6 Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea
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CAMBODIA: GETTING AWAY with AUTHORITARIANISM? Duncan Mccargo
CAMBODIA: GETTING AWAY WITH AUTHORITARIANISM? Duncan McCargo Duncan McCargo is professor of Southeast Asian politics at the Uni- versity of Leeds. His latest book is The Thaksinization of Thailand (with Ukrist Pathmanand, 2005). His essay “Democracy Under Stress in Thaksin’s Thailand” appeared in the October 2002 issue of the Journal of Democracy. What if a country holds an election but it proves not to matter? Cam- bodians voted nationwide in July 2003, only to see their polity’s three main political parties take almost a year to form a new administration. The long-ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) of Prime Minister Hun Sen won 47.4 percent of the popular vote but gained 59.3 percent of the seats in the National Assembly thanks to Cambodia’s unusual “highest- average” system of proportional voting, which favors large parties.1 The CPP’s two main rivals, the nominally royalist formation known by its French acronym of FUNCINPEC and the populist opposition Sam Rainsy Party (or SRP, named for its founder and leading personality) each won around about a fifth of the total vote and a similar share of seats in the 123-member National Assembly (the actual seat totals were 73 for the CPP, 26 for FUNCINPEC, and 24 for the SRP). Since Cambodia’s 1993 constitution stipulates that a two-thirds par- liamentary majority is needed to form a government, the parties had to bargain in the election’s wake. Bargain they did, for 11 long months. All during this time Cambodia had no properly constituted govern- ment, but little changed. -
A History of the Anlong Veng Community a History Of
A HIstoRy Of Anlong Veng CommunIty A wedding in Anlong Veng in the early 1990s. (Cover photo) Aer Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in 1979, many Khmer Rouge forces scaered to the jungles, mountains, and border areas. Mountain 1003 was a prominent Khmer Rouge military base located within the Dangrek Mountains along the Cambodian-Thai border, not far from Anlong Veng. From this military base, the Khmer Rouge re-organized and prepared for the long struggle against Vietnamese and the People’s Republic of Kampuchea government forces. Eventually, it was from this base, Khmer Rouge forces would re-conquer and sele Anlong Veng in early 1990 (and a number of other locations) until their re-integration into Cambodian society in late 1998. In many ways, life in Anlong Veng was as difficult and dangerous as it was in Mountain 1003. As one of the KR strongholds, Anlong Veng served as one of the key launching points for Khmer Rouge guerrilla operations in Cambodia, and it was subject to constant aacks by Cambodian government forces. Despite the perilous circumstances and harsh environment, the people who lived in Anlong Veng endeavored, whenever possible, to re-connect with and maintain their rich cultural heritage. Tossed from the seat of power in 1979, the Khmer Rouge were unable to sustain their rigid ideo- logical policies, particularly as it related to community and family life. During the Democratic Movement of the Khmer Rouge Final Stronghold Kampuchea regime, 1975–79, the Khmer Rouge prohibited the traditional Cambodian wedding ceremony. Weddings were arranged by Khmer Rouge leaders and cadre, who oen required mass ceremonies, with lile regard for tradition or individual distinction. -
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia
Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia Geographically, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are situated in the fastest growing region in the world, positioned alongside the dynamic economies of neighboring China and Thailand. Revolution, Reform and Regionalism in Southeast Asia compares the postwar political economies of these three countries in the context of their individual and collective impact on recent efforts at regional integration. Based on research carried out over three decades, Ronald Bruce St John highlights the different paths to reform taken by these countries and the effect this has had on regional plans for economic development. Through its comparative analysis of the reforms implemented by Cam- bodia, Laos and Vietnam over the last 30 years, the book draws attention to parallel themes of continuity and change. St John discusses how these countries have demonstrated related characteristics whilst at the same time making different modifications in order to exploit the strengths of their individual cultures. The book contributes to the contemporary debate over the role of democratic reform in promoting economic devel- opment and provides academics with a unique insight into the political economies of three countries at the heart of Southeast Asia. Ronald Bruce St John earned a Ph.D. in International Relations at the University of Denver before serving as a military intelligence officer in Vietnam. He is now an independent scholar and has published more than 300 books, articles and reviews with a focus on Southeast Asia, -
To Keep You Is No Gain, to Kill You Is No Loss* – Securing Justice Through the International Criminal Court
TO KEEP YOU IS NO GAIN, TO KILL YOU IS NO LOSS* – SECURING JUSTICE THROUGH THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT Talitha Gray** I. INTRODUCTION “We who have witnessed in the twentieth century, the worst crimes against humanity, have an opportunity to bequeath to the new century a powerful instrument of justice. So let us rise to this challenge.”1 An incomprehensible number of people have died as a result of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity in the last century. After World War II and the Holocaust, nations and their citizenry proclaimed that never again would something so horrendous happen. “We must make sure that their deaths have posthumous meaning. We must make sure that from now until the end of days all humankind stares this evil in the face . and only then can we be sure it will never arise again.”2 Despite this vow, from 1950 to 1990, there were seventeen genocides, with two that resulted in the death of over a million people.3 In 1994, 800,000 Tutsis died during a three-month genocide in Rwanda.4 Genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity are not only something that occurred in the distant past; sadly, they remain a vivid reality. If there is ever hope to end such crimes, they must be addressed by the law on an international scale. “We stand poised at the edge of invention: a rare occasion to build a new institution to serve a global need. An International Criminal Court is within our * This phrase is identified as the motto of the Khmer Rouge regime who murdered in excess of two million Cambodians during their three year reign. -
Political Paper of the Revolutionary Commun.Ist League of Britain
CLASS STRUGGLE POLITICAL PAPER OF THE REVOLUTIONARY COMMUN.IST LEAGUE OF BRITAIN On Christmas Day 1978, the Vietnamese Government launch ed 120,000 troops in a massive blitzkrieg against Kampuchea. In the year that has followed, 200,000 in creasingly demoralised and hard-pressed Vietnamese troops have been resorting to all the most inhuman methods of war of their old enemies, ~he US imperialists - destruction of crops, chemical warfare, creation of a vast refugee problem, etc. The incredible - the tragic - has happened. Vietnam has changed colour . Its socialist path has changed to a reactionary path. Vietnam now has its own Vietnam. NEW LIES FOR OLD At first the Vietnamese Government claimed that their puppet administration headed by Heng Samrin had been installed by a "popular uprising". However, when, after some months, their massive military presence proved difficult to hid@ even from the blindest of observers, they changed their tune and claimed that the troops had been "invited" by Heng Samrin (whom they had put there 'We have entered in the first place !) and that their interv~ntion is for and who oppose war, must stand up too. "humanitarian" reasons. OPPOSE GENOCIDE THE RIGHT TO SELF-DETERMINATION MUST BE DEFENDED There is another vital reason for demanding the with The Vietnamese invasion must be opposed . All countries drawal of Viet~m. In one year Vietnam has caused the and people who stand for the right of nations to inde death of over 1 ,000,000 Kampucheans through violent pendence and for the right of peoples to determine their assault and through starvation. -
Historical Evidence at the ECCC
History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Andrew Mamo, History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC (May, 2013). Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:10985172 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA History and the Boundaries of Legality: Historical Evidence at the ECCC Andrew Mamo The Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) are marked by the amount of time that has elapsed between the fall of Democratic Kampuchea in 1979 and the creation of the tribunal. Does this passage of time matter? There are obvious practical reasons why it does: suspects die, witnesses die or have their memories fade, documents are lost and found, theories of accountability gain or lose currency within the broader public. And yet, formally, the mechanisms of criminal justice continue to operate despite the intervening years. The narrow jurisdiction limits the court’s attention to the events of 1975–1979, and potential evidence must meet legal requirements of relevance in order to be admissible. Beyond the immediate questions of the quality of the evidence, does history matter? Should it? One answer is that this history is largely irrelevant to the legal questions at issue. -
The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an Ambiguous Good News Story
perspectives The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: An Ambiguous Good News Story Milton Osborne A u g u s t 2 0 0 7 The Lowy Institute for International Policy is an independent international policy think tank based in Sydney, Australia. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia – economic, political and strategic – and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate. • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Perspectives are occasional papers and speeches on international events and policy. The views expressed in this paper are the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute for International Policy. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal: an ambiguous good news story Milton Osborne It’s [the Khmer Rouge Tribunal] heavily symbolic and won’t have much to do with justice . It will produce verdicts which delineate the KR leadership as having been a small group and nothing to do with the present regime. Philip Short, author of Pol Pot: anatomy of a nightmare, London, 2004, quoted in Phnom Penh Post, 26 January8 February 2007. Some ten months after it was finally inaugurated in July 2006, and more than twentyeight years after the overthrow of the Democratic Kampuchean (DK) regime led by Pol Pot, the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), more familiarly known as the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, has at last handed down its first indictment. -
Everyday Experiences of Cambodian Genocide Survivors in Hidden
Documentation Center of Cambodia Democratic Kampuchea Regime Survivors and Sites of Violence Savina Sirik Team Leader of the Transitional Justice Program The Khmer Rouge Movement • Khmer Rouge communist movement o 1940s- emerged as struggle against the French Colonialization o 1950- Formed communist-led United Issarak Front or Khmer Issarak • Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) o 1951- formed with support from Vietnamese communists o Lost the 1955 election to Sangkum Reastr Niyum o 1956 Sieu Heng defected to the Prince Sihanouk government The Khmer Rouge Movement (Cont.) • Workers’ Party of Kampuchea o 1960-Secret congress was held, reorganized the party o Tou Samut disappeared, Pol Pot became the party’s leader o 1965 Visit of Pol Pot to Vietname, China and North Korea • Communist Party of Kampuchea o 1966 changed the party name to CPK o 1966-70 headquarter in Rattanakiri The Khmer Rouge regime, officially known as the Democratic Kampuchea (DK), ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. The Evacuation of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Source: Roland Neveu Collective cooperatives and massive agricultural and irrigation projects were established throughout the country Democratic Kampuchea in 1976 Source: DK Ministry of Education, 1976. Administrative Divisions & Security System • 6 Zones • 32 Regions • District • Sub-district • Cooperatives • Security system is divided in five levels with S-21 as the top level security center, followed by zonal, regional, district, and sub-district prisons. • 196 prisons • Over 388 killing sites containing almost 20,000 mass graves • Labor sites • 81 local memorials Former Khmer Rouge security centers Physical evidence of violence in the landscapes remains After the Democratic Kampuchea • Introduce to an unmarked site of mass violence and its relationship to survivors • Consider how contemporary lives of survivors are informed by memories of the genocide • Until today, many survivors still live and work in the same villages where they experienced starvation, forced labors, and torture during the DK. -
December 04, 1979 Conversation Between Jambyn Batmunkh and Heng Samrin
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified December 04, 1979 Conversation between Jambyn Batmunkh and Heng Samrin Citation: “Conversation between Jambyn Batmunkh and Heng Samrin,” December 04, 1979, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Mongol Ulsyn Zasgiin Gazryn Arkhiv: fond 1, tov’yog 28, kh/n 21 (1980 on), khuu 10-22. Obtained and translated by Sergey Radchenko with the assistance of Onon Perenlei. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/208467 Summary: In December 1979 Mongolian party and government delegation headed by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Mongolia Jambyn Batmunkh visited Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos and had held talks with the leaders of these countries on issues pertinent to the Sino-Vietnamese war of 1979, Pol Pot’s regime, situation in Indochina and Chinese foreign policy in Asia. Original Language: Mongolian Contents: English Translation RECORD OF CONVERSATION BETWEEN DELEGATIONS OF THE MPR AND THE PRK [People’s Republic of Kampuchea] 4 December 1979 Phnom Penh MPR party and government delegation headed by the member of the MPRP Central Committee Politburo, Chairman of the MPR Council of Minister c. J. Batmunkh on that day met in Phnom Penh with the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Kampuchean National United Front for National Salvation (KNUFNS), Chairman of the PRK’s People’s Revolutionary Council c. Heng Samrin. […] The conversation began in the PRK Government Building at 9:45 local time and lasted for 3 and-a- half hours. […] Heng Samrin: Head of the MPR party and government delegation, esteemed Chairman Batmunkh, members of the delegation! First of all, allow me to congratulate warmly the MPR party and government delegation on accepting the invitation of the KNUFNS and the PRK People’s Revolutionary Council and arriving in our country on a friendly visit. -
Nuclear Weapons and Nuclear War. Papers Based on a Symposium Of
. DOCUMENT RESUME ED 233 910 SE 043 147 A AUTHOR Mo'irison, Philip; And Others TITLE Nuclear Weapcins and'Nuclear War. Papers Based on a.' symposium of the Forum on Physics and Society of the American Physical Society, (ashington, D.C., April 1982.). INSTITUTION Americ'ap Association of Physics Teachers, Washington, 'D.C. 0 PUB DATE 83 NOTE 44. L AVAILABLE FROM American AssoCiatiOn of Physics Teachers, Graduate Phygics Bldg., SUNY, Stony Btook, NY,11794._(Nuclear Weapons $2.00 U.S., prepaid; Nuclear Energy $2.50 U.S./$3.00 outside U.S.). PUB TYPE Reports - General (140) Speeches/Conference Papers (150.) EDRS PRICE MF01 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS. DESCRIPTORS Armed Forces; *Disarmament; *Intetnational Relations; National Defense; Nuclear Technology; *Nuclear Warfare; Treaties; *World Problems IDENTIFIERS *Nuclear Weapons; *USSR ABSTRACT Three papers on nuclear weapons and nuclear war, baged on talks 'given by distinguihed physicists during an American Physical Society-sponsored symposium,,-are provided in this booklet. They include "Caught Between Asymptotes" (Philip Morrison), "We are not Inferior to the Soviets" (Hans A. Bethe), and "MAD vs. NUTS" (Wolfgang K. H.. Panofsky).'Areas addressed in the first paper (whose title is based on a metaphOr offered by, John von Neumann) include the threat of nuclear war, WorldWar III. versus World War II, and .others. The major point of the second paper is that United States strategic nuclear forces are not infeiior to those of the Soviets., Areas addressed include accuracy/vulnerability, new weapons, madness of .nuclear war, SALT I and II, proposed nuclear weapons freeze, and possible U.S initiatives'. -
Military Law Review
U.S. Volume 223 Issue 1 2015 DEP’T OF ARMY PAMPHLET 27-100-223 PAMPHLET ARMY OF DEP’T MILITARY LAW REVIEW ARTICLES THE FRENCH MILITARY INTERVENTION IN MALI, COUNTER-TERRORISM, AND THE LAW OF ARMED CONFLICT Mr. Dan E. Stigall MILITARY LAW REVIEW LAW MILITARY THE ABUSE OF DISCRETION STANDARD OF REVIEW IN MILITARY JUSTICE APPEALS Colonel Jeremy Stone Weber HE DID IT, BUT SO WHAT? WHY PERMITTING NULLIFICATION AT COURT-MARTIAL RIGHTFULLY ALLOWS MEMBERS TO USE THEIR CONSCIENCES IN DELIBERATIONS Major Michael E. Korte CYBERTERRORISTS: THE IDENTIFICATION AND CLASSIFICATION OF NON-STATE ACTORS WHO ENGAGE IN CYBER-HOSTILITIES Major Andrea C. Goode KEEP YOUR HANDS TO YOURSELF: WHY THE MAXIMUM PENALTY FOR ASSAULT CONSUMMATED BY A BATTERY MUST BE INCREASED Major Brian J. Kargus Book Review VOLUME 223 2015 Department of the Army Pamphlet 27-100-223 Military Law Review Volume 223 Issue 1 2015 CONTENTS Articles The French Military Intervention in Mali, Counter-terrorism, and the Law of Armed Conflict Mr. Dan E. Stigall 1 The Abuse of Discretion Standard of Review in Military Justice Appeals Colonel Jeremy Stone Weber 41 He Did It, but So What? Why Permitting Nullification at Court-Martial Rightfully Allows Members to Use Their Consciences in Deliberations Major Michael E. Korte 100 Cyberterrorists: The Identification and Classification of Non-State Actors who Engage in Cyber-hostilities Major Andrea C. Goode 157 Keep your Hands to Yourself: Why the Maximum Penalty for Assault Consummated by a Battery Must Be Increased Major Brian J. Kargus 198 Book Review Duty: Memoirs of a Secretary at War Reviewed by Captain Sean P. -
Samlaut Uprising
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samlaut_Uprising ζរបះបោរនងិ ζរបង្ក្រា បបៅសំឡូត ᯒនំ១៩៦៧ Samlaut Uprising The Samlaut Uprising, or Samlaut Rebellion, was an incident that took place in 1967 in Battambang Province in Cambodia, in which the rural peasantry revolted against the Sangkum regime of the then-Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk. The incident is seen by some academics as the starting point of the Cambodian Civil War, which ultimately led to the victory of the Communist forces of the Khmer Rouge and the establishment of Democratic Kampuchea. Causes It is thought that the revolt was, at least in part, caused by the heavy-handed conduct of government officials during the building of a sugar refinery at Kompong Kol, Banan District, in 1966. Land was expropriated without adequate compensation, aggravating a situation in which government troops had been deployed to assist in collecting taxes and rice from local farmers. Resentment against the government had been building for some years in the province. After independence in 1953, King Sihanouk had selected Battambang as a suitable area to resettle farmers from the south-west of the country. The newcomers received a subsidy, and existing residents found themselves displaced from land or economically disadvantaged. The employment, in early 1967, of a new system of rice collection (known as ramassage du paddy), which essentially forced farmers to sell their rice to the government at gunpoint, caused further tensions. Demonstrations in Battambang in February of that year were blamed by Sihanouk on the three Communist members of the Sangkum, Hu Nim, Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan: although the latter had used the issue to call for the end of the ramassage, it is thought that the protests were in fact spontaneous.