined by age, economic and social recognition. The polite, non-ﬁlial uses of these terms may be categorized as follows: (a) degree of deference, and (b) reprocity of use.

4.5.1 Degree of deference The four levels of deferential use of relational terms correspond to the four stages, from adolescence to old age, as shown below:

Table 1. Age bracket and relational address terms.

Prototypical age bracket Male relational Female relational address term address term Adolescence (14–23) Braa (Brother) Sister Early adulthood (24–45) Uncle Auntie Middle adulthood (46–65) Daddy/Daa Mum, Mummy Later adulthood (66+) Grandpa Grandma

Thus, from the standpoint of a normal pre-adolescent child, he/she calls older people of adolescent age ‘Sister’/‘Brother’, those much older than him/her but not up to the age of one’s parents ‘Auntie’/‘Uncle’, those of one’s parents’ age and above ‘Mummy’/‘Daddy’ and those of one’s grandparents’ age ‘Grandma’/ ‘Grandpa’. On the other hand, from the standpoint of an adolescent, the early adult is ‘Brother’/‘Sister’, the mid-adult ‘Uncle’/‘Auntie’, and the later adult ‘Daddy’/’Mummy’. This would, though, vary according to one’s speciﬁc age within the bracket and that of the addressee. Again, the wide range of early adulthood, covering close to thirty years, often affects the strict applicability of the age brackets and the corresponding addressive. Except in very formal circles, it is considered impolite to call the addressee by their names even if these are known to the addresser. Therefore, in Akan culture, it is best to use the terms as titles, as in Auntie Jane, Daa Nkrumah, Uncle Kow, and Grandma Lizzy. Attempt to sidestep these relational age groupings are seen as face threat. The extract below is a woman’s reaction to the use of ‘Sister’ from an adolescent much younger than her:

Ah do you think I am your contemporary? I am old enough to be your mother. Call me ‘Auntie’ or ‘Mama’.

Over the last decade, there seems to be a widening of the ranges of use of ‘Mama’ and ‘Daddy’, with ‘Mama’ often taking over ‘Auntie’ but often not ‘Grandma’, and ‘Daddy’ expanding to cover where one would generally expect ‘Uncle’ and

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‘Grandpa’. Thus, in some way, ‘Dad, Daddy’ has both attenuated the age consideration by covering for ‘Uncle’, and expanded by covering for ‘Grandpa’. In effect, then, ‘Daddy’ is increasingly becoming a simple adult, male deference address form, and one finds it used by both people of the same or even lower age bracket, with the age variation factor giving way to other aspects, such as social influence, financial status, political power and education. On the other hand, ‘Uncle’ has become more or less an informal version or the less deferent form of ‘Daddy’, whilst ‘Auntie’ has also become a slightly more deferent address form than ‘Sister’, with the interpretation of ‘respectable young woman’. With an underlying Low to High use, the occurrence of the term in High to Low contexts could be interpreted as carrying very high honour or cynicism.

4.5.2 Reciprocity of use Post-relational ﬁlial terms are usually used reciprocally between people of similar ages. On the other hand, a person may receive ‘Brother’/‘Sister’ from an older person, but give ‘Uncle’/‘Auntie’ or ‘Papa’/‘Maame’ in return. Thus, ‘Auntie’ and ‘Uncle’ as title-names are generally used to signify a greater politeness as required by age and social status than ‘Sister’ and ‘Brother’. Thus, where this differentiation is remarkable, an older addressee is much more likely to be referred to as ‘Auntie’/‘Uncle’ than as ‘Sister’/‘Brother’. Similarly, where still greater differentiation is evident, ‘Mama’ (Maame)/‘Dada’ (Papa) is much more likely. It is signiﬁcant to point out, however, that the selection between ‘Auntie’/ ‘Uncle’ and ‘Mama’/‘Dada’ is not as evident as between ‘Sister’/‘Brother’ on the one hand, and ‘Auntie’/‘Uncle’ on the other. Among the fraternal orders, especially the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows, a popular English fraternity made up of middle-level men and women, ‘Brother’ and ‘Sister’ are used as title-names to depict solidarity. This use of ‘Brother’/‘Sister’ is essentially reciprocal in spite of age differences which may exist between members. The use of ‘Brother’/‘Sister’ to show solidarity is seen in religious groups, especially the Scripture Union, and is also reciprocal in spite of age and status differences. The use of ‘Auntie’, however, has further sociolinguistic implications. In the rural or low urban setting, women who are of remarkable academic, economic and social standing are called ‘Auntie’ as a title-name. This is quite similar to the use of ‘Madam’. However, ‘Madam’ is usually used as a formal address and suggests more social distance or politeness than ‘Auntie’ which carries the idea of familiarity.

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It is evident from the above that outside their use as relational terms, ‘Brother’, ‘Uncle’, ‘Auntie’, ‘Mama’, ‘Dada’ and their various derivations, ‘Daddy’, ‘Daa’; ‘Mum’, ‘Mummy’, and ‘Maa’, are used generally as indexes of politeness and deference. But perhaps what is intriguing is the occurrence of such address terms as ‘Sister Sister’ [sista+ sìstá], ‘Sister Mama’, ‘Brother Dada’ and ‘Brother Brother’ [bra+ brɔdá], the ﬁrst of these being titles of politeness as discussed above, and the second being names inherited from people their parents had much respect for.

4.6 Job or occupational names Another area in which English address forms exhibit changes from their SE use is job names. These are names given to individuals by virtue of the work they do or the positions they hold in their place of work. There are those which are considered in SE as designations of people in certain respectable positions or are protected titles. These names, which include ‘Reverend’, ‘Bishop’, ‘Doctor’ ‘Professor’, ‘Justice’ and ‘President’, are used principally as titles and sometimes as names given to people in reference to their positions. Others are given to people on account of their position, rank or sometimes skills. Examples are ‘Lecturer’, ‘Carpenter’, ‘Accountant’, ‘Engineer’, and ‘Driver’, ‘Clerk’, etc. These, as used in SE, are not names or titles, but common nouns, except where used for ironic or obtrusive effect. The use of these as names is, thus, generally considered impolite in SE. In Ghana, there is a marked enhancement of the first group described above to include occupational terms. This might have resulted from the fact that with colonial rule came new jobs which achieved some of the reverence or recognition associated with the colonialists. The occupational descriptions were therefore used as names, first out of admiration, and, second, and more importantly, to adopt the practice of using job designations such as ‘Doctor’ and ‘Professor’ as address forms as described in the first category above. In Akan, and in the Ghanaian community generally, designations such as ‘Teacher’, ‘Carpenter’, ‘Driver’, ‘Fitter’, and ‘Painter’ are used as both titles and names. The use of such occupational designations at workplaces may show familiarity, on the one hand, and social distance on the other. Whereas people of lower status use these terms to show intimacy and reduce social distance, bosses employ them to depict endearment and trust, or to maintain social distance between them and their subordinates, especially when there is the need to discipline the subordinate or give strict directives.

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It is also interesting to note that with drastic economic and social change, address forms of the so-to-speak lower professions – ‘Teacher’, ‘Carpenter’, etc. – have lost the honour associated with them, and are now loathed by their addressees. For instance, whereas it was quite prestigious to be referred to as ‘Teacher’ up to the 1970s, teachers for the past three decades are invariably averse to the use of ‘Teacher’ as a title or name. Some insist on being called by title + last-name. Similarly, the use of ‘Driver’, ‘Mate’, ‘Fitter’ and ‘Painter’ as address forms is now being discouraged, even though they, like Teacher, previously carried recognition and esteem. Addressers avoid this impoliteness by prefixing such names with traditional titles like ‘Papa’ and ‘Owura’ and English forms such as ‘Master’ and ‘Uncle’ as mitigating title forms. This is most notable when the addresser is of a lower status or age. We find that drivers, especially, react to the use of the occupational name ‘Driver’ by in turn addressing their clients as ‘Passenger’, making the address terms reciprocal. Thus, driver receives ‘Papa Driver’, ‘Driver’/‘Mate’ and gives ‘Maame’/‘Papa Passenger’ in return. There is a renewed interest in the use of names of jobs in names or titles, among occupations currently enjoying social and economic recognition, such as ‘Lawyer’, ‘Accountant’, ‘Engineer’. One other occupational term whose semantic and phonological transformation cannot be bypassed is ‘clerk’. Among the Akans, this term was known to be used in the colonial days for office workers, especially those in the cocoa industry. With this background, ‘clerk’, nativized as ‘Krakye’ [krat∫i] is marked for males, and more significantly for those associated with education and Western culture. ‘Krakye’ is used as a name that can even be prefixed with a title such as ‘Papa’, as in ‘Papa Krakye’ or as an adjective or noun complement. As an adjective, ‘Krakye’ is used in reference to adult male ‘gentlemanly’ behaviour or white- collar employment.

4.7 Names of physical attributes and age English address terms which are quite peculiar to Ghanaian culture are names related to physical features, such as complexion, size and height and age. Such names usually express society’s admiration for such peculiarities. For complexion, very fair people are called ‘Red’ and very dark ones called ‘Blackie’. For size, marked obesity is acknowledged by the name ‘Obig’ [big], whilst ‘Taller’ is used as a name for remarkably tall males.

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4.7.1 Names depicting age Oldman and Old man. Ghanaians interestingly generally observe a distinction between ‘Old man’ as a description, a noun phrase usually with the adjective (old) and noun (man) combination in mind, and ‘Old Man’/‘Old Lady’ as an address form. The phonological variation between the two uses of ‘Old man’/‘Old lady’ is significant. As a description, it carries stress on both the adjective ‘old’ and ‘man’ (the head noun), which has the kinetic stress. They are articulated as separate words with a juncture between them. As address forms, however, they are adopted into Akan suprasegmental identity, and given the tonal structure of low, high [òldmán] for ‘Oldman’; and low, low, mid [òldlèdί] for ‘Oldlady’ and are often put together as single words in written discourse, as spelt above. In addition to this, the indigenization of the term usually results in the elision of the [d] of ‘old’ in both cases in conformity with the Akan phonotactic structure which does not admit the liquid + plosive consonantal cluster. The resultant renditions of the vocatives are [òlmán] or [òlmáί] and [òlèdί]. The vocative use of the term is to indicate the love and admiration youth or younger people have for the ageing or the aged. Parents are called by this term when their children enter early adulthood, even when they themselves may be just in their fifties, and would not be described as old men – with adjective + noun meaning. This use of the term carries the connotations of wisdom, and the expectation of admiration and respect. The difference between ‘Oldman’ and ‘Old man’ may be seen as a reflection of the Akan differentiation between ‘Akora’ (a respectable, wise male adult, usually in their sixties) and ‘Akokora’ (Old man). Again, in many big corporations workers refer to the overall bosses as ‘Oldman’. The address form is also usually used for heads of state or government by their close staff, such as the secretarial and security personnel, to indicate their reverence for these powerful bosses. Also, children named after grandparents may be called ‘Oldman’ or ‘Oldlady’. This is because it is generally considered inappropriate for the actual names of one’s parents to be spoken in public. In this case, ‘Oldman’ and ‘Oldlady’ are used as honorific substitutes. Finally, ‘Oldman’ and ‘Oldlady’ are sometimes used pejoratively to refer to children who look weak and unhealthy i.e. as emaciated as the aged, or who exhibit remarkable wisdom, which is usually associated with the older generation.

‘Small’. ‘Small’ is used with the meaning of + male, + young (as the reverse of ‘Bro’, ‘Uncle’ or ‘Dad’) for pre-adolescent boys whose names are not known, in high to low situations, from males of late adolescent or mature stages. ‘Small’

‘NON-NAME’ ADDRESS FORMS OF THE AKAN OF GHANA 395 is now only used infrequently, as ‘My Son’, ‘Young Boy’ and Young Man’ are becoming more popular in urban areas. But in non-urban communities, where one would often hear it, it comes with a sense of respect, as it arose to replace such interjectory expressions as ‘Hɛ’, an Akan expression which is understood to carry a sense of disrespect. In this context, ‘Small’ may be interpreted as ‘a respectable or admirable boy’. A rascal boy may be called ‘Hɛ’, whilst a school-going, decent boy would be called ‘Small’.

4.7.2 Physical features As address forms, ‘Taller’, ‘Red’ and ‘Obig’ are markers of familiarity or intimacy. They are also age markers in certain respects. For instance, ‘Small’ is used to designate boys. ‘Obig’, on the other hand, is used for toddlers and children. ‘Taller’ and ‘Red’ drop out of use as those designated by them enter middle age. Again, whereas ‘Small’ and ‘Obig’ are used as contextual names for familiar people, ‘Red’ or ‘Taller’ may be used by a whole community for certain people who exhibit remarkable physical peculiarities. Again, ‘Taller’, ‘Red’ and ‘Small’ have a gender orientation, as they are used only for males. With the recognition of ‘Taller’ and ‘Red’ as names, it is common to find younger people prefixing these names with titles such as ‘Brother’ and ‘Uncle’ to reflect politeness as in ‘Uncle Taller’ and ‘Bro Red’.

5 Conclusion

It can be stated in conclusion that the use and meanings of these address forms as well as the phonological differences thereof are a result of the interplay of two cultures – one which supplies the words, and the other which controls their meaning and use in the Akan or Ghanaian context. Thus, one ﬁnds remarkable differences between the denotative as well as connotative and social meanings of expression as used in the SE situation, and as pertains in the Akan sociolinguistic context. As we can see, the changes do not involve only semantic deviation. Sometimes, a rather new dimension of meaning is created in addition to the SE English, as in the use of ‘Brother’. In addition to the above, the address terms are selected in consideration of the complex interplay between general factors in the context of discourse like age, intimacy, social status and the end of discourse, in an ‘interculture’ which is expressed in English, Akan and other languages within the Gheanaian sociolinguistic context.

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Acknowledgments

I wish to express profound gratitude to Mr Kwaku Adjei-Fobi and Mr Kweku Onumah, who served as research assistants, and to Professor L. A. Boadi, who has been a key inspiration for my research. Finally, I am grateful to my friend, Professor Eyo Mensah of the University of Calabar, Nigeria, for his motivating and encouraging me to share the outcome of the study.

About the author

Yaw Sekyi-Baidoo studies at the University of Ghana and at the University of Cape Coast, South Africa. He has been on the academic staff of the University of Education, Winneba (Ghana), and is currently a professor in the Department of English Education and Dean of International Programmes and Global Affairs. Sekyi-Baidoo’s major research interest is in onomastic theory and Akan names, and he is currently completing a monograph on Akan personal names. He is member of the American Names Society, Linguistics Society of America, Association of African Studies in Africa, Linguistic Politeness Research Group, Linguistics Association of Ghana, American Names Institute among others.

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(Received 14th February 2017; accepted 14th December 2018; revision received 17th December 2018; ﬁnal revision received 1st May 2019)