Phonological Analysis
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The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body. -
Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops
Title Page Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops by Eva Bacas University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Eva Bacas It was defended on November 8, 2019 and approved by Alana DeLoge, Quechua Instructor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Melinda Fricke, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Gillian Gallagher, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics, New York University Thesis Advisor/Dissertation Director: Claude Mauk, Senior Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Eva Bacas 2019 iii Abstract Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops Eva Bacas, BPhil University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Quechua is an indigenous language of the Andes region of South America. In Cochabamba, Bolivia, Quechua and Spanish have been in contact for over 500 years. In this thesis, I explore sociolinguistic variation among bilingual speakers of Cochabamba Quechua (CQ) and Spanish by investigating the relationship between the production of the voiceless uvular stop /q/ and speakers’ sociolinguistic backgrounds. I conducted a speech production study and sociolinguistic interview with seven bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers. I analyzed manner of articulation and place of articulation variation. Results indicate that manner of articulation varies primarily due to phonological factors, and place of articulation varies according to sociolinguistic factors. This reveals that among bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers, production of voiceless uvular stop /q/ does vary sociolinguistically. -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
Palatals in Spanish and French: an Analysis Rachael Gray
Florida State University Libraries Honors Theses The Division of Undergraduate Studies 2012 Palatals in Spanish and French: An Analysis Rachael Gray Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] Abstract (Palatal, Spanish, French) This thesis deals with palatals from Latin into Spanish and French. Specifically, it focuses on the diachronic history of each language with a focus on palatals. I also look at studies that have been conducted concerning palatals, and present a synchronic analysis of palatals in modern day Spanish and French. The final section of this paper focuses on my research design in second language acquisition of palatals for native French speakers learning Spanish. 2 THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES PALATALS IN SPANISH AND FRENCH: AN ANALYSIS BY: RACHAEL GRAY A Thesis submitted to the Department of Modern Languages in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major Degree Awarded: 3 Spring, 2012 The members of the Defense Committee approve the thesis of Rachael Gray defended on March 21, 2012 _____________________________________ Professor Carolina Gonzaléz Thesis Director _______________________________________ Professor Gretchen Sunderman Committee Member _______________________________________ Professor Eric Coleman Outside Committee Member 4 Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 0. -
Velar Segments in Old English and Old Irish
In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.) Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1985, 267-79. Velar segments in Old English and Old Irish Raymond Hickey University of Bonn The purpose of this paper is to look at a section of the phoneme inventories of the oldest attested stage of English and Irish, velar segments, to see how they are manifested phonetically and to consider how they relate to each other on the phonological level. The reason I have chosen to look at two languages is that it is precisely when one compares two language systems that one notices that structural differences between languages on one level will be correlated by differences on other levels demonstrating their interrelatedness. Furthermore it is necessary to view segments on a given level in relation to other segments. The group under consideration here is just one of several groups. Velar segments viewed within the phonological system of both Old English and Old Irish cor relate with three other major groups, defined by place of articulation: palatals, dentals, and labials. The relationship between these groups is not the same in each language for reasons which are morphological: in Old Irish changes in grammatical category are frequently indicated by palatalizing a final non-palatal segment (labial, dental, or velar). The same function in Old English is fulfilled by suffixes and /or prefixes. This has meant that for Old English the phonetically natural and lower-level alternation of velar elements with palatal elements in a palatal environ ment was to be found whereas in Old Irish this alternation had been denaturalized and had lost its automatic character. -
Nasalization of the Initial Consonant (D-) of the Present Perfect Tense Marker (-Dẹ) After the Main Verb in Ịzọn: a Case Study of the Tarakiri Dialect
US-China Foreign Language, ISSN 1539-8080 January 2014, Vol. 12, No. 1, 36-43 D DAVID PUBLISHING Nasalization of the Initial Consonant (d-) of the Present Perfect Tense Marker (-dẹ) After the Main Verb in Ịzọn: A Case Study of the Tarakiri Dialect God’spower Tamaraukuro Prezi Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Nigeria In Ịzọn, as in Akan and Edo, nasalization is distinctive, because it brings about a change in meaning as in: /s/ “fight” and /s/ “to stretch”; /bu/ “soft” and /bu/ “honey”. /d/ and /n/ are both alveolar stops in Ịzọn: /d/ is an oral stop, while /n/ is a nasal stop. Also, while /d/ is a voiced alveolar plosive, /n/ is an (voiced) alveolar nasal. This means, in effect, that the two consonants (/d/ and /n/) are homorganic in Ịzọn, because they are made at the same place of articulation and with the same articulators. However, in many verbs, whose present perfect tenses are represented by -dẹ in the Tarakiri dialect of Ịzọn, the -dẹ is changed to -nẹ after the main verb. That is, in phonological terms, /d/ rewrites as /n/ in the environment after a syllable consisting of a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel, i.e., [+ voice + alveolar + plosive] becomes [+ alveolar + nasal] after [+ nasal]. This paper looks at, describes, and examines this phonological process/phenomenon of the replacement of an oral stop by a nasal stop after a syllable consisting of a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel. Keywords: Ịzọn, Tarakiri, homorganic, nasal, nasalization, -dẹ, -nẹ, assimilation Introduction A Brief Introduction to Ịzọn Ịzọn is the major one of the Ijoid group of languages spoken in the Niger Delta Region and the South-South geo-political zone of Nigeria. -
The Acoustic Correlates of the Voiceless Palatal Fricative [Ê…] In
Linguistic Portfolios Volume 6 Article 5 2017 The Acoustic Correlates of the Voiceless Palatal Fricative [ʃ] in Central Minnesota English Ettien Koffi St. Cloud State University, [email protected] Maria Bloch Hofstra University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/stcloud_ling Part of the Applied Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Koffi, Ettien and Bloch, Maria (2017) "The Acoustic Correlates of the Voiceless Palatal Fricative [ʃ] in Central Minnesota English," Linguistic Portfolios: Vol. 6 , Article 5. Available at: https://repository.stcloudstate.edu/stcloud_ling/vol6/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by theRepository at St. Cloud State. It has been accepted for inclusion in Linguistic Portfolios by an authorized editor of theRepository at St. Cloud State. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Koffi and Bloch: The Acoustic Correlates of the Voiceless Palatal Fricative [?] in Linguistic Portfolios–ISSN 2472-5102 –Volume 6, 2017 | 34 THE ACOUSTIC CORRELATES OF THE VOICELESS PALATAL FRICATIVE [ʃ] IN CENTRAL MINNESOTA ENGLISH ETTIEN KOFFI AND MARIA BLOCH1 ABSTRACT Fricatives are found in all world languages (Maddieson 1984:41). Similarities in mouth geometry and in their aerodynamic characteristics have made them the favorite segments for testing claims about universals of phonetic features. Yet, there is important interspeaker variability even within the same language (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996:139). In this paper we investigate the voiceless sibilant fricative [ʃ] produced by Central Minnesota English (CMNE) speakers to see how similar and yet different it is from those produced by speakers of other dialects of General American English (GAE). -
List of Phonetic Symbols
LIST OF PHONETIC SYMBOLS a open front unrounded vowel—modern RP man, bath æ front vowel between open and open-mid—traditional RP man ɐ near open central unrounded vowel—traditional RP gear [gɪɐ] ɑ: open back unrounded vowel—RP harsh ɒ open back rounded vowel—RP dog b voiced bilabial plosive—RP bet ɔ: open mid-back rounded vowel—RP caught d voiced alveolar plosive—RP daddy dʒ voiced palato-alveolar fricative—RP John ð voiced dental fricative—RP other e close-mid front unrounded vowel—traditional RP bed ɛ open-mid front unrounded vowel—modern RP bed ə(:) central unrounded vowel—RP initial vowel in another; modern RP nurse ɜ: open-mid central unrounded vowel—traditional RP bird f voiceless labiodental fricative—RP four g voiced velar plosive—RP go h voiceless glottal fricative—RP home i(:) close front unrounded vowel—RP fleece; modern RP final vowel in happy ɪ close-mid centralised unrounded vowel—RP sit j palatal approximant—RP you 241 List of phonetic symbols ɹ voiced alveolar approximant—RP row k voiceless velar plosive—RP car l voiced alveolar lateral approximant—RP lie ɫ voiced alveolar lateral approximant with velarisation—RP still m voiced bilabial nasal—RP man n voiced alveolar nasal—RP no ŋ voiced velar nasal—RP bring θ voiceless dental fricative—RP think p voiceless bilabial plosive—RP post s voiceless alveolar fricative—RP some ʃ voiceless palato-alveolar fricative—RP shoe t voiceless alveolar plosive—RP toe tʃ voiceless palato-alveolar affricate—RP choose u: close back rounded vowel—RP sue ʊ close-mid centralised rounded vowel—RP -
Equivalences Between Different Phonetic Alphabets
Equivalences between different phonetic alphabets by Carlos Daniel Hern´andezMena Description IPA Mexbet X-SAMPA IPA Symbol in LATEX Voiceless bilabial plosive p p p p Voiceless dental plosive” t t t d ntextsubbridgeftg Voiceless velar plosive k k k k Voiceless palatalized plosive kj k j k j kntextsuperscriptfjg Voiced bilabial plosive b b b b Voiced bilabial approximant B VB o ntextloweringfntextbetag fl Voiced dental plosive d” d d d ntextsubbridgefdg Voiced dental fricative flD DD o ntextloweringfntextipafn;Dgg Voiced velar plosive g g g g Voiced velar fricative Èfl GG o ntextloweringfntextbabygammag Voiceless palato-alveolar affricate t“S tS tS ntextroundcapftntexteshg Voiceless labiodental fricative f f f f Voiceless alveolar fricative s s s s Voiced alveolar fricative z z z z Voiceless dental fricative” s s [ s d ntextsubbridgefsg Voiced dental fricative” z z [ z d ntextsubbridgefzg Voiceless postalveolar fricative S SS ntextesh Voiceless velar fricative x x x x Voiced palatal fricative J Z jn ntextctj Voiced postalveolar affricate d“Z dZ dZ ntextroundcapfdntextyoghg Voiced bilabial nasal m m m m Voiced alveolar nasal n n n n Voiced labiodental nasal M MF ntextltailm Voiced dental nasal n” n [ n d ntextsubbridgefng Voiced palatalized nasal nj n j n j nntextsuperscriptfjg Voiced velarized nasal nÈ N n G nntextsuperscript fntextbabygammag Voiced palatal nasal ñ n∼ J ntextltailn Voiced alveolar lateral approximant l l l l Voiced dental lateral” l l [ l d ntextsubbridgeflg Voiced palatalized lateral lj l j l j lntextsuperscriptfjg Lowered -
Retroflexion and Retraction Revised∗
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Hochschulschriftenserver - Universität Frankfurt am Main Retroflexion and Retraction Revised∗ Silke Hamann, OTS Utrecht Abstract Arguing against Bhat’s (1974) claim that retroflexion cannot be correlated with retraction, the present article illustrates that retroflexes are always retracted, though retraction is not claimed to be a sufficient criterion for retroflexion. The cooccurrence of retraction with retroflexion is shown to make two further implications; first, that non-velarized retroflexes do not exist, and second, that secondary palatalization of retroflexes is phonetically impossible. The process of palatalization is shown to trigger a change in the primary place of articulation to non-retroflex. Phonologically, retraction has to be represented by the feature specification [+back] for all retroflex segments. 1 Introduction Retroflex consonants are usually described as sounds articulated with a bent-backwards tongue tip and a postalveolar place of articulation, e.g. by Catford (1977: 150) or Trask (1996: 308). As illustrated in Hamann (in prep.), a number of retroflex segments deviate from this definition. The retroflex stops and nasals in Hindi, for example, do not show a bending backwards of the tongue tip but these sounds are still considered to be phonetically and phonologically retroflex. The same holds for the voiced and voiceless postalveolar fricatives in Polish and Russian (ibid.), which are articulated without active involvement of the tongue tip in the constriction (though the tip is raised from its resting position) and with a flat tongue body. The class of retroflexes shows considerable articulatory variation regarding both the articulator (i.e. -
Handout on Phonemics
Structure of Spanish, LIGN 143 Spring 2012, Moore Spanish Phonemics 1. Phonemes Consonant Phonemes bilab labiodental dental alveolar palato-alveoal palatal velar Stops vl. /p/ /t̪/ /k/ vd. /b/ /d̪/ /g/ Fricatives vl. /f/ /s/ /x/ Affricates vl. /č/ nasals /m/ /n/ /ñ/ laterals /l/ taps/trills /r/ semivowels /w/ /y/ Vowel Phonemes Front Central Back High /i/ /u/ Mid /e/ /o/ Low /a/ Structure of Spanish, LIGN 143 Spring 2012, Moore 2. Allophones phoneme allophones rules /k/ [k̪], [k] Palatalization /b/ [β], [b] Stop-Fricative /d/ [ð], [d] Stop-Fricative /g/ [γ], [g], [γ ̪], [g ̪] Stop-Fricative, Palatalization /s/ [z], [s], [z̪], [s̪] s-Voicing, Alveolar Fronting /x/ [x̪], [x] Palatalization /n/ [m], [ɱ], [n̪], [n], [ñ], [ŋ ̪], [ŋ] Nasal Assimilation /l/ [l], [l], [ʎ] Lateral Assimilation /r/ [r],̃ [r] r-Strengthening, Tap Deletion /y/ [ŷ], [ɏ], [y] y-Strengthening, Stop-Fricative 3. Rules The rules should be applied in the order in which they are listed here (in some cases the order is crucial, in some cases it is not). SYLLABIFICATION Construct syllables from right to left. First put as much as you can into the nucleus (a vowel, diphthong, or a triphthong), add any free material on the right to the coda, then add a maximal onset, so long as the result is a possible onset. Examples: σ σ / \ / | \ O N O N C | | | | | soplar ‘blow’ /s o p l a r/ → s o . p l a r Structure of Spanish, LIGN 143 Spring 2012, Moore σ σ / \ / | \ O N O N C | | | | | peines ‘combs’ /p e y n e s/ → p ey . -
Pashto Reader Passages in Transcription. INSTITUTION Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, D.C
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 353 814 FL 020 895 AUTHOR Tegey, Habibullah; Robson, Barbara TITLE Pashto Reader Passages in Transcription. INSTITUTION Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, D.C. SPONS AGENCY Office of International Education (ED), Washington, DC. PUB DATE 92 CONTRACT P017A10030 NOTE 57p.; For related documents, see FL 020 894-896. PUB TYPE Guides Classroom Use Instructional Materials (For Learner) (051) LANGUAGE Pashto EDRS PRICE MFOI/PC03 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Advertising; Instructional Materials; *Language Variation; Letters (Correspondence); News Media; *Pashto; Phonetic Transcription; Poetry; *Reading Materials; Uncommonly Taught Languages IDENTIFIERS *Authentic Materials ABSTRACT The passages in transcription comprise one component of the "Pashto Reader" materials. They accompany "Pashto Reader," which is the basic text, and the "Pashto Reader Originals," the passages in their original published forms. They are passages in Pashto presented in broad phonetic transcription, for use by linguists and others interested in the structure and pronunciation of authentic Pashto but unfamiliar with the written script. The 45 passages are divided into 7 groups: essays; articles; stories; poetry; public writing (signs and advertising); letters and memoranda; and fractured Pashto. (MSE) *********************************************************************** * Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made * * from the original document. * *********************************************************************** 4.104