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Heritage Hybridisations Concepts, Scales and Spaces Una Europa Phd Workshop Proceedings Heritage Hybridizations Conceps, Scales and Spaces

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Heritage Hybridisations Concepts, Scales and Spaces Una Europa Phd Workshop Proceedings Heritage Hybridizations Conceps, Scales and Spaces Heritage Hybridisations Concepts, Scales and Spaces Una Europa PhD Workshop Proceedings Heritage Hybridizations Conceps, Scales and Spaces Una Europa PhD Workshop Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne May 10-12, 2021 Una Europa: Freie Universität Berlin Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie University of Edinburgh Helsingin Yliopisto KU Leuven Universidad Complutense de Madrid Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Texts sumited by their authors. Editing: Maria Gravari-Barbas & Isidora Stanković Graphic design: Isidora Stanković Paris, May 2021 Heritage Is In the Eye of the Beholder? Two Case studies from the Roman Empire Anna-Maria Wilskman ERC project Law, Governance and Space: Questioning the Foundations of the Republican Tradition1, Helsingin Yliopisto Starting out as a small city in Latium, Rome expanded its territory over the centuries, enclosing finally the areas from Egypt to Britain within its borders. The Romans shaped the urban landscape of the new territories to correspond the architecture of the mother city, and imposed their religion, culture, language, and social institutions to the conquered areas. However, the local cultures and customs did not disappear, and influences moved around affecting the built milieu. A place with a heterogeneous populace can exhibit culturally more various monuments. In this paper, I aim to illustrate the heritage hybridization visible in the public monuments of the Roman Empire, and the factors that could affect the interpretations of such monuments. After a short overview of the theoretical background, the paper concentrates on two case studies, namely the “Arringatore” at Florence and the Philopappus monument at Athens. A monument’s subject, motive, and intended audience are focal points when analyzing the hybrid self- representations. Why was the monument erected and to whom? Was the monument intended for the Roman or local eyes? What did the commissioner of the monument hope to gain? Because we do not have many literary sources of the contemporary viewers, the attempt to uncover the thoughts of the ancient viewer is very difficult. However, we can make some general observations by looking at the visual rhetoric and the context of the objects (Hölscher 2004; Elsner 2007). This is why the notion of the place and the audience is important. The viewer sees what he wants to see: there is a “horizon of expectations (Erwartungshorizont)”, to use the term of one of the fundamental theorists of receptions studies, Hans Rubert Jauss. It is defined as ”the objectifiable system of expectations that arises for each work in the historical moment of its appearance, from preunderstanding the genre, from the form and themes of already familiar works, and from the opposition between poetical and practical language” (Jauss, H.R. Toward an Aesthetic of Reception.1982, 22. Cited in Trimble 2015). Instead of context, Wolfgang Iser – another fundamental theorist – focuses on the work itself and the way it prestructures its own reception: when an artwork is created, it is created for the specific imagined viewer(s). Furthermore, Alfred Gell’s theory on the way an art object can affect the thoughts and actions of people remains extremely influential (Gell 1998). The work can direct the interpretation, but the viewer also brings his or her own predispositions and decisions (Trimble 2015). Therefore, in order to observe the self-representations in the monuments, we should pay attention not only to the monument itself, but also to the possible interpretations that the viewers give to it, and thereby change the meaning of the monument. This brings us back to the identity and cultural background of the viewer. During the past twenty or so years, scholars have deserted the term ‘Romanization’, and acknowledged the diversification of the vast empire in relation to cultures and their cultural development. The main change concerns our methodologies: in tandem with the ‘imperial’ studies, we now increasingly focus on the small communities in within the Empire, to the identities and sociocultural change. There we need to take into account the bottom-up approach, the factors that restricted the individuals’ choices, and the impacts that one decision can have on a collective (recently discussed in Haeussler & Webster 2020, with references to previous literature). In the following case studies, I observe the honorific monuments with heritage hybridization. I pay special attention to the ways the monument can direct interpretation of different audiences. “Arringatore” The Arringatore, or “the Orator” dates to about 100 BCE, and is today at the National Archaeological 1 This research has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No 771874). 108 Anna-Maria Wilskman - Heritage Is In the Eye of the Beholder? Two Case studies from the Roman Empire Museum of Florence (Fig. 1). It has been vastly studied by scholars, and it is regarded as “perhaps the most striking testimony to the slow but inexorable process of the Romanization of Etruria, - - -” (Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Firenze). Fig. 1: The “Arringatore” at the National Archaeological Museum of Florence. The freestanding, life-size bronze statue depicts a mature, shorthaired man, standing with his right arm raised. This is traditionally seen as a gesture related to public speaking, more precisely to that of asking for silence before starting. Hence, the statues name. The man looks into the horizon, but his eyes have not survived, so it is impossible to say where he directs his gaze more precisely. He wears a short toga with a bordered hem (toga exigua praetexta), worn by Roman curule magistrates, a tunic with a narrow red band (angusticlavius) of the equestrian class, senatorial shoes, and a ring in his left hand, which gently holds up the toga. The statue clearly looks Roman. What then makes this an example of cultural hybridization? An inscription on the toga’s hem records the name of the man, Aule Metelis, as well as his parentage, a deity to whom the statue is sacred, and the dedicating community – all of which are Etruscan. A peasant found the statue in 1566 in Perugia, but, unfortunately, the precise spot is unclear. One possible area is Tuoro sul Trasimeno, where the sanctuary of Tece Sanś’, the deity mentioned in the statue’s inscription, was located (Maras 2017). The deity and the sanctuary were local, but as Tece Sanś was the “Father of Gods”, it was important. Such votive statues were common for Roman culture as well. But, based on the overall effect of the statue, is it truly unambiguous, that it is a “Roman” representation of an Etruscan? The reasons Aule Metelis is regarded as Etrusco-Roman lie mostly in his outfit, which together with his pose creates an image of a Roman magistrate addressing the people. However, as B.H. Spalthoff remarks, the depiction of a ring and senatorial shoes without specific arguments that the person belongs to the ordo senatorius, is likely a mark that the person represented is a member of municipal aristocracy (Spalthoff 2010). After all, the inscription does not mention any offices. And the toga? The Romans wore the toga praetexta during the Republic, but according to Pliny the Elder (died in 79 CE), it was an Etruscan invention (Plin. NH 8,195; 9,136). The 2nd century CE Italy was not by all means politically homogeneous region centered around Rome. Therefore, in this case, the use of toga was not necessarily a mark of a Roman magistracy, nor a citizenship. It is possible that those who wanted to identify themselves with the Romans could wear them (Haack 2017), but it does not exclude the possibility that wearing a toga in general would have nothing to do with Rome. Aule Metelis has been seen as if he is addressing the Roman Senate (e.g. Enos 2008). However, it is not easy to find exact parallels for the gesture in ancient sources that would confirm this interpretation, or that it would mean “asking for silence.” References to the gesture silentium manu facere seem to be later, from the early modern period (such as the Chirologia of John Bulwer, 1644). This leads to the question of whether the meaning of the gesture was defined after Aule Metelis’ hand or the other way around.2 Moreover, the same gesture can illustrate greeting, and in some instances peace, as Statius mentions how “the right (hand) rejects the fights” (Stat.Silv. 1,1,37; Hurschmann 2006.) Would this pose then be regarded in a sanctuary more as a speaking gesture, or as something else? 2 Unfortunately, due to Covid-19, I was unable to consult the article by G. Colonna “Il posto dell’Arringatore nell’arte etrusca di età ellenistica. StEtr 56:99–122. 109 Anna-Maria Wilskman - Heritage Is In the Eye of the Beholder? Two Case studies from the Roman Empire The interpretation and the “ethnicity” of the statue therefore seems to alternate according to the emphasis given to the different key components of the statue: the iconography, inscription, and the location. The inscription on the hem could be easily ignored, or the viewer did not necessarily understand its meaning – in fact, the statue was originally named as “Scipio Africanus” in the collection of Cosimo I de’Medici (Gáldy 2009). He could be seen as a Roman, or Etruscan in the Roman Senate, or perhaps as a local elite man with mutual benevolence and love to the community and the gods. Philopappus Monument The Philopappus Monument dates to 114–117 CE, and still stands on its original location at Athens. It is the funerary monument of C. Iulius Antiochus Epifanes Philopappus, who was a citizen of Rome, member of Athenian elite, and a prince of Commagene, a Syrian client state of Rome.
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