ISC 17 (Individual Short Communications) 09:00 - 10:40 Wednesday, 1st September, 2021 Gianluca Miniaci

272 The Ancient Egyptian Conception of God: From the Predynastic Through the Old Kingdom (ca. 3800 - 2135 BCE)

Leival Richards UNISA, Pretoria, South Africa

Abstract

It is not clear what an Egyptian god was, what was believed about them, or how people responded to them. This qualitative work induces the nature of gods from the fourth and third millennia B.C.E. culture with the intention of stating what Egyptians believed. Framed in a philosophical design, it explores three features. First, using language, archaeology, and iconography the essentials of the god identity are outlined for original qualification. Second, god existence is argued using classical proofs. Third, god character is examined to reveal the specific psychological archetype that dictated their behaviour in myth. Then, delineated by the essential qualities of all three features, the nature of the gods is consolidated and filtered through an Old Kingdom value structure to reveal their conception—habitual ideal individual behaviour. The ancient Egyptians had a monistic idea for god that was internalised by every individual thus creating a system of internal equality despite the external inequality. 132 Exorcism as a Way of Fighting Against Chaos in Ancient Egyptian Religion

Gabriele Mario Conte Università di Pisa, Pisa, Italy

Abstract

The theme of resilience is particularly appropriate for the Egyptian religion. The centre of this religion is the concept of , the cosmic order that must be continuously preserved and maintained. The religious conception of the world is therefore a continuous struggle against all the forces and events that can disturb this order. In this sense magic, as we read in the Teaching for Merykara, is a weapon given by the gods to humanity. Exorcism, as a magical-religious practice directed against hostile supernatural entities, is one of the most important aspects of the Egyptians' struggle against the forces of chaos. In my presentation, I would like to examine the aspects of the exorcism practice that make it a fundamental moment of resilience against the adversities of human life: the identification and absorption of the contingent episode into a mythical framework; the connections and similarities with other magical practices directed against dangerous human beings, in particular foreign enemies or criminals (execration , threat formulas); the institutionalization of a period of the year to remove such threats. These elements show the presence of the same mental frame in fields that we perceive as different, but for the Egyptians were not (religion, politics, daily life, health). The aim of this analysis, within my research project, is a re-evaluation of the role of demonology in Egyptian healing practice: not an attempt to explain inexplicable facts, as it is often understood, but a perfectly integrated element in the Ancient Egypt worldview. 525 Resilient Funerary Practices in the Egyptian Amarna and Post-Amarna Periods in Memphite Tombs: versus

Inmaculada Vivas Sainz National Distance Education University, UNED, Madrid, Spain

Abstract

This proposal focuses on private tomb-scenes dated to the end of the 18th Dynasty from the Egyptian Memphite necropolis, with a special interest in the “resilient gods”: change and resistance in the religious beliefs and practices belonging to the Amarna and Post-Amarna periods. The repertoire of funerary images changed significantly during the “Amarna revolution”, as they were adapted by the tomb owner and artists to the new official religion and the main god (Atum). However, some traditional images such as mourning scenes or offerings to the deceased remained in the private tombs. In the Post-, the “traditional gods” returned to the decorative program, and even tomb-owners changed their names. The reigns of and reveal a hybrid style which is the heir of the Amarna art, but it goes back to the traditional Memphite style. This “Tutankhamunesque” approach retained some of the elegance of the mature Amarna art style but it reverted to the pre-Amarna proportions used in laying out human image. Indeed, many Memphite tombs reveal the innovation and originality of the artists. This paper explores the process of creation of the funerary iconography of the Amarna and Post-Amarna art, a period of religious, political and social changes which were mirrored in private tomb scenes. For instance, groups of mourners were separated according to their gender but they show similar expressive poses (which provoke feeling of empathy and sorrow in the beholder), an unusual feature as mourning men in expressive attitudes are particularly rare in ancient Egyptian scenes. 99 The Significant Uses of the Language of the Amarna Period

Sherouk Shehada Helwan University, Cairo, Egypt

Abstract

When became king at the end of the 18thDynasty, he started a religious, artistic (in the temple east of ) and architectural revolution at Thebes. On the other hand, it was when he moved to Amarna that innovations in language began in the Amarna Period. The Language used in the Amarna Period was characterized in a number of ways, but the most important is that one can see patterns of colloquial language emphasized as an official language. In spite of that, Akhenaten did not neglect the Classical forms, but both were used. The transitional phase between Middle Egyptian (ME) and Late Egyptian (LE) witnessed transitional constructions, which did not exist before, i.e.the Classical Egyptian (CE). The language used during the Amarna Period was unique for the emergence of many Transitional Egyptian (TE) verbal forms. This TE can be noticed in the new negative particles, bw, and bn,which were replaced by the old ones, n and nn in the syntactic system respectively. This investigation tackles the innovations in the language of the Amarna Period analyzing the verbal system based on identity-related forms. The study shows that the Verbal System in the Amarna Period participated in developing the analytical system of the LE and also used the suffix conjugation of the classical phase in some cases. The language of the Amarna Period and its innovations were not attested suddenly or unexpectedly, compared to the period of Kamose. Some other forms were already attested in Pre-Amarnan times. The new style of the language was an essential feature at Akhetaten itself. It did not reach Saqqara, Thebes, or any other city in the reign of Akhenaten. This probably happened due to the overwhelming dominance of the local dialect. Besides, the Amarna Period texts clearly showed one of the essential features of this period: the specific use in one tense of different forms or constructions. In this case the changes in the language, especially the official texts could reflect the fact that new elites were formed by the side of Akhenaten, whose roots were slightly different from those of the previous elites. In such a scenario their language, a bit more "Colloquial" would be a function of the shifts in their social identities. Moreover, the researcher explores the idea of the innovations of the Amarna Period at Akhetaten, which were introduced by Akhenaten himself and his scribes following his orders. This was a significant feature, which is presented in the Royal Texts and Private Texts in the direct speech of the king. The statistic study tackled the attestation of the instances, which is subdivided into two main parts: (1) Pre-Amarna Period including (63.33%), (2) the Amarna Period containing (36.67%). 372 The of the Sed-Festivals: The Rejuvenation of Amenhotep III (14th century BC)

Marianne Pinon Université Paul Valéry - Montpellier 3 (UMR 5140 ASM- Archéologie des Société Méditerranéenne), Montpellier, France

Abstract

In ancient Egypt the king is a god by nature. But although the is a living god on earth, he is not eternal. He needs to fulfil specific rites in order to have the strength and the youth to keep ruling. In Egypt this rite is called the sed-festival. It is attested from the first to the last ages of pharaonic times, and was usually celebrated at the 30th year of a reign. Then, it could be repeated every 2 to 4 years.

The king Amenhotep III (14th century BC, XVIIIth dynasty) celebrated three sed-festivals, in his 30th; 34th and 37th years of reign. We know of them through temple or tomb representations as well as diverse artefacts. The general publications which talk about a sed-festival define it as a “renewal ritual allowing for the king to keep ruling the country, but no one gives a real explanation of the processes of this renewal. Only the result of this revival is known: Amenhotep III is represented younger after his first sed-festival. For the dvelopment of Amenhotep III’s sed-festivals, archival research has been done. in order to create the most efficient sed-festival ritual as possible. Some of these rites are customary: dancing, singing, processions, apparition of the king on his specific throne (tjentjat); but others are more singular: the illumination of the throne, the hauling of the boat or the offering of the clepsydra. Moreover, the king had to demonstrate his physical strength. Normally, he had to submit himself to a ritual run. In Amenhotep III’s case, it seems that it was replaced by another rite, the -pillar erection. Furthermore, the location of these celebrations is known. The three sed-festivals took place at the Malqatta palace, close to Thebes (Luxor), the capital of Egypt in Amenhotep III’s reign. This palace was probably erected for the celebrations of the first sed-festival and then used also for the other two. Thousands of dockets (or jar- labels) were found here and testify to the organization of banquets in relation to the sed-festivals, consisting in wine, beer, meat, fat, milk, oil or incense. The major part of the depictions of these feasts were found near the palace in tombs (TT192 Kheruef, the queen’s great intendant) or temples (Amenophium, temple of Amenhotep son of Hapou). But another part, not insignificant, of these attestations was found as far south as the temple of Soleb (), more than 630 km from Malqatta. After these first findings we can wonder about different aspects of these celebrations. What was the role of these specific rites? Why did the king choose them? What were their purposes? Why were these scenes also represented so far away from Thebes? Is it possible to distinguish between the three different festivals? Using the case of Amenhotep III, I aim at understanding the processes of the revival of the Egyptian kings through the cult practices of the sed-festivals.