Presidential Elections in Argentina
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The Role of Political Parties in Promoting Women in Politics - Upla Women's Network Contribution
THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN PROMOTING WOMEN IN POLITICS - UPLA WOMEN'S NETWORK CONTRIBUTION INTRODUCTION The Women's Network of the Union of Latin American Parties (UPLA) is a political platform that seeks to promote and strengthen the participation and positioning of women in public decision-making roles in Latin America and the Caribbean. We believe that the practices, policies and values of political parties can have a profound impact on women's political participation and representation. That is why the Network decided to join the iKNOW Politics e-discussion on “The Role of Political Parties in Promoting Women in Politics” to exchange knowledge on the role of political parties in promoting women’s participation and political representation. We prepared our contribution and discussed these important topics more widely during online discussions among members of the UPLA Women’s Network in August and September 2019. COUNTRIES THAT PARTICIPATED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS DOCUMENT (COUNTRY, NAME OF REPRESENTATIVE(S) AND POLITICAL PARTY): Argentina Congresswoman Sofía Brambilla (PRO) Bolivia Local Assemblywoman Cinthya Mendoza (Demócratas) Chile Former Congresswoman Claudia Nogueira (UDI), Congresswoman Catalina del Real MP (RN) Colombia Senator Nadya Blel (PCC), Gina Segura (PCC) Costa Rica Mariana Fernández (PRSC) Dominican Republic Daysi Sepúlveda (FNP) El Salvador Congresswoman Martha Evelyn Batres (ARENA), Claudia Alas de Ávila, Member of PARLACEN (ARENA) Honduras Congresswoman Johana Bermúdez (PNH) Panama Gina Correa (CD) Peru Nadia Ramos (PPC), Gisela Tipe (AP), Milagros López (AP) 1. DO POLITICAL PARTIES IN YOUR COUNTRY PUBLICLY EXPRESS COMMITMENT TO GENDER EQUALITY? IF SO, IS THIS COMMITMENT REFLECTED IN THEIR ACTIONS (E.G. -
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: an Approach to the Relationship
“Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism 67 “Bringing Militancy to Management”: An Approach to the Relationship between Activism and Government Employment during the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Administration in Argentina Melina Vázquez* Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET); Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani; Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract This article explores the relationship between employment in public administration and militant commitment, which is understood as that which the actors themselves define as “militant management.” To this end, an analysis is presented of three groups created within three Argentine ministries that adopted “Kirchnerist” ideology: La graN maKro (The Great Makro), the Juventud de Obras Públicas, and the Corriente de Libertación Nacional. The article explores the conditions of possibility and principal characteristics of this activism as well as the guidelines for admission, continuing membership, and promotion – both within the groups and within government entities – and the way that this type of militancy is articulated with expert, professional and academic capital as well as the capital constituted by the militants themselves. Keywords: Activism, expert knowledge, militant careers, state. * Article received on November 22, 2013; final version approved on March 26, 2014. This article is part of a series of studies that the author is working on as a researcher at CONICET and is part of the project “Activism and the Political Commitment of Youth: A Socio-Historical Study of their Political and Activist Experiences (1969-2011)” sponsored by the National Agency for Scientific and Technological Promotion, Argentine Ministry of Science, Technology and Productive Innovation (2012-2015), of which the author is the director. -
REVISTA SAAP V8 N2 D.Pmd
Unidos y diversificados: la construcción del partido PRO en la CABA GABRIEL VOMMARO Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Argentina Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Argentina [email protected] SERGIO DANIEL MORRESI Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Argentina Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas, Argentina [email protected] El presente trabajo intenta cumplir dos objetivos. El primero es mos- trar y explicar los motivos de las dificultades que los partidos centro-dere- cha han tenido en la política argentina durante las últimas décadas. El segundo es exponer de qué modo el partido Propuesta Republicana (PRO) se ha enfrentado a esas dificultades a través de una estrategia subnacional y un posicionamiento que se presenta como posmaterial y no antiperonista. Se presentan argumentos analíticos y se exponen datos obtenidos mediante un trabajo de campo realizado durante 2011-2012 con cuadros políticos y dirigentes de la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Desde que se reinstaló la democracia en 1983, varios partidos políticos de centro-derecha intentaron exorcizar la maldición de su contumaz fracaso electoral acudiendo a diferentes estrategias, tales como utilizar al Congreso Nacional como caja de resonancia, usar de forma sistemática a los medios de comunicación como sustitutos del trabajo territorial y el acercamiento a determinadas fracciones del peronismo. Por distintos motivos, estas estrate- gias resultaron infructuosas o no pudieron ser sostenidas en el tiempo. Sin embargo, con posterioridad a la crisis de 2001, surgió la Alianza Propuesta Republicana (más conocida por su forma abreviada PRO) que, en muy poco tiempo cosechó un éxito destacable a partir de una estrategia subnacional con base en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA). -
Argentina: from Kirchner to Kirchner
ArgentinA: From Kirchner to Kirchner Steven Levitsky and María Victoria Murillo Steven Levitsky is professor of government at Harvard University. María Victoria Murillo is associate professor of political science and international affairs at Columbia University. Together they edited Ar- gentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness (2005). Argentina’s 28 October 2007 presidential election contrasted sharply with the one that preceded it. The 2003 race took place in the after- math of an unprecedented economic collapse and the massive December 2001 protests that toppled two presidents in a span of ten days. That election—which was won by little-known (Peronist) Justicialist Party governor Néstor Kirchner—was held in a climate of political fragmenta- tion and uncertainty. Little uncertainty surrounded the 2007 campaign. After four years of strong economic growth, and with the opposition in shambles, a victory by the incumbent Peronists was a foregone conclu- sion. The only surprise was that Kirchner, who remained popular, chose not to seek reelection. Instead, his wife, Senator Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, ran in his place. Cristina Kirchner captured 45 percent of the vote, easily defeating Elisa Carrió of the left-of-center Civic Coalition (23 percent) and Kirch- ner’s former economics minister, Roberto Lavagna (17 percent), who was backed by the Radical Civic Union (UCR). In addition to winning more than three-quarters of Argentina’s 23 governorships, the Justicial- ist Party (PJ) and other pro-Kirchner allies won large majorities in both legislative chambers. In the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of Argentina’s bicameral National Congress, progovernment Peronists and other Kirchner allies (including pro-Kirchner Radicals) won 160 of 257 seats, while dissident Peronists won another 10 seats. -
Why Cristina Kirchner Is Candidate and Could Win
: SPECIAL REPORT Why Cristina Kirchner is candidate and could win Buenos Aires, August 2017 Barcelona • Bogota • Buenos Aires • Havana • Lima • Lisbon • Madrid • Mexico City • Miami • New York City • Panama City • Quito • Rio de Janeiro • Sao Paulo Santiago • Santo Domingo • Washington, DC WHY CRISTINA KIRCHNER IS CANDIDATE AND COULD WIN 1. INTRODUCTION Legislative elections are being held this year in Argentina and the 1. INTRODUCTION former President is heading the list of candidates in her own alliance 2. ELECTIONS IN ARGENTINA in the biggest electoral district in the country. Less than two years 3. CRISTINA KIRCHNER AND THE from Macri’s victory in the ballots, Cristina Kirchner has burst back COURTS onto the national political scene with the chance of coming out on 4. IMPACT ON THE PRIVATE SECTOR top. 5. WHY SHE COULD WIN AGAIN A spectre is haunting Argentina: Cristina Fernández de Kirchner has 6. SHE RETAINS A SIGNIFICANT CAPTIVE ELECTORATE regained a leading role on the local political scene after spending most of the time since losing power (December 10, 2015) in the south 7. LACK OF STRONG ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP IN THE of the country, well away from the centre of public debate. Acting JUSTICIALISTA PARTY from the recently founded Unidad Ciudadana party, she will clash 8. CAMPAIGN PROMISES BROKEN with the governing Cambiemos in the district that is home to around 9. INCOME TAX 40 percent of the national electoral roll, Buenos Aires Province. She is 10. HER ELECTORAL PROSPECTS hoping to achieve a triumph that will enable her to plan a return to 11. FINAL COMMENTS government in 2019. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Argentina Date of Election: October 25, 2015 Prepared by: Noam Lupu, Carlos Gervasoni, Virginia Oliveros, and Luis Schiumerini Date of Preparation: December 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [X] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Frente para la Victoria, FPV (Front for Victory)1 2b. -
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J
Argentina: Peronism Returns María Victoria Murillo, S.J. Rodrigo Zarazaga Journal of Democracy, Volume 31, Number 2, April 2020, pp. 125-136 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/753199 [ Access provided at 9 Apr 2020 16:36 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] ARGENTINA: PERONISM RETURNS María Victoria Murillo and Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J. María Victoria Murillo is professor of political science and interna- tional and public affairs and director of the Institute of Latin American Studies at Columbia University. Rodrigo Zarazaga, S.J., is director of the Center for Research and Social Action (CIAS) and researcher at the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET) in Buenos Aires. The headline news, the main takeaway, from Argentina’s 2019 gen- eral election is encouraging for democracy despite the dire economic situation. Mauricio Macri, a president not associated with the country’s powerful Peronist movement, became the first such chief executive to complete his mandate, whereas two non-Peronists before him had failed to do so.1 Macri would not repeat his term, however. He lost the 27 October 2019 election and then oversaw a peaceful handover of power to his Peronist rival, Alberto Fernández, who won by 48 to 40 percent and whose vice-president is former two-term president Cristina Fernán- dez de Kirchner (no relation). Strikingly, even the economic hard times gripping the country—they are the worst in two decades, and they sank Macri at the polls—could not ruffle the orderliness of the transition. Peaceful changes of administration tend to be taken for granted in democracies, but they are in fact major achievements anywhere. -
Introduction
IMMIGRATION_Ch01.qxd 21/11/07 4:43 PM Page 1 Chapter 1 Introduction “America, at its best, is a welcoming society. We welcome not only immigrants themselves but the many gifts they bring and the values they live by.” So said President George W. Bush at a naturalization ceremony for new citizens at Ellis Island in July 2001. The fifty million immigrants admitted legally to the United States in the twentieth century alone lends substantial credibility to Bush’s words and to the old adage that “America is a nation of immigrants.” Indeed, immi- grants seeking their freedom and fortune and fulfilling the American dream have become part of the nation’s mythology. No symbol of this is more potent than the Statue of Liberty and no words more poignant than those of Emmas Lazarus inscribed upon it: Give me your tired, your poor. Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free The wretched refuse of your teaming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door! And yet the history of immigration to the United States is far from unambiguously positive, as Bush’s “at its best” caveat recognizes. His qualification implies that Americans have ambivalent attitudes towards immigrants and immigration and that the broadly positive welcome afforded immigrants has been punctuated by a series of anti-immigrant episodes throughout American history. Many potential immigrants have been refused entry and many new immigrants persecuted because of their skin color or religion. Others have been excluded because the resident population decided they burdened schools, hospitals, and welfare rolls, because they took the jobs of native-born workers, and because they avoided taxes. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
At a glance September 2015 Argentina: Political parties and the EU Argentina's presidential elections are scheduled for October 2015 and, according to the country's Constitution, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner is not entitled to run for a third consecutive term. As regards alternative candidates, the political landscape remains polarised after the primary elections. Argentina has a multi-party political system; however, election results demonstrate that it is, in practical terms, bipartisan. The Peronists, represented by the Justicialist Party (PJ), and the radicals, represented by the Civic Radical Union (UCR), effectively alternate in power. Argentinian political decision-making is opaque, complex and volatile. Parties play for power in changing coalitions, splits and mergers, which lead to a constantly changing political landscape of alliances. Political and Electoral System The Constitution of Argentina dates back to 1853. It remained in force under the various military regimes, with the exception of the Peronist constitutional period between 1949 and 1956. Over the years, it has been subject to a number of amendments, the most important in 1953, and recently in 1994. Argentina is a federal republic with division of powers. The executive is currently represented by the President, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, from the centre-left Peronist faction, Front For Victory (FPV), which belongs to the Justicialist Party. The President is elected for a four-year term with the possibility of being re-elected for only one consecutive term. Elections take place in two rounds. To be directly elected in the first round, the candidate needs to obtain 45% of the votes cast, or 40% and be 11% ahead of the second candidate. -
Report- Iusy World Congress 2016 - Tirana, Albania
Sebastián Melchor Vice President IUSY March, 1st of 2014 – February, 28th of 2016 Mendoza, February 20th of 2016. REPORT- IUSY WORLD CONGRESS 2016 - TIRANA, ALBANIA 1. XXX IUSY World Congress Date and Place February 25 -28, 2014, Copenhaguen (Denmark) Organized by DSU Denmark Content Approval of main resolution “15 actions to eradicate poverty in 15 years” and election of IUSY Presidium 2014-2016. 2.Campamento Provincial de la Juventud Socialista La Pampa Date and Place: March 1-2, 2014, Santa Rosa (Argentina). Organized by: Juventudes Socialistas de La Pampa. Content I took part as a speaker at the "Challenges of Youth in center-left coalitions" panel during a Regional Socialist Youth Camp. 3. IUSY Presidium Meeting Date and Place May 16 – 18, 2014, Malta Organized by IUSY and Labour Youth Forum of Malta Content First Presidium meeting after the Congress, the main topics were the organization of IUSY work for the current period and the organization of IUSY World Festival. 4. I Encuentro Regional de Mujeres Date and Place July 4-5, 2014, San Juan (Argentina) Organized by Mujeres Socialistas de la Región Cuyo (San Juan, San Luis y Mendoza). Content Over the Regional Meeting of Women Entitled, called "Gender Parity and Political Parties", I spoke out in the "Parity Youth Union of the Socialist International" panel. 5. Progressive Alliance Meeting Date and Place July, 2014, Montevideo (Uruguay). Organized by Progressive Alliance, Socialist Party of Uruguay and Friedrich Ebert Foundation. Content First activity of Current IUSY Presidium in PA. The main topic was decent work-decent life. 6. IUSY World Festival Date and Place August 20 – 26, 2014, Malta. -
From City to Nation: Digital Government in Argentina, 2015–2018 by Tanya Filer, Antonio Weiss and Juan Cacace About the Bennett Institute
From City to Nation: Digital government in Argentina, 2015–2018 by Tanya Filer, Antonio Weiss and Juan Cacace About the Bennett Institute The Bennett Institute for Public Policy at the University of Cambridge was founded in 2018 with the ambition of becoming a world-leader in achieving successful and sustainable solutions to some of the most pressing problems of our time. It draws on the world-class strengths of Cambridge in technology and engineering and social and political analysis to tackle some of the most complex aspects of public policy this century. The Institute has at its heart a commitment to deep analysis of the economic, social and political systems in which policy is developed; the creation of powerful new networks of policy-makers, influencers and researchers; and the development of a new generation of reflexive and critical policy leaders. About the Digital State Project States around the world are responding in diverse ways to the disruptive power of digital and new technologies. As users, developers, procurers, and regulators of these technologies, they have a crucial role to play in determining whether the digitisation of government, society and the economy will produce more or less stable and equitable futures. The Digital State project sets out both to lead policy research and provide a forum for broad-ranging discussion on the opportunities and challenges of the digital transformation of public sectors globally. About the Authors Dr. Tanya Filer leads the Digital State project at the Bennett Institute for Public Policy, Univer- sity of Cambridge. Dr. Antonio Weiss is a Director at 2020 Delivery and, in 2019-20, a Digital State Affiliated Researcher at the Bennett Institute. -
Tapa 08 OK Maquetación 1
K Y M C Escrache y Distribución gratuita en La Plata, Berisso y Ensenada Entrega bajo puerta: $5,00 polémica en las 60.000 Precio de tapa en Berazategui y Quilmes: $5,00 inferiores del Lobo Recargo Interior: $1,00 Ejemplares - PAG. 18 Año XXII • Nº7514 La Plata, miércoles 8 de abril de 2015 De distribución Edición de 32 páginas En la noticia gratuita ¿Quién¿Quién¿Quién pagarápagarápagará lalala fiestafiestafiesta K?K?K? - PAGS. 3 Y 4 Crece el escándalo narco que salpica a Echegaray - PAG. 7 Facilismo al extremo en la facultad de Periodismo - PAG. 9 2 La Plata, miércoles 8 de abril de 2015 El Gobernador Daniel Scioli me alentó a caminar la Provincia y a dialogar con la gente, para sumar a todos y a todas a la nueva etapa de desarrollo que HoyxHoy debemos encarar” x 24 Santiago Montoya Breves con toda la información Sellaron el acuerdo El radicalismo busca mostrarse UCR-CC-PRO en La Plata Con vistas a las PASO del mes de agosto, el radi- unido de cara a las elecciones calismo, la Coalición Cívica y el PRO platense, sella- ron un acuerdo para participar todos juntos en un La decisión de la Convención Nacional de respetarlos", en referencia a la confluencia guaychú". De esta manera, Sanz busca evitar mismo espacio político en las próximas elecciones. la UCR de cerrar un acuerdo electoral con el con el massismo, al remarcar que en varios el quiebre del partido. Igualmente, muchos de De la firma de la alianza electoral, participaron PRO de Mauricio macri y la CC-ARI de Elisa distritos "hay candidatos a gobernadores ra- sus correligionarios miran con simpatía a ex- Claudio Franjul y Enrique Safar por la UCR, Julio Carrió, abrió un frente interno muy grande dicales que están siendo la cara visible de la presiones progresistas como el FAP que lleva Garro y Juan Pablo Allan por el Pro, y Javier Mor Roig dentro del centenario partido, que amenaza unidad de la oposición, con acuerdos más am- a Margarita Stolbizer como candidata presi- y Cristina Dorato por la CC.