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Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide Abby Coomes, Jonathan Dean, Makinsey Perkins, Jennifer Roberts, Tyler Schroeder, Emily Simpson Abstract Indochina Implementation In the 1970s Pol Pot devised a ruthless Cambodian regime Communism in Cambodia began as early as the 1940s during known as the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge adopted a strong the time of Joseph Stalin. Its presence was elevated when Pol Pot sense of nationalism and discriminated against the Vietnamese and became the prime minister and leader of the Khmer Rouge. In 1975, other racial minorities in Cambodia. This form of radical Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge implemented their new government communism led to the Cambodian genocide because the Khmer the Democratic Kampuchea. This government was meant to replace Rouge cleansed the minorities of their culture and committed mass the existing one in every way possible by any means necessary. murder amongst their people in order to establish power. Pol Pot The Khmer Rouge imposed a forced cleansing of Cambodia, both in established the Democratic Kampuchea which forced what he culture and race. This meant that the Cambodian minorities were to called the “New People” to work on the farms and in the factories. be weeded out, tortured, and murdered. This was called the Four The Khmer Rouge went as far as to convert the schools into Year Plan. prisons and destroyed all traces of books and equipment to rid The Khmer Rouge started by separating the minority groups Cambodia of their education system. This project will analyze how within the country. The Khmer Rouge wedged a division between Pol Pot’s regime created systematic racism amongst the the urban and rural populations, categorizing between the “New Cambodian minorities and developed a social hierarchy. -
In This Issue
WINTER 2014 In This Issue 2 FROM THE DIRECTOR 4 FEATURES 16 CASE UPDATES 26 CLINIC NEWS 31 CLINIC FACULTY FROM THE DIRECTOR The Continuing Challenge I hope that you enjoy reading this most recent edition of News & Bottom line: the work of individual representation of these chil- Notes. I’m very grateful to be associated with Northwestern Law dren, all of whom are profoundly affected by their circumstances, School and with my colleagues at the Bluhm Legal Clinic who are including disproportionate minority impact, poverty, and lack of responsible for making possible such a wide array of educational effective mental health and educational services, is hard, chal- opportunities for our students. Our mission is to engage students in lenging, and sometimes depressing. the educational process by involving them in compelling cases and Yet I continue to believe that these individual cases provide projects that provide them with opportunities for learning, service, some of the best opportunities that our Clinic offers for the edu- and improvement in the systems that affect the interests of our cation and professional growth of our law students. They allow clients. These educational opportunities extend both domestic and student to relate to and counsel clients who are under the most abroad. In this issue, we highlight our extensive international work severe forms of stress. They also provide opportunities for cre- conducted around the world as well as the important case work that ative advocacy in dealing with opposing counsel and judges and our staff and students are involved in close to home. impress upon students the obligation to provide the highest qual- The representation of children in juvenile and criminal court ity legal services to all clients. -
Is “Identity-Based Conflict” a Valid Or Banal Concept? Event History Analysis of Civil War Onset, 1960-2000
IS “IDENTITY-BASED CONFLICT” A VALID OR BANAL CONCEPT? EVENT HISTORY ANALYSIS OF CIVIL WAR ONSET, 1960-2000 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Rumi Morishima Tosaka, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Edward M. Crenshaw, Advisor Professor J. Craig Jenkins Professor Pamela M. Paxton __________________________________ Adviser Professor Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier Graduate Program in Sociology Copyright by Rumi Morishima Tosaka 2008 ABSTRACT One assumption that is often implicit yet widely held in the conflict literature is the existence of “identity-based (ethnic)” conflicts. While this type of conflict is presumed to be conceptually and empirically distinct from “non-identity” conflicts, few close examinations have been undertaken regarding the validity of this assumption. By using the conditional risk model, a Cox proportional hazard model that allows for multiple failures, this dissertation investigates whether or not the two war “types” evince different causal explanations in ways that can justify the oft-mentioned distinction. Results suggest that while the different “types” of war share many causes, economic exclusion seems more applicable to non-identity civil war (e.g., class-based warfare) while political exclusion better explains identity-based civil war overall, suggesting that there may be some truth to the argument that political recognition plays an important role in identity-based war. First, socioeconomic development and international economic integration seem generally important for war prevention, yet other aspects of modernization show different patterns across the “types” of civil war. -
NCH Annual Report 2020
Network of Concerned Historians NCH Annual Report 2020 http://www.concernedhistorians.org INTRODUCTION This twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Network of Concerned Historians (NCH) contains news about the domain where history and human rights intersect, in particular about the censorship of history and the persecution of historians, archivists, and archaeologists around the globe, as reported by various human rights organizations and other sources. It mainly covers events and developments of 2019 and 2020. Disclaimer. The fact that the NCH presents this news does not imply that it shares the views and beliefs of the historians and others mentioned in it. Download this report at: http://www.concernedhistorians.org/ar/20.pdf Cite this report as: Network of Concerned Historians, Annual Report 2020 (http://www.concernedhistorians.org/ar/20.pdf). For the complete set of NCH Annual Reports, see: http://www.concernedhistorians.org/content/ar.html Or click: 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 All Annual Reports (1995–2020) were compiled by Antoon De Baets. This year’s report was co-edited by Ruben Zeeman. Please send any comments to [email protected] Network of Concerned Historians, Annual Report 2020 (2020) 2 ____________________________________________________________ AFGHANISTAN Previous Annual Report entries: 2000–2016, 2018. See Iran, United States. ALBANIA Previous Annual Report entries: 1996, 2012, 2015−2019. In mid-July 2019, ten members of parliament from the ruling Socialist Party (PS/PPSh) wanted to prevent the Institute for the Study of the Crimes of Communism (ISKK), created in 2010 to probe Communist-era crimes in Albania, from studying incidents that happened during World War II. -
6 Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea
Article by John CIORCIARI and CHHANG Youk entitled "Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea" in Jaya RAMJI and Beth VAN SCHAAK's book "Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice. Prosecuting Mass Violence Before the Cambodian Courts", pp.226-227. 6 Documenting The Crimes Of Democratic Kampuchea John D. Ciorciari with Youk Chhang John D. Ciorciari (A.B., J.D., Harvard; M.Phil., Oxford) is the Wai Seng Senior Research Scholar at the Asian Studies Centre in St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford. Since 1999, he has served as a legal advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) in Phnom Penh. Youk Chhang has served as the Director of DC-Cam since January 1997 and has managed the fieldwork of its Mass Grave Mapping Project since July 1995. He is also the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of DC-Cam’s monthly magazine, SEARCHING FOR THE TRUTH, and has edited numerous scholarly publications dealing with the abuses of the Pol Pot regime. The Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime was decidedly one of the most brutal in modern history. Between April 1975 and January 1979, when the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) held power in Phnom Penh, millions of Cambodians suffered grave human rights abuses. Films, museum exhibitions, scholarly works, and harrowing survivor accounts have illustrated the horrors of the DK period and brought worldwide infamy to the “Pol Pot regime.”1 Historically, it is beyond doubt that elements of the CPK were responsible for myriad criminal offenses. However, the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of that period have never been held accountable for their atrocities in an internationally recognized legal proceeding. -
Karma After Democratic Kampuchea: Justice Outside the Khmer Rouge Tribunal
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 12 Issue 3 Justice and the Prevention of Genocide Article 10 12-2018 Karma after Democratic Kampuchea: Justice Outside the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Caroline Bennett Victoria University of Wellington Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Bennett, Caroline (2018) "Karma after Democratic Kampuchea: Justice Outside the Khmer Rouge Tribunal," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 12: Iss. 3: 68-82. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.12.3.1567 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol12/iss3/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karma after Democratic Kampuchea: Justice Outside the Khmer Rouge Tribunal Acknowledgements The research for this paper was supported by the ESRC (grant number ES/J500148/1) and Victoria University of Wellington. I am grateful for the feedback received from initial versions of this presented at the Association of Asian Studies Annual Conference in Toronto, Canada, and at the International Association of Genocide Scholars Annual Conference at the University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia. Thanks to Professor Alexander Hinton for his generous exchanges, and Dr Tallyn Gray for his thoughts and conversation. -
"Currency Is a Most Poisonous Tool": State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money During the Cambodian Genocide
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 14 Issue 1 Article 11 5-7-2020 "Currency is a Most Poisonous Tool": State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money during the Cambodian Genocide James A. Tyner Kent State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Tyner, James A. (2020) ""Currency is a Most Poisonous Tool": State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money during the Cambodian Genocide," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 14: Iss. 1: 143-158. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.14.1.1710 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol14/iss1/11 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Currency is a Most Poisonous Tool”: State Capitalism, Nonmarket Socialism, and the Elimination of Money during the Cambodian Genocide James A. Tyner Kent State University Kent, Ohio, USA Introduction On April 17, 1975, the revolutionary army of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK; better known as the ‘Khmer Rouge’) entered Cambodia’s capital of Phnom Penh. Their victory marked the culmination of years of political turmoil and armed conflict but not the cessation of violence. Upon assuming power, senior officials of the CPK initiated a series of economic and political programs that resulted in the death of approximately 1.7 million men, women, and children. -
The Role of Ideology in a Terror State: Democratic Kampuchea, 1975-1978
University of Bristol Department of Historical Studies Best undergraduate dissertations of 2010 Fionn Travers-Smith The Role of Ideology in a Terror State: Democratic Kampuchea, 1975-1978 The Department of Historical Studies at the University of Bristol is com- mitted to the advancement of historical knowledge and understanding, and to research of the highest order. We believe that our undergraduates are part of that endeavour. In June 2009, the Department voted to begin to publish the best of the an- nual dissertations produced by the department’s final year undergraduates (deemed to be those receiving a mark of 75 or above) in recognition of the excellent research work being undertaken by our students. This was one of the best of this year’s final year undergraduate disserta- tions. Please note: this dissertation is published in the state it was submitted for examination. Thus the author has not been able to correct errors and/or departures from departmental guidelines for the presentation of dissertations (e.g. in the formatting of its footnotes and bibliography). © The author, 2010. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the prior permission in writing of the author, or as expressly permitted by law. All citations of this work must be properly acknowledged. THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGY IN A TERROR STATE: DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA, 1975-1978 -1- Introduction With a recent historical legacy of French colonial domination and the Cold War conflict in Vietnam threatening to engulf the entire region, the turn of the 1970s saw an increasingly volatile geo-political situation in Southeast Asia. -
Sojourns Across Sources: Unbraiding Sino-Cambodian Histories
Sojourns Across Sources: Unbraiding Sino-Cambodian Histories Penny Edwards, University of California, Berkeley There was a hiatus that could not be called silence because while they did not speak there was passing between them the vivid dialogue of the unexpressed. - Nadine Gordimer (2007, 101) History is not the sort of animal you can domesticate. - Antonio Tabucchi (2011, 89) Late one evening in March 1886, a court official named A Gi was stabbed to death in the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh, the capital of the French protectorate of Cambodia. A Gi was the head of the Hainanese Association in Cambodia. He had recently rallied to the French protectorate, gaining the colonial government’s confidence through regular meetings and falling from the favor of Cambodian king Norodom I in the process. His murder chilled Francophile dignitaries across the capital. “The mandarins are terrified,” wrote France’s representative in Cambodia, Lieutenant-Colonel Badens: “They say that those who have taken France’s part will meet the same fate” (Badens 1886, 2). Rumors were rife. Was this a revenge killing? A Gi had apparently refused his daughter to both King Norodom and Prince Duong Chakr. Was it the political assassination of a turncoat? A Gi was known as a collaborator with the French. Or was this an economic crime? A Gi had run fishing concessions in Bapnum and Prey Veng. Three days after the murder, an anonymous tract was posted on the door of A Gi’s house. It warned: The Chinese A Gi was killed because of serious personal enmity. The same will happen to [the mandarins] A Pok and A Hui, who are living in the palace of the Second King [Sisowath] in the North. -
The Vietnam War and Its Impact on Southeast Asia on 2 July 1976 the Socialist Republic of Vietnam Was Declared
Fact Sheet 11: The Vietnam War and its impact on Southeast Asia On 2 July 1976 the Socialist Republic of Vietnam was declared. Hundreds of thousands of South Vietnamese officials were imprisoned in re-education camps after the communist takeover. Tens of thousands died. Vietnam’s economy slumped. An estimated two million civilians left the country. These refugees were often called ‘boat people’ because they fled in crowded, dangerously unfit boats. An unknown number perished at sea. In 1977 New Zealand accepted 412 Vietnamese refugees. By the end of 1980 there were approximately 2000 Vietnamese refugees in New Zealand. For more information on Vietnamese in New Zealand go to the New Zealand Peoples section of Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand. The fighting in Vietnam had destabilised the wider region. Neighbouring Cambodia was dragged into the conflict. It was bombed by the US air force in an attempt to stop North Vietnamese communists supplying their southern allies via the Ho Chi Minh Trai which ran through eastern Laos and Cambodia. Shortly before the fall of Saigon in 1975 the Cambodian communists, the Khmer Rouge, captured Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia. This was a bitter blow to the Americans. Having tried to stop the spread of communism in the region, it had in fact seen its influence spread. The fighting in Cambodia also created a refugee problem. Cambodia’s population declined dramatically after 1975, as people fled the Khmer Rouge. Under the leadership of Pol Pot, the communists eliminated the country’s economic infrastructure and social institutions. They abolished money, schools and private property. -
Genocide in Cambodia, 1975-1979
Genocide in Cambodia, 1975-1979 Introduction From 1975-79, an estimated 1.5-3.0 million people-probably around 1.8 million, about a quarter of the population—were killed in a systematic campaign of mass murder organized by the Cambodian government at the time, known as the Democratic Kampuchea (DK). This government was created by the Khmer Rouge, a group that started in the 1960s as the armed wing of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (Cambodia). Led by the dictator Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge occupied the capital, Phnom Penh on 17 April 1975. Their goal was to establish a classless, agricultural state that completely rejected capitalism and was based on communal living. To achieve this, they sought to eliminate anyone they deemed “New People,” namely, urban populations, intellectuals, and minorities who were thought to have been corrupted by outside influence. The Khmer Rouge favored peasants, who they called “Old People.” Historical Context Historically, the Khmer Empire had been a flourishing agrarian state in the 9th-15th centuries, which at its height encompassed a large area in the region including parts of current-day Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand. From the 15th-19th centuries, Cambodia was in decline and by the end of this period the dynasties of Vietnam and Thailand were vying for control of Cambodia. In an attempt to protect his Cambodia from Vietnam and Thailand, in 1863 the King invited France to establish a protectorate, starting a 90-year period of French rule. Cambodia was occupied by Japan during World War II, and then returned to French rule after the war until Cambodia became independent in 1953.