Source Characteristics of Voiceless Dorsal Fricatives
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What Is and What Is Not an Articulatory Gesture in Speech Production: the Case of Lateral, Rhotic and (Alveolo)Palatal Consonants
What is and what is not an articulatory gesture in speech production: The case of lateral, rhotic and (alveolo)palatal consonants Daniel Recasens [email protected] Universitát Autònoma de Barcelona Gradus Revista Brasileira de Fonologia de Laboratório Vol. 1, nº 1 Dezembro de 2016 https://gradusjournal.com Bibtex: @article{recasens2016what, author = {Daniel Recasens}, journal = {Gradus}, month = {dec}, number = {1}, pages = {23–42}, title = {What is and what is not an articulatory gesture in speech production: The case of lateral, rhotic and (alveolo)palatal consonants}, volume = {1}, year = {2016}} Este texto pode ser livremente copiado, sob os termos da licença Creative Commons Atribuição-NãoComercial 4.0 Interna- https://creativecommons.org/ cional (CC BY-NC 4.0). licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.pt_BR Gradus 1 (1) 24 Abstract Articulatory data are provided showing that, in lan- guages in which they have phonemic status, (alve- olo)palatal consonants, dark /l/ and the trill /r/ are articulated with a single lingual gesture instead of two independent tongue front and tongue body gestures. They are therefore simple, not complex segments. It is argued that tongue body lowering and retraction for dark /l/ and the trill /r/ is associated with manner of articulation re- quirements and with requirements on the implementation of the darkness percept in the case of dark /l/, and that tongue body raising and fronting for (alveolo)palatals results naturally from the contraction of the genioglossus muscle. These consonant units resemble truly complex palatalized and velarized or pharyngealized dentoalveo- lars regarding lingual coniguration and kinematics, as well as coarticulatory efects and phonological and sound change processes. -
The Violability of Backness in Retroflex Consonants
The violability of backness in retroflex consonants Paul Boersma University of Amsterdam Silke Hamann ZAS Berlin February 11, 2005 Abstract This paper addresses remarks made by Flemming (2003) to the effect that his analysis of the interaction between retroflexion and vowel backness is superior to that of Hamann (2003b). While Hamann maintained that retroflex articulations are always back, Flemming adduces phonological as well as phonetic evidence to prove that retroflex consonants can be non-back and even front (i.e. palatalised). The present paper, however, shows that the phonetic evidence fails under closer scrutiny. A closer consideration of the phonological evidence shows, by making a principled distinction between articulatory and perceptual drives, that a reanalysis of Flemming’s data in terms of unviolated retroflex backness is not only possible but also simpler with respect to the number of language-specific stipulations. 1 Introduction This paper is a reply to Flemming’s article “The relationship between coronal place and vowel backness” in Phonology 20.3 (2003). In a footnote (p. 342), Flemming states that “a key difference from the present proposal is that Hamann (2003b) employs inviolable articulatory constraints, whereas it is a central thesis of this paper that the constraints relating coronal place to tongue-body backness are violable”. The only such constraint that is violable for Flemming but inviolable for Hamann is the constraint that requires retroflex coronals to be articulated with a back tongue body. Flemming expresses this as the violable constraint RETRO!BACK, or RETRO!BACKCLO if it only requires that the closing phase of a retroflex consonant be articulated with a back tongue body. -
Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops
Title Page Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops by Eva Bacas University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2019 Committee Page UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This thesis was presented by Eva Bacas It was defended on November 8, 2019 and approved by Alana DeLoge, Quechua Instructor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Melinda Fricke, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh Gillian Gallagher, Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics, New York University Thesis Advisor/Dissertation Director: Claude Mauk, Senior Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Eva Bacas 2019 iii Abstract Sociophonetic Variation in Bolivian Quechua Uvular Stops Eva Bacas, BPhil University of Pittsburgh, 2019 Quechua is an indigenous language of the Andes region of South America. In Cochabamba, Bolivia, Quechua and Spanish have been in contact for over 500 years. In this thesis, I explore sociolinguistic variation among bilingual speakers of Cochabamba Quechua (CQ) and Spanish by investigating the relationship between the production of the voiceless uvular stop /q/ and speakers’ sociolinguistic backgrounds. I conducted a speech production study and sociolinguistic interview with seven bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers. I analyzed manner of articulation and place of articulation variation. Results indicate that manner of articulation varies primarily due to phonological factors, and place of articulation varies according to sociolinguistic factors. This reveals that among bilingual CQ-Spanish speakers, production of voiceless uvular stop /q/ does vary sociolinguistically. -
Lecture 5 Sound Change
An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages. -
A Phonetic, Phonological, and Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Mara Language
San Jose State University SJSU ScholarWorks Master's Theses Master's Theses and Graduate Research Spring 2010 A Phonetic, Phonological, and Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Mara Language Michelle Arden San Jose State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/etd_theses Recommended Citation Arden, Michelle, "A Phonetic, Phonological, and Morphosyntactic Analysis of the Mara Language" (2010). Master's Theses. 3744. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31979/etd.v36r-dk3u https://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/etd_theses/3744 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Master's Theses and Graduate Research at SJSU ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of SJSU ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A PHONETIC, PHONOLOGICAL, AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC ANALYSIS OF THE MARA LANGUAGE A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Linguistics and Language Development San Jose State University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Michelle J. Arden May 2010 © 2010 Michelle J. Arden ALL RIGHTS RESERVED The Designated Thesis Committee Approves the Thesis Titled A PHONETIC, PHONOLOGICAL, AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC ANALYSIS OF THE MARA LANGUAGE by Michelle J. Arden APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS AND LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT SAN JOSE STATE UNIVERSITY May 2010 Dr. Daniel Silverman Department of Linguistics and Language Development Dr. Soteria Svorou Department of Linguistics and Language Development Dr. Kenneth VanBik Department of Linguistics and Language Development ABSTRACT A PHONETIC, PHONOLOGICAL, AND MORPHOSYNTACTIC ANALYSIS OF THE MARA LANGUAGE by Michelle J. Arden This thesis presents a linguistic analysis of the Mara language, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in northwest Myanmar and in neighboring districts of India. -
Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: the Case of Classical Arabic
http://elr.sciedupress.com English Linguistics Research Vol. 9, No. 3; 2020 Dominance in Coronal Nasal Place Assimilation: The Case of Classical Arabic Zainab Sa’aida Correspondence: Zainab Sa’aida, Department of English, Tafila Technical University, Tafila 66110, Jordan. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6645-6957, E-mail: [email protected] Received: August 16, 2020 Accepted: Sep. 15, 2020 Online Published: Sep. 21, 2020 doi:10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 URL: https://doi.org/10.5430/elr.v9n3p25 Abstract The aim of this study is to investigate place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic. I hypothesise that coronal nasal behaves differently in different assimilatory situations in classical Arabic. Data of the study were collected from the Holy Quran. It was referred to Quran.com for the pronunciations and translations of the data. Data of the study were analysed from the perspective of Mohanan’s dominance in assimilation model. Findings of the study have revealed that coronal nasal shows different assimilatory behaviours when it occurs in different syllable positions. Coronal nasal onset seems to fail to assimilate a whole or a portion of the matrix of a preceding obstruent or sonorant coda within a phonological word. However, coronal nasal in the coda position shows different phonological behaviours. Keywords: assimilation, dominance, coronal nasal, onset, coda, classical Arabic 1. Introduction An assimilatory situation in natural languages has two elements in which one element dominates the other. Nasal place assimilation occurs when a nasal phoneme takes on place features of an adjacent consonant. This study aims at investigating place assimilation processes of coronal nasal in classical Arabic (CA, henceforth). -
Palatals in Spanish and French: an Analysis Rachael Gray
Florida State University Libraries Honors Theses The Division of Undergraduate Studies 2012 Palatals in Spanish and French: An Analysis Rachael Gray Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] Abstract (Palatal, Spanish, French) This thesis deals with palatals from Latin into Spanish and French. Specifically, it focuses on the diachronic history of each language with a focus on palatals. I also look at studies that have been conducted concerning palatals, and present a synchronic analysis of palatals in modern day Spanish and French. The final section of this paper focuses on my research design in second language acquisition of palatals for native French speakers learning Spanish. 2 THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES PALATALS IN SPANISH AND FRENCH: AN ANALYSIS BY: RACHAEL GRAY A Thesis submitted to the Department of Modern Languages in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major Degree Awarded: 3 Spring, 2012 The members of the Defense Committee approve the thesis of Rachael Gray defended on March 21, 2012 _____________________________________ Professor Carolina Gonzaléz Thesis Director _______________________________________ Professor Gretchen Sunderman Committee Member _______________________________________ Professor Eric Coleman Outside Committee Member 4 Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 5 0. -
A Sociophonetic Study of the Metropolitan French [R]: Linguistic Factors Determining Rhotic Variation a Senior Honors Thesis
A Sociophonetic Study of the Metropolitan French [R]: Linguistic Factors Determining Rhotic Variation A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors research distinction in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Sarah Elyse Little The Ohio State University June 2012 Project Advisor: Professor Rebeka Campos-Astorkiza, Department of Spanish and Portuguese ii ABSTRACT Rhotic consonants are subject to much variation in their production cross-linguistically. The Romance languages provide an excellent example of rhotic variation not only across but also within languages. This study explores rhotic production in French based on acoustic analysis and considerations of different conditioning factors for such variation. Focusing on trills, previous cross-linguistic studies have shown that these rhotic sounds are oftentimes weakened to fricative or approximant realizations. Furthermore, their voicing can also be subject to variation from voiced to voiceless. In line with these observations, descriptions of French show that its uvular rhotic, traditionally a uvular trill, can display all of these realizations across the different dialects. Focusing on Metropolitan French, i.e., the dialect spoken in Paris, Webb (2009) states that approximant realizations are preferred in coda, intervocalic and word-initial positions after resyllabification; fricatives are more common word-initially and in complex onsets; and voiceless realizations are favored before and after voiceless consonants, with voiced productions preferred elsewhere. However, Webb acknowledges that the precise realizations are subject to much variation and the previous observations are not always followed. Taking Webb’s description as a starting point, this study explores the idea that French rhotic production is subject to much variation but that such variation is conditioned by several factors, including internal and external variables. -
Velar Segments in Old English and Old Irish
In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.) Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1985, 267-79. Velar segments in Old English and Old Irish Raymond Hickey University of Bonn The purpose of this paper is to look at a section of the phoneme inventories of the oldest attested stage of English and Irish, velar segments, to see how they are manifested phonetically and to consider how they relate to each other on the phonological level. The reason I have chosen to look at two languages is that it is precisely when one compares two language systems that one notices that structural differences between languages on one level will be correlated by differences on other levels demonstrating their interrelatedness. Furthermore it is necessary to view segments on a given level in relation to other segments. The group under consideration here is just one of several groups. Velar segments viewed within the phonological system of both Old English and Old Irish cor relate with three other major groups, defined by place of articulation: palatals, dentals, and labials. The relationship between these groups is not the same in each language for reasons which are morphological: in Old Irish changes in grammatical category are frequently indicated by palatalizing a final non-palatal segment (labial, dental, or velar). The same function in Old English is fulfilled by suffixes and /or prefixes. This has meant that for Old English the phonetically natural and lower-level alternation of velar elements with palatal elements in a palatal environ ment was to be found whereas in Old Irish this alternation had been denaturalized and had lost its automatic character. -
Nasalization of the Initial Consonant (D-) of the Present Perfect Tense Marker (-Dẹ) After the Main Verb in Ịzọn: a Case Study of the Tarakiri Dialect
US-China Foreign Language, ISSN 1539-8080 January 2014, Vol. 12, No. 1, 36-43 D DAVID PUBLISHING Nasalization of the Initial Consonant (d-) of the Present Perfect Tense Marker (-dẹ) After the Main Verb in Ịzọn: A Case Study of the Tarakiri Dialect God’spower Tamaraukuro Prezi Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Nigeria In Ịzọn, as in Akan and Edo, nasalization is distinctive, because it brings about a change in meaning as in: /s/ “fight” and /s/ “to stretch”; /bu/ “soft” and /bu/ “honey”. /d/ and /n/ are both alveolar stops in Ịzọn: /d/ is an oral stop, while /n/ is a nasal stop. Also, while /d/ is a voiced alveolar plosive, /n/ is an (voiced) alveolar nasal. This means, in effect, that the two consonants (/d/ and /n/) are homorganic in Ịzọn, because they are made at the same place of articulation and with the same articulators. However, in many verbs, whose present perfect tenses are represented by -dẹ in the Tarakiri dialect of Ịzọn, the -dẹ is changed to -nẹ after the main verb. That is, in phonological terms, /d/ rewrites as /n/ in the environment after a syllable consisting of a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel, i.e., [+ voice + alveolar + plosive] becomes [+ alveolar + nasal] after [+ nasal]. This paper looks at, describes, and examines this phonological process/phenomenon of the replacement of an oral stop by a nasal stop after a syllable consisting of a nasal consonant or a nasalized vowel. Keywords: Ịzọn, Tarakiri, homorganic, nasal, nasalization, -dẹ, -nẹ, assimilation Introduction A Brief Introduction to Ịzọn Ịzọn is the major one of the Ijoid group of languages spoken in the Niger Delta Region and the South-South geo-political zone of Nigeria. -
An Ultrasound Investigation of Secondary Velarization in Russian
An Ultrasound Investigation of Secondary Velarization in Russian by Natallia Litvin B.A., Minsk State Linguistic University, 2009 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Linguistics Natallia Litvin, 2014 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee An Ultrasound Investigation of Secondary Velarization in Russian by Natallia Litvin BA, Minsk State Linguistic University, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Sonya Bird (Department of Linguistics) Supervisor Dr. John H. Esling (Department of Linguistics) Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Sonya Bird (Department of Linguistics) Supervisor Dr. John H. Esling (Department of Linguistics) Departmental Member The present study aims to resolve previous disputes about whether or not non-palatalized consonants exhibit secondary velarization in Russian, and if so what this corresponds to articulatorily. Three questions are asked: 1) are Russian non-palatalized consonants velarized or not? If so, 2) what are the articulatory properties of velarization? and 3) how is the presence or absence of secondary velarization affected by adjacent vowels? To answer these questions, laryngeal and lingual ultrasound investigations were conducted on a range of non-palatalized consonants across different vowel contexts. The results of the study show that 1) Russian non- palatalized consonants are not pharyngealized in the sense of Esling (1996, 1999, 2005), 2) /l/ and /f/ are uvularized, 3) /s/ and /ʂ/ can feature either uvularization or velarization. The study also shows that secondary articulations of Russian non-palatalized consonants are inherent rather than dependent on vowel context. -
Human Beatboxing : a Preliminary Study on Temporal Reduction
Human Beatboxing : A preliminary study on temporal reduction. Alexis Dehais Underdown1, Paul Vignes1, Lise Crevier Buchman1,2 & Didier Demolin1 1 Laboratoire de Phonétique et Phonologie (Sorbonne Nouvelle / CNRS), 2 Hopital Foch, Univ. VSQ. [email protected] 1. Introduction Speech rate is known to be a factor of reduction affecting supralaryngeal gestures [4] [6] [1] and laryngeal gestures [5] depending on the prosodic structure [3]. An acoustic study [2] showed that beatboxing rate has articulatory effects on hi-hats in medial and final positions but that the overall production was not found to be affected. In the present study we are presenting an experiment based on a beatboxing speeding up paradigm. We used a single metric and rhythmical pattern to create various beatboxed patterns (BP). Human Beatboxing (HBB) seems to rely on different articulatory skills than speech because it does not obey to linguistic constraints. How do beatboxing rate affect sound duration ? We expect that (1) the faster the production, the shorter sound duration (2) affricates, trills and fricatives will shorten more than stops (3) position in the pattern influences sound reduction. 2. Methods A 32 y.o. professional beatboxer took part in the experiment. The recorded material was controlled in terms of sound pattern and rhythm. Indeed, to facilitate the comparison of beatboxing recordings we used only one metric pattern that we transposed into 12 Beatbox patterns (BP). Table 1 shows an example of two of the 12 BP created for the study. There is only one voiced sound (i.e. [ɓ]) in the corpus. Table 1 : Example of the structure of a Beatboxed Pattern Metric Rhythm Low High Long High Low Low High Long High Positions 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 BP1 [p’] [͡ts’] [↓k͡ L̥ ] [͡ts’] [p’] [p’] [͡ts’] [↓k͡ L̥ ] [͡ts’] BP2 [↓ʙ̥ ˡ] [͡ts’] [ʡhə̥ ] [͡ts’] [↓p] [↓ʙ̥ ˡ] [͡ts’] [ʡhə̥ ] [͡ts’] Concerning the rhythm, it was controlled using a vibrating metronome placed on his wrist.