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CAMBODIA: GETTING AWAY with AUTHORITARIANISM? Duncan Mccargo
CAMBODIA: GETTING AWAY WITH AUTHORITARIANISM? Duncan McCargo Duncan McCargo is professor of Southeast Asian politics at the Uni- versity of Leeds. His latest book is The Thaksinization of Thailand (with Ukrist Pathmanand, 2005). His essay “Democracy Under Stress in Thaksin’s Thailand” appeared in the October 2002 issue of the Journal of Democracy. What if a country holds an election but it proves not to matter? Cam- bodians voted nationwide in July 2003, only to see their polity’s three main political parties take almost a year to form a new administration. The long-ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) of Prime Minister Hun Sen won 47.4 percent of the popular vote but gained 59.3 percent of the seats in the National Assembly thanks to Cambodia’s unusual “highest- average” system of proportional voting, which favors large parties.1 The CPP’s two main rivals, the nominally royalist formation known by its French acronym of FUNCINPEC and the populist opposition Sam Rainsy Party (or SRP, named for its founder and leading personality) each won around about a fifth of the total vote and a similar share of seats in the 123-member National Assembly (the actual seat totals were 73 for the CPP, 26 for FUNCINPEC, and 24 for the SRP). Since Cambodia’s 1993 constitution stipulates that a two-thirds par- liamentary majority is needed to form a government, the parties had to bargain in the election’s wake. Bargain they did, for 11 long months. All during this time Cambodia had no properly constituted govern- ment, but little changed. -
Samdech Hun Sen's Letter of March 28 to His Majesty the King
Published by the Cabinet of Samdech Hun Sen —————— MP of Kampong Cham Second Prime Minister Monthly Bulletin, Issue 4 March, 1998 Samdech Hun Sen’s Letter of March 28 to His Majesty the King (Unofficial Translation) nullify his illegal appointment of tinuing or has severed rela- convicted Nhek Bun Chhay as Chief tions with the Khmer Rouge Your Majesty, of General Staff, to hand back offi- cers and soldiers whom Samdech · When will Samdech Krom I have humbly received Your Maj- Krom Preah have employed to fight Preah Norodom Ranariddh esty's letter sent to me asking for against the Royal Government of agree to hand over the con- consideration about the proposal Cambodia and against the law, to victed individuals -- Nhek Bun made by the wives and daughters of return the seceded zone, etc. Chhay, Serei Kosal, etc. to the the following convicted individuals - Royal Government so that their - Nhek Bun Chhay, Serei Kosal, Furthermore, the public opinions in legal sentences could be imple- Chao Sambath, Thach Suong, and the country are awaiting the apology mented? Sin Song. that Samdech Krom Preah Norodom Ranariddh has to make to the people · When will Samdech Krom His Excellency Ung Huot and I for the destruction caused by him have forwarded these proposals to during the July-1997 incident. Even (Continued on page 2) His Excellency Chem Snguon, Sen- though the publics have welcomed ior Minister and Minister of Justice my initiative and Your Majesty's de- US$ 10,000 Each for Ten for consideration and presentation of cision in granting the amnesty to Provinces in the Name of his opinions to Your Majesty. -
The Role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Democracy Support
The role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in post-conflict reconstruction and democracy support www.idea.int THE ROLE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS IN POST- CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION AND DEMOCRACY SUPPORT Julio S. Amador III and Joycee A. Teodoro © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34, STOCKHOLM SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit thepublication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Graphic design by Turbo Design CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 4 2. ASEAN’S INSTITUTIONAL MANDATES ............................................................... 5 3. CONFLICT IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA AND THE ROLE OF ASEAN ...... 7 4. ADOPTING A POST-CONFLICT ROLE FOR -
Cambodia: Background and U.S
Order Code RL32986 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations July 8, 2005 Thomas Lum Asian Affairs Specialist Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Cambodia: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Cambodia has made some notable progress, with foreign assistance, in developing its economy, nurturing a civil society, and holding elections that are at least procedurally democratic. A number of significant problems remain, however. Weak legal and financial institutions, corruption, political violence, and the authoritarian tendencies of the Cambodian Prime Minister, Hun Sen, have discouraged foreign investment and strained U.S.-Cambodian relations. U.S. interests in Cambodia include human rights, foreign assistance, trade, and counter terrorism. Several current measures by the United States government reflect human rights concerns in Cambodia. Since 1998, foreign operations appropriations legislation has barred assistance to the Central Government of Cambodia in response to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s seizure of power in 1997 and sporadic political violence against the opposition. The United States has also withheld assistance to the Khmer Rouge tribunal unless standards of judicial independence and fairness are met. Despite these restrictions, Cambodia remains the third largest recipient of United States assistance in Southeast Asia after Indonesia and the Philippines. S.Res. 65would call upon the Government of Cambodia to release Member of Parliament Cheam Channy from prison and to restore the immunity from prosecution of opposition parliamentarians. In 2005, the State Department placed Cambodia in Tier 3 as a country that had not made adequate efforts to eliminate trafficking in persons. -
The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot
International Bulletin of Political Psychology Volume 3 Issue 1 Article 1 8-1-1997 Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot IBPP Editor [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Other Psychology Commons Recommended Citation Editor, IBPP (1997) "Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot," International Bulletin of Political Psychology: Vol. 3 : Iss. 1 , Article 1. Available at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp/vol3/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Bulletin of Political Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Editor: Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot International Bulletin of Political Psychology Title: Off-Balance Balance Theories: The Saga of Hun Sen, Norodom Ranariddh, and Pol Pot Author: Editor Volume: 3 Issue: 1 Date: 1997-08-01 Keywords: Balance, Cognitive Dissonance, Conflict, Congruity, Consistency, Coping, Perception Management, Policy, Praxis, Social Cognition Abstract. This article describes how psychological balance theories might be applied to generate hypotheses about political events in Cambodia since the Paris Accords of 1991. One of the most common, popular, and intuitively appealing hypothetical constructs employed to shed light on social attitudes and behavior among allies and adversaries is that of balance. By inferring homeostatic tendencies of hypothetico-deductive logic for cognitive, emotional, motivational, and behavioral dynamics between, within, and among social actors--a biologized categorical imperative, as it were--one allegedly can make higher order and well-supported inferences about social phenomena. -
Grave Violations of Human Rights on Cambodia
GRAVE VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS ON CAMBODIA NATIONAL RESCUE PARTY Torture and Death- the case of Tith Rorn 38-year-old Tith Rorn died on 18 April in Kompong Cham prison after his arrest on 15 April. https://www.phnompenhpost.com/national-politics/officials- respond-kampong-cham-prison-death According to Eam Tieat, Tith Rorn’s father, 3 commune police officers came to his home on 15 April and took Tith Rorn away without an arrest warrant. In the evening of 18 April, a neighbor came to inform the father that his son had died in prison. He should go to the provincial prison to fetch the body. In the morning of 19 April, the father went to the prison and found his son’s body. He was allowed to bring the body home for proper funeral arrangements. The authorities covered the cost of the ambulance and part of the funeral arrangements. Police told him that his son had epileptic seizures three or four times a day when in detention. He categorically rejected it as his son had no history of epilepsy. On 30 April the father made an appeal, recoded on video , to Prof. Rhona Smith - the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights to bring justice to his son. The video is widely circulated on Facebook. A video of the body when returned home, shows that the neck was broken, the right eye severely bruised and suspicious marks on his back. This video is also widely circulating on Facebook. According to the police report on 30 April, Kompong Cham prosecutor ordered an investigation of the death on 29 April. -
Armed Conflicts Report - Cambodia
Armed Conflicts Report - Cambodia Armed Conflicts Report Cambodia (1978 - first combat deaths) Almost a decade after the 1991 Paris Peace Accords mapped out a peace process for Cambodia, the country has been removed from the list of armed conflicts because both years 2000 and 1999 saw fewer than 25 deaths arising from political conflict. The recent disbandment of the Khmer Rouge and a beginning to demobilization of government troops reinforced the relative peace. Summary Type of Conflict Parties to the Conflict Status of the Fighting Number of Deaths Political Developments Background Arms Sources Summary: 1999 After final defections to the government, the Khmer Rouge ceased to be a military threat. Extrajudicial killings by the police and military continued, but there were no reports of politically- motivated killings. 1998 Following a February ceasefire between forces loyal to Prince Ranariddh and the government, armed clashes largely arose from government pursuit of the remnants of Khmer Rouge troops in northern Cambodia. Several villagers died in Khmer Rouge attacks, but most of the more than 70 civilian deaths in 1998 were attributed to political killings by government forces, and to violence before and after July elections. 1997 After months of escalating political tension and violence, government forces loyal to Asecond@ Prime Minister Hun Sen staged a July coup that ousted Afirst@ Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh and executed leaders of his royalist troops. Despite mass defections and internal divisions that resulted in the execution of a former defence minister and the reported imprisonment of leader Pol Pot, Khmer Rouge guerrillas continued extrajudicial killings and, after July, cooperated with royalists in fighting government troops. -
Cambodia's Dirty Dozen
HUMAN RIGHTS CAMBODIA’S DIRTY DOZEN A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals WATCH Cambodia’s Dirty Dozen A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals Copyright © 2018 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36222 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JUNE 2018 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36222 Cambodia’s Dirty Dozen A Long History of Rights Abuses by Hun Sen’s Generals Map of Cambodia ............................................................................................................... 7 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Khmer Rouge-era Abuses ......................................................................................................... -
2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001
Cambodia Page 1 of 15 Cambodia Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2000 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 23, 2001 Cambodia is a constitutional monarchy. Political stability, achieved through the coalition government formed following the 1998 national elections, generally continued through year's end. Hun Sen of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is Prime Minister, Prince Norodom Ranariddh of the National United Front for a Neutral, Peaceful, Cooperative, and Independent Cambodia (FUNCINPEC) is President of the National Assembly, and Chea Sim of the CPP is President of the Senate. King Norodom Sihanouk remains the Constitutional monarch and Head of State. Most power lies within the executive branch and, although its influence continues to grow within the coalition structure, the National Assembly does not provide a significant check to executive power. The Khmer Rouge no longer is a political or military threat, but one other antigovernment group led a violent attack against the Government during the year. The judiciary is not independent; it frequently is subject to legislative and executive influence, and suffers from corruption. The National Police, an agency of the Ministry of Interior, have primary responsibility for internal security, but the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF), including the military police, also have domestic security responsibilities. Government efforts to improve police and RCAF performance and to demobilize the military forces remained hampered by budgetary limitations. Members of the security forces committed numerous documented human rights abuses. Cambodia is a poor country. It has a market economy in which approximately 80 percent of the population of 11.7 million engage in subsistence farming, with rice as the principal crop. -
Proquest Dissertations
RICE UNIVERSITY Tracing the Last Breath: Movements in Anlong Veng &dss?e?73&£i& frjjrarijsfass cassis^ scesse & w o O as by Timothy Dylan Wood A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE Doctor of Philosophy APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE: y' 7* Stephen A. Tyler, Herbert S. Autrey Professor Department of Philip R. Wood, Professor Department of French Studies HOUSTON, TEXAS MAY 2009 UMI Number: 3362431 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3362431 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT Tracing the Last Breath: Movements in Anlong Veng by Timothy Dylan Wood Anlong Veng was the last stronghold of the Khmer Rouge until the organization's ultimate collapse and defeat in 1999. This dissertation argues that recent moves by the Cambodian government to transform this site into an "historical-tourist area" is overwhelmingly dominated by commercial priorities. However, the tourism project simultaneously effects an historical narrative that inherits but transforms the government's historiographic endeavors that immediately followed Democratic Kampuchea's 1979 ousting. -
Evaluation of Project on Promoting Women in Democratic Decision
PROJECT ON PROMOTING WOMEN IN DEMOCRATIC DECISION-MAKING IN CAMBODIA: EVALUATION REPORT prepared by Rebecca F. Catalla and Vutheary Kong February 2009 EVALUATION REPORT: Project on Promoting Women in Democratic Decision-Making in Cambodia Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................................. iii I. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 1 II. Evaluation Purpose and scope .......................................................................................................... 4 III. Evaluation Methodology ..................................................................................................................... 5 IV. Findings and Discussion .................................................................................................................. 10 A. Situation in Cambodia and in the Project Areas ..........................................................................10 B. Implementation of Project Approach and Strategies....................................................................11 1. Capacity-building ...................................................................................................................... 11 2. Communications and Advocacy ...............................................................................................12 3. Peer Support Networks ........................................................................................................... -
6 Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea
Article by John CIORCIARI and CHHANG Youk entitled "Documenting the Crimes of Democratic Kampuchea" in Jaya RAMJI and Beth VAN SCHAAK's book "Bringing the Khmer Rouge to Justice. Prosecuting Mass Violence Before the Cambodian Courts", pp.226-227. 6 Documenting The Crimes Of Democratic Kampuchea John D. Ciorciari with Youk Chhang John D. Ciorciari (A.B., J.D., Harvard; M.Phil., Oxford) is the Wai Seng Senior Research Scholar at the Asian Studies Centre in St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford. Since 1999, he has served as a legal advisor to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) in Phnom Penh. Youk Chhang has served as the Director of DC-Cam since January 1997 and has managed the fieldwork of its Mass Grave Mapping Project since July 1995. He is also the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of DC-Cam’s monthly magazine, SEARCHING FOR THE TRUTH, and has edited numerous scholarly publications dealing with the abuses of the Pol Pot regime. The Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime was decidedly one of the most brutal in modern history. Between April 1975 and January 1979, when the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) held power in Phnom Penh, millions of Cambodians suffered grave human rights abuses. Films, museum exhibitions, scholarly works, and harrowing survivor accounts have illustrated the horrors of the DK period and brought worldwide infamy to the “Pol Pot regime.”1 Historically, it is beyond doubt that elements of the CPK were responsible for myriad criminal offenses. However, the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of that period have never been held accountable for their atrocities in an internationally recognized legal proceeding.