Sociolinguistic ISSN: 1750-8649 (print) Studies ISSN: 1750-8657 (online) Article English ‘non-name’ address forms in the non-native sociolinguistic context: The case study of the Akan of Ghana Yaw Sekyi-Baidoo Abstract In this paper, the focus is on non-name address forms, or rather, non-proper name address forms, and they are seen as English loan words, which are originally used in the native English culture not as address terms or names. With their use in the Akan culture, these expressions have not only been loaned, but they have also been referentially transformed. The paper looks at the use of such address forms of English origin as kinship terms, common formal titles, status-description names, names denoting age and physical characteristics and occupational names in the Akan culture. It discusses the meaning and use of these names vis-à-vis their usage in Standard English. The paper also discusses the processes of indigenisation as the terms are adopted into the Akan sociolinguistic culture. KEYWORDS: ADDRESS TERMS, FORMAL TITLE, STATUS DESCRIPTION, KINSHIP TERMS, FILIAL TERMS, AKAN, GHANA Affiliation University of Education, Winneba, Ghana email: [email protected] SOLS VOL 13.2-4 2019 379–397 https://doi.org/10.1558/sols.37831 © 2020, EQUINOX PUBLISHING 380 SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDIES 1 Introduction This paper is a descriptive analysis of the use and meaning of English address forms in the Akan sociolinguistic culture. This discussion is based on Achebe’s contention that English, and for that matter second languages, must be ‘bent’ in order to satisfy the cultural experiences of its second language speakers, (Achebe, 1976:10; Kachru, 1977:32). It is upon this contention that our hypothesis is based, that English address forms as used among Akans, and Ghanaians as a whole, differ in systematic ways (semantically, phonologically and sociolinguistically) from their use among the people of England, or rather in their Standard English (SE) usage; and that these variations are in response to the peculiarities of the values, practices and experiences of the Akan sociolinguistic culture into which the address forms have been imported. The paper points also to the nativisation of English in Ghana (Ahulu, 1995; Quarcoo, 1994; Owusu-Ansah, 1994a, 1994b; Quarcoo, 1994; and Gyasi, 1991). The factors influencing such modifications in the use of these address forms can be seen as follows: First, the traditional naming and address practices of the Akan communities, which are themselves governed by their own rules of politeness, familiarity, intimacy and deference which speakers bring to bear on the English address forms. Second, the introduction of colonial occupations with English occupational expressions resulted in the creation of new economic, social and occupational roles, and the admiration or recognition of these roles. These roles and their semantic and sociolinguistic implications do not only influence the use and meaning of the address forms which were given to the roles in the traditional culture, but they are in turn also influenced by this use and meaning. Akans constitute the largest ethnic community in Ghana, and are speakers of various dialects, such as Asante, Fante, Akwapim, Assin, Breman, Denkyira, Twifo and Bono. According to the 2000 census, Akan, which covers most of the southern half of Ghana, is spoken by about 49.1% of the population of Ghana as a first language, and by an additional 44% as a second language. The predominance of the language and its culture as well as the marked similarities between the cultural values of the various ethnicities make the findings about the use of English address forms among the Akan quite representative of the use of the terms in the country as a whole. 2 Related studies and theoretical framework This research attempts to fill a gap in studies into address terms in European and non-European or African languages. Research has usually concentrated on the intralingual or intracultural, with less focus on the interplay between linguistic ‘NON-NAME’ ADDRESS FORMS OF THE AKAN OF GHANA 381 cultures. Studies in non-European address forms have generally concentrated on naming principles and practices as well as the choice of address forms as indicators of politeness, intimacy and deference. For instance, Evans-Pritchard (1964) discusses the complexity of Nuer naming and address practices, and Nketia (1955) presents a compilation of Akan appellations fixed to particular surnames or family names. Fadipe (1970) discusses Yoruba kinship terms as a reflection of Yoruba social or kinship life. Similar studies have been conducted by Adetugbo (1969) and Oyatede (1995). On the Akan, studies such as Obeng (1997, 2001) and Agyekum (2006) have generally concentrated on traditional names. The intralingual use of address terms has, however, been suggested by Afful (2006, 2007), and Luong (1990), who discusses how the Vietnamese translate native address forms into English words like ‘aunt’ ‘cousin’ etc. Similar findings have been noted by Oyatede (1995:533): ‘Certain kinship terms like “daddy”, “mummy”, “uncle”, “auntie” and “brother” have been borrowed from English into Yoruba but with altered use’. Sey (1973) and Forson (1996) have also noted the use of ‘brother’ for cousin as well as for distant relations. Forson, in addition, discusses the use of relational description terms such as ‘poppie ‘in brother’ and ‘mummie ‘in sister’ by second-cycle students for ‘uncle’ and ‘aunt’ respectively. This reflects Oyatede’s findings about the interlingual use of address terms, and the modification in usage and meaning that comes from this. In Agyekum (2006), there is cursory look at the use of English kinship terms in the Akan sociolinguistic culture, confirming Oyatede’s (1995) findings that these are used sometimes as persuasion and politeness markers rather than as kinship terms. It is such interlingual and intercultural uses of English address forms that are the focus of this paper. In this research, our focus is on address forms other than those which are considered real names in SE. Thus, first names such as ‘Charles’, ‘Arthur’ and ‘Elizabeth’, as well as last names like ‘Bedford’, ‘Ford’ and ‘Johnson’ will not be considered. Our analysis will cover address terms which are used in lieu of real names to designate persons being talked to or referred to. These address forms are used as titles, names or title-names. By titles, we are referring to address forms which are used as prefixes to actual names, usually indicating the position of the addressee, or the relationship between one and the addressee. ‘Mister’ (Mr.), and ‘Missus’ (Mrs) are titles. Names, on the other hand, are terms used in direct references to persons, and are considered the personal names of the addressees. Title-names, on the other hand, oscillate between being used as titles and as names. In SE ‘Sir’ can be seen as a title-name. One may be referred to as ‘Sir’ alone or as ‘Sir James’, as in name and title respectively. 382 SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDIES Loaning is a product of language contact, and the degree or type of contact determines the nature, direction, effect and interpretation of the loaned expressions. According to Sankoff (2001:638), ‘The linguistic outcomes of language contact are determined in large part by the history of social relations among populations, including economic, political and demographic factors’. He draws attention to the internecine nature of the influence of language contact thus: (…) almost too obvious perhaps to merit stating, is that languages spoken by bilinguals are often altered such that ensuing changes differ from the results of internal processes of change within monolingual speech communities. In other words, languages spoken by bilinguals influence each other in various ways. As we shall see, the use of English address forms shows this mutual influence. In such a situation, what one may observe is a convergence of language cultures with accompanying lexical items, such that three different linguistic cultures may be identified, showing pure L1 and L2 cultures with respective expressions and semantic and pragmatic associations, and the third, an intersection, where words from either (usually the L2) may be used and where the meanings of these words takes a form different from the expressions in two linguistic cultures – limiting, expanding, shifting or totally replacing the meanings of the expressions of the two respective cultures. In onomastics, such a situation usually results into allonyms and sociopononyms (from sociotoponyms). In this study, then, we posit the idea that the borrowing of English expressions has often resulted in a change from their usual SE meanings. 3 Methodology This is an ethnographic study, with data obtained principally through the observation of address behaviour in conversation and interview. In addition, relevant interactions in dramatic performances on television and radio programmes, popular Ghanaian films and songs, newspaper articles, short stories and lyrics of songs with interactive episodes were also documented. These different sources were used in order to obtain a comprehensive appreciation of the onomastic culture regarding the use of the address forms. Whilst the observations, both in the natural and in the artistic setting, provided information on the use and prevalence of the address forms, the interviews were conducted in order to appreciate people’s motivation and interpretation of their own uses of these address forms as well as their use by others. Perhaps the more revealing sessions have been the group interviews or discussions, which have drawn attention to the complexities of the motivation for and interpretation of the address forms. ‘NON-NAME’ ADDRESS FORMS OF THE AKAN OF GHANA 383 4 Discussions 4.1 General formal titles In both highly and minimally formal situations, there are evident modifications in the Ghanaian use of SE formal title forms such as ‘Mr’, ‘Mrs’ and ‘Madam’ as a result of attempts to contain the terms within the culture.