Haydn’s Call for Peace: The Agnus Dei Movements of Missa in tempore belli and

by

Rena-Marie Roussin

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Degree of

Bachelor of Arts with

Honours in Music

Acadia University

April, 2014

© Copyright by Rena-Marie Roussin, 2014

ii

This thesis by Rena-Marie Roussin

is accepted in its present form by the

School of Music

as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts in Music with Honours

Approved by the Thesis Supervisor

______Dr. Gordon Callon Date

Approved by the Head of the Department

______Prof. John Hansen Date

Approved by the Honours Committee

______Dr. Matthew Lukeman Date

iii

I, Rena-Marie Roussin, grant permission to the University Librarian at Acadia University to reproduce, loan or distribute copies of my thesis in microform, paper or electronic formats on a non-profit basis. I, however, retain the copyright in my thesis.

______Signature of Author

______Date

iv Acknowledgements

What a paradox that academic research, so often considered a solitary process, is only truly made possible by a large community of scholars and supporters. My own research is indebted to innumerable people. First and foremost, I would like to thank the members of my thesis committee, especially my supervisor, Dr. Gordon J. Callon. From our earliest meeting, when I was a second-year student at Acadia, to the final draft of this thesis, his involvement in my scholastic development has been nothing short of inspiring, and I am certain that the fullness of his influence will reveal itself to me for years to come. I thank him for sharing his time, wisdom, sense of humour, and incredible generosity of spirit as a scholar and educator. Likewise, I thank my second reader, Dr. Michelle Boyd. Her enthusiasm, unending kindness, and sharp intelligence have improved not only this thesis, but all three of my years at Acadia.

I owe a profuse debt of gratitude to Dr. Michelle Fillion, of the University of Victoria, whose research has inspired much of my own, and whose music history classes first lit the flame of my love for musicology. I am deeply grateful for her kindness, impassioned teaching, and her faith in the quiet students. I also thank Dr. Tom Beghin and Dr. Caryl Clark, of McGill University and the University of Toronto, both of whom generously shared insights and ideas with me, encouraging this thesis in its earliest stages.

Many thanks to the Acadia University Research Office, who supported my work with an Honours Summer Research Award, allowing me to devote the Summer of 2013 to full-time research and writing. I also thank Barbara Jordan, administrative assistant of the School of Music, the staff of Vaughan Memorial Library, and innumerable baristas at varying coffee shops, all of whom have made this thesis possible.

I thank my friends at Acadia University and the University of Victoria who have shared this journey with me. I will forever cherish the music and memories they have filled my life with. In particular, I thank Liam Elliot, Angela Forbes, and Ceileigh Mangalam, who have read multiple thesis drafts, offered moral support, and graciously shared of their wine and cookie stash in the harder moments of our academic lives. I also thank Kaitlyn Southgate, Astrid Sidaway-Wolf, and Chelsey Ternes for love, laughs, and hugs, as well as Annalise Smith, my big sister in all matters musicological. Last, but not least, I thank Tyler Martin, for reminding me that, whatever the future may hold, is “a pretty cool dude to have studied.”

My parents, Melody Gagnon and Brandon Roussin, have made this thesis possible. I thank them for their love and support, for listening to my musicology monologues, and for filling their respective homes with music and books. But ultimately, I thank them for jumping on board, unceasingly declaring their pride that their only child, raised on rock and bluegrass, instead focused her attention on Rigoletto and Beethoven.

v Table of Contents

Approval Page…………………………………………………………………………….iii

Permission for Duplication Page………………………………………………………….iv

Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..v

List of Musical Examples………………………………………………………………...vii

Abstract………………………………………………………………………………….viii

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..1

Chapter I: Of Church and State: Haydn in Historical Context…………………………….6

Chapter II: De-Dichotomizing Haydn: Closing the Catholic-Enlightenment Divide……18

Chapter III: The Symphonic, the Search for Meaning, and the Long Silence: Haydn’s Masses in Scholarly Literature…………………………………………………………...27

Chapter IV: Setting the Stage: The Agnus Dei in Liturgical and Musical Context…………………………………………………………………………………...39

Chapter V: Wars of Borders and Thoughts: Peace and Reconciliation in the Agnus Dei Sections of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis…………………………………………………………………………………..46

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………..59

Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………...62

vi List of Musical Examples

Musical Example 1, mm. 13-25 of “Adagio,” Missa in tempore belli Agnus Dei……….48

Musical Example 2, mm. 32-56 of “Adagio” and “Allegro con spirito” sections of Missa in tempore belli Agnus Dei…………………………………………………………...52-53

Musical Example 3, mm. 28-49 of “Adagio” and “Vivace” sections of Missa in angustiis Agnus Dei……………………………………………………………………………..56-57

vii Abstract

Scholarship has long suggested a need to examine Haydn’s six late Masses within the context of the Enlightenment. By arguing for a paired reading of the Agnus Dei movements of Missa in tempore belli (Mass in Time of War) and Missa in angustiis (Mass in Difficult Circumstances), this thesis seeks to begin such a discussion. Haydn’s musical interpretation of the identical text of the two Agnus Dei movements seem to call for bipartite peace. Missa in tempore belli focuses on physical peace from warfare, while

Missa in angustiis focuses on metaphysical peace from warring ideas. This call for peace is especially pertinent within the context of Haydn’s changing world and socio-historical culture. In response to the Age of the Enlightenment, Catholicism in the Holy Roman

Empire was in a period of transition from external to internalized acts of piety. At the same time, the Enlightenment diffused ideas of humanism which were not entirely inconsistent with Catholic spirituality. Haydn seems to have reconciled in his life what he sought to reconcile in music: the secular and the sacred, which is musically apparent in

Haydn’s conflation of symphonic, operatic, and sacred music conventions. It is further apparent in where and how Haydn uses those conventions in the musical realization of the

Agnus Dei. Ultimately, the two movements come together to form a holistic call for peace and reconciliation in Haydn’s time.

viii Introduction

Franz ’s impact upon music history is nothing short of towering. As a major innovator of the and , his influence upon the development of Western art music is challenging to gauge, and is perhaps beyond measurement. When such a legacy is considered, scholarship’s extensive focus on those two main genres is understandable, though disadvantageous. Haydn’s contributions spanned a number of genres. Chief among them are his sacred compositions, which formed both his earliest and final compositions. Though Haydn research continually moves toward examination and analysis of all elements of Haydn’s life and music alike, much remains to be explored in this under-represented genre, particularly in regard to the six late Masses. Missa in tempore belli (Mass in Time of War, composed 1796) and Missa in angustiis (Mass in

Difficult Circumstances, composed 1798), the second and third of the six late Masses, especially cry out for further examination.1 Though the two Masses are the subject of a handful of studies, especially surrounding musical form and genre, little has been done to consider them in the context of Haydn’s world and worldview, something Haydn scholarship has long suggested a need for, as I shall discuss in Chapter Three. The chief goal of this thesis is to examine the discipline’s knowledge of form and genre in Haydn’s masses, and to examine the Masses for meaning by synthesizing them with cultural and biographical study. In order to adequately cover such a diffuse topic, analysis will be limited to the Agnus Dei movements of the two Masses.

1 Both masses are often referred to by their programmatic nicknames of ‘Paukenmesse’ for Missa in tempore belli or Mass in Time of War and ‘Nelsonmesse’ for Missa in angustiis. Because these nicknames

1 In analyzing those two movements, I should like to build upon a current trend in

Haydn scholarship: the suggestion of a paired reading of two of Haydn’s musical works.

In his 2005 article, “The Sublime and the Pastoral in and ,”

James Webster argues that for reasons of harmonic analysis and dramatic function,

Haydn’s two late oratorios might be understood as a paired musical work.2 Caryl Clark’s

2012 “Revolution, Rebirth, and the Sublime in Haydn’s L’anima del filosofo and The

Creation” posits a similar understanding of those two works, turning Webster’s initial foray into a scholarly pattern.3 I shall argue that the Agnus Dei movements in Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis would similarly benefit from such a linked understanding or paired reading.4

Despite remarkably divergent musical treatment of the text in the two movements, a bipartite call for peace is nonetheless present. ’s attempts at European dominance are contemporary to these masses – so, too, is the Age of the Enlightenment, which drastically divided European thinkers into religious and secular schools of thought.

Haydn’s call for physical peace from warfare in Missa in tempore belli is apparent in anecdotal evidence, emotive title, and musical setting. Yet when the finer nuances of

Haydn’s biography and his musical interpretation of the text are examined, a plea for reconciliation between Enlightenment humanism and Catholic faith likewise becomes apparent in Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis alike. In their balance of solo versus choral setting of the text, and in their varied instrumental realizations and blurring

2 James Webster, “The Sublime and the Pastoral in The Creation and The Seasons,” in The Cambridge Companion to Haydn, edited by Caryl Clark, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 150-163. 3 Caryl Clark, “Revolution, Rebirth, and the Sublime in Haydn’s L’anima del filosofo and The Creation,” in Engaging Haydn: Culture, Context, and Criticism, edited by Mary Hunter and Richard Will, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 100-123. 4 Much evidence suggests a linked reading of the two masses as a whole. Unfortunately, a full analysis of both works is beyond the scope of this thesis.

2 of musical genre, these two divergent settings of an identical musical prayer combine to elucidate a call for physical and metaphysical peace in Haydn’s time: a call for reconciliation, on all levels.

Chapter One places the two movements within their historical timeframe, discussing the rapidly changing world Haydn inhabited. Haydn’s lifetime bore witness to rapid changes in secular and sacred matters alike. The Age of the Enlightenment would permanently shift intellectual trends, the nature of religious belief, and the political climates of the Holy Roman Empire. Yet even as the Empire liberalized, in 1796-1798 it was also facing a tense, fearful political climate: Austria, and indeed, the entire Empire, was under attack. Napoleon’s attempts to gain European dominance, and the eventual expansionist goals of the French Revolution, combined to create a sense of foreboding and uncertainty that is, I shall later argue, at the heart of the two Agnus Dei movements.

Insofar as this thesis demonstrates that Catholic faith and Enlightenment humanism are reconciled in Haydn’s music, it similarly hopes to demonstrate that Haydn had also reconciled those elements in his own life. Until quite recently, scholarship has tended to polarize the composer, viewing him as either influenced by simple-minded

Catholicism, or influenced by the Enlightenment goals his music upholds. Therefore,

Chapter Two will consider what can be known of Haydn’s worldview. Of course, as

Haydn has left no known statements of what he believed, an exhaustive and definitive analysis will likely forever evade scholars. As David P. Schroeder reminds us, though,

“surely the fact that a composer was not a prolific writer of letters, diaries, or other documents which would reveal his opinions does not mean that he did not have

3 opinions.”5 What primary sources and scholarly studies of those opinions suggest is a man who changed with his times: who lived very much in the world, yet passionately believed in something beyond it.

Though Haydn’s sacred music has never enjoyed the outpouring of scholarship that has characterized his and string quartets, it is the subject of a number of studies. Before proceeding to an analysis of the two Agnus Dei movements, I shall discuss trends, points of contention, and gaps in the scholarship in Chapter Three, with particular emphasis on how the Masses have been musically analyzed. James Webster’s research has particularly shifted and changed the scope of Haydn studies, and for that reason his ideas will be especially highlighted. My readings of the Agnus Dei settings are also indebted to, though not always in agreement with, those of H.C. Robbins Landon: his ideas are briefly outlined in Chapter Three before being discussed at length in Chapter

Five.6

Chapters Four and Five focus on the Agnus Dei movements in Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis. Chapter Four outlines the genesis and premiere circumstances of each Mass and explains the liturgical function and musical features of the Agnus Dei, examining how Haydn breaks with and conforms to conventions of the

Viennese Concerted Mass. In Chapter Five, I will combine musical observations and analyses from the scholarly literature with my own, demonstrating the manifold ways in which the two movements call for peace. The conclusion will then consider how the two

Agnus Dei movements converge and diverge in their call for peace, elucidating what they

5 David P. Schroeder, Haydn and the Enlightenment: The Late Symphonies and their Audience (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 2-3. 6 For Landon’s analyses and discussions of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis, see Haydn: Chronicle and Works, Vol. 4 Haydn: The Years of The Creation (London: Thames and Husdon, 1994, reprint of 1977 edition), p. 162-180 and 427-444, respectively.

4 might mean when taken together. By joining cultural, biographical, and musical analysis in the study of the Agnus Dei sections of Haydn’s most programmatic of Masses, this thesis ultimately seeks to begin the process of linking past and present themes of the scholarship, in hopes of moving toward renewed discussion and appreciation of the late

Masses.

5 Chapter One Of Church and State: Haydn in Historical Context

Throughout his lifetime, Joseph Haydn (1732-1809) was witness to a vast array of social, political, and religious changes. Born in the rural Austrian town of Rohrau, educated as a chorister at Saint Stephen’s Cathedral in Vienna, and to the

Ezterházy family in a patronage unparalleled in music history, the biographical facts of

Haydn’s life are widely known. Less familiar, however, are the divergent points of view and events that formed Haydn’s world. The Enlightenment would radically shift the face of European culture, spirituality, and lifestyles. Understanding those changes, particularly insofar as they affected Catholicism, is integral to understanding Haydn’s life and work.

Historical context is particularly important in the cases of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis, both of which were composed and premiered in the late 1790s, a time of considerable political, cultural, intellectual, and spiritual unease. The French

Revolution and its Reign of Terror was growing increasingly bloody, and Napoleon did not spare the Holy Roman Empire from his attempts at European dominance. Missa in tempore belli was composed in a time of physical warfare, the ramifications of which would still echo well after the premiere of Missa in angustiis. At the same time, the

German Enlightenment and the Habsburg Empire’s Josephinian Reforms, both of which will be summarized and discussed, created a society that was rapidly shifting, fighting intellectual and spiritual battles surrounding humanist and religious thought.

6 The Age of the Enlightenment and the Aufklärung

Roy Porter has suggested that the Enlightenment, in posterity, is best considered

“as posing a series of problems for historians to explore.”7 Historians have responded, before and after Porter’s remark, with a spilling of scholarly ink that makes an overarching definition and exhaustive analysis of the Enlightenment elusive – and certainly beyond the scope of this thesis. Yet because the Enlightenment is at the root of

Haydn’s life and music, a brief summary of its main goals and thoughts is a necessary point of departure.

Porter characterizes the Enlightenment as a confluence of social phenomena, suggesting that through “the rise of literacy, growing affluence, and the spread of publishing, the secular intelligentsia emerged as a relatively independent social force.”8

The Enlightenment, then, was cyclical: the philosophes (themselves members of the secular intelligentsia) were able to spread rapidly their ideas through publishing, to a literate middle- and upper-class public that discussed ideas in salons and social gatherings, where, in turn, new ideas and thoughts were generated through conversation.

Central to the movement were “enlightened people” who “read books and journals and frequented the coffeehouses, salons, Masonic lodges, and reading clubs that sprang up all over Europe and in the European colonies. Sometimes they did not…go to church or believe in God.”9 Of course, by virtue of the Enlightenment’s focus upon individual critical thinking and shifts of opinion, it is not surprising that its effects and

7 Roy Porter, The Enlightenment, Second Edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), 1. 8 Ibid., 10. 9 Margaret C. Jacob, The Enlightenment: A Brief History with Documents (Boston and New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2001), 1.

7 interpretations were manifold and varied.10 Within that variance, however, several goals were somewhat uniform. At the heart of the philosophes’ writing is a common plea for tolerance and openness in matters of governance, religion, and thought.11

The Enlightenment, though an international occurrence, did have national variations, something particularly true in the case of the Holy Roman Empire, where the

Aufklärung was a modified version of wider Enlightenment culture.12 The proponents of the Aufklärung, unlike proponents of the French Enlightenment, “did not question the authority of their princes because in many cases they did not have to; they sought to effect improvements in administration through good government under enlightened rulers.”13 In the Habsburg Empire, for example, the Josephinian Reforms (and before them, though not studied in this thesis, the Theresian Reforms) rapidly changed and shifted the way society was run, with remarkable consequences for the dissemination of Enlightenment ideals.

There was no struggle to overthrow governments in the Holy Roman Empire, but rather a goal to “sustain rather than criticize the role of worldly rulers, [which] at the same time was frequently embedded in the processes of secular rule with quite progressive effects.”14 Furthermore, some mingling between the nobility and the common people was evidenced in Vienna, particularly under Joseph II.15 In contrast to Marie Antoinette, the

10 Porter, The Enlightenment, 10. 11 Ibid., 5. 12 Mary Fulbrook, A Concise History of Germany, Second Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 89. Likely due to the nature of the Holy Roman Empire, Enlightenment literature has often not made a distinction between the Austrian and German Enlightenments, rather seeing it as a Germanic movement. This thesis does likewise. 13 Ibid., 91. 14 Ibid., 71. 15 Karl Geiringer, “Haydn and His Viennese Background,” in Haydn Studies: Proceedings of the International Haydn Conference, Washington, D.C., 1975, edited by Jens Peter Larsen, Howard Serwer, and James Webster (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1981), 5.

8 cousin of Joseph II, and her infamous suggestion that they who have not bread might eat cake, this was not a government entirely unaware of its citizens.

Also central to the German Aufklärung were the increasing numbers of the middle class, and educated public.16 The spread of literacy was significant, with the main language of publication in Germany shifting overwhelmingly from Latin to German over the course of the eighteenth century. Hand in hand with literacy was a desire to be knowledgeable, which led to a remarkable uprising in the spread of newspapers and periodicals.17 Ultimately, the German Enlightenment’s distinctive character appears to be two-fold in its goals of Enlightened governance and an educated, literate public which could critically evaluate self, life, and governance.

The Shifting of Christianity and the Josephinian Reforms

A major current in the international and German Enlightenments alike was the shifting of religious thought. Ultimately, by the Enlightenment’s end, Christianity would never again monopolize mainstream culture.18 Yet in the early stages of the

Enlightenment, Christianity still shaped a great deal of society. Particularly important to the study of Haydn’s life and music, then, is the shifting of Germanic Catholicism, which shifted from Baroque to a kind of Enlightened form that stressed tolerance and individualized faith. Baroque Catholicism – the Catholicism of Haydn’s childhood and youth – greatly distrusted German-language print culture and Bible-reading, which was associated with Protestantism. Consequently, as James Van Horn Melton explains,

the church [in the mid-1700s] relied all the more heavily on the visual, sensual, and theatrical media associated with Habsburg baroque Catholicism – architecture and

16 Fulbrook, A Concise History, 84. 17 Ibid., 90. 18 Porter, The Enlightenment, 66.

9 sculpture, cults of the saints and of the Virgin, religious processions and pilgrimages, and the imposing religious pageants written and directed by Jesuit dramatists.19

The Enlightenment, however, with its focus on knowing and understanding, would turn this culture upon its head. Through the wider, international Enlightenment, with its rise of secularism and its concern with human life rather than the world to come, the former social force of Christianity fell subject to intensive questioning and scrutiny – yet not to full-fledged atheism.20 Though Enlightenment approaches to Christianity were varied, they were characterized, particularly in the Holy Roman Empire, by strong critiques, but not revolution or revolt. What came about was a “rethinking” rather than an overthrowing of the church.21 Central to the Catholic Enlightenment was the hope of “[creating] a new form of religiosity [Enlightened Catholics] saw as both appropriate to modern times and faithful to the traditions and doctrines of the church.”22 The goal, it would thus seem, was a synthesis of Enlightenment pragmatics and rationalism with Catholic spirituality.

How this change took place is, like any major religious movement, somewhat intangible. It is also, of course, necessary to note that although Catholicism was prevalent in the Habsburg Empire, it was not the only system of belief. Similarly, by no stretch of the imagination was Catholicism, throughout the Holy Roman Empire and Habsburg

Empire alike, entirely made up of Enlightened Catholics. Surely then, as now, a variety of thought and belief patterns surrounding the church existed and fought amongst themselves: these changes in religious thought would not have been universally accepted

19 James Van Horn Melton, “School, Stage, Salon: Musical Cultures in Haydn’s Vienna,” in Haydn and the Performance of Rhetoric, edited by Tom Beghin and Sander M. Goldberg (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 82-83. 20 Porter, The Enlightenment, 33. 21 Michael Printy, Enlightenment and the Creation of German Catholicism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 2. Printy’s significant monograph is the first English-language evaluation of the role the Enlightenment played in the shaping of German Catholicism. Unfortunately, his innumerable points must forego specific mention in this thesis. 22 Ibid., 2.

10 and welcomed. Nevertheless, they occurred. Central to the thinking of late eighteenth- century Enlightened Catholics was the goal of realizing the “church and state as equal partners in the progress of civilization. The direction they wanted the church to go – toward rational, moderate, and practical religion – assumed that they would lead, in partnership with the civil authority, as a moral minority of sorts.”23 What is key here is the idea of rationality and moderation: no longer was the church characterized by strict dogma and doctrine, rather it was moving towards a climate of openness and toleration.

Of course, this was not entirely unique to the German Catholic Enlightenment: it is also the spirit of Reform Catholicism, and is not out of alignment with the shifts of European

Christianity as a whole. Through the dissemination of ideas that characterized the

Enlightenment as a whole, shifts came about in wider Christian culture. At the same time as “new religious currents [focused] more on the inner life,” Christianity in general came under scrutiny, with the entire certainty of doctrine and scripture being questioned.24 At the eighteenth century’s end and the time of Haydn’s late Masses, the Church was no longer that of his childhood. Faith, for perhaps the first time in Germany and beyond, had become something personal and individual.

Joseph II’s Reforms of the 1780s, known as the Josephinian Reforms, surely assisted that process through their “radical assault on baroque religious practices” under which “hundreds of monasteries were abolished, burials and religious celebrations were more strictly regulated, and toleration of Protestants and Jews was expanded.”25 This was the end of deeply extroverted and flamboyant Baroque piety, and the beginning of a focus upon morality and faith. Central to understanding Catholicism in the Habsburg Monarchy,

23 Ibid., 220. 24 Fulbrook, A Concise History, 84. 25 Melton, “School, Stage, Salon,” 92.

11 and to understanding of the Josephinian Reforms alike, is knowledge of Joseph II’s focusing of power of the state, rather than the Vatican, over the Church: the goal of a national church was at the heart of the Reforms, which “quickly became apparent in a series of restrictions on Rome’s authority within the Habsburg Monarchy.”26 Central to this national church, I would suggest, was again the idea of toleration. When one considers how firmly interwoven ideas of church and state were in Haydn’s time, Joseph

II’s forward-thinking shaping of national religious character becomes especially apparent.

As Dorinda Outram reminds us

at stake in the struggle for state-supported religious toleration was a transition from the idea of a monarchal state as necessarily involving also a uniform community of believers, to the idea of an impersonal state where religious loyalties could be separated from loyalty to the state itself.27

In creating a church that allowed for religious toleration, Joseph II created a church that was very much in the spirit of his times. His reforms also had significant consequences upon church music and the goals of music and morality, a matter which will be discussed in Chapter Four.

The Age of the Enlightenment would radically shift Christianity in the Habsburg

Monarchy and beyond. Perhaps these shifts are best summarized in the words of Margaret

C. Jacobs, who reminds us that “religion in general was becoming more private than public, more individual than collective, and thoughts rather than ornate ceremonies began to define the believer.”28 In this sense, as we shall see, Haydn’s faith and his music are very much shaped and informed by his changing times.

26 H.M. Scott, “Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1740-90,” in Enlightened Absolutism: Reform and Reformers in Later Eighteenth-Century Europe, edited by H.M. Scott (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1990), 168 27 Dorinda Outram, The Enlightenment, Second Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 116. 28 Jacob, A Brief History, 18.

12 Haydn’s London

Haydn’s two extended trips to London from January 1791 to July 1792 and

January 1794 to August of 1795 are very much in keeping with the wider European

Enlightenment mentality, with which “Anglophilia was inextricably linked.”29 The reason for this mentality is clear: when it came to matters of Enlightenment, England was decidedly ahead of the game. Ultimately, England was a century ahead of other European

Enlightenments in its realization of liberty in matters of government, church, and self.30

The Glorious Revolution (1688) had resulted in a society that had established the

Enlightenment’s goals of democratic society and individual freedom long before that cultural tide would sweep the rest of Europe. England’s main focus in the eighteenth century, then, was not societal reform but rather the upholding of their newly structured political system.31 That is not to say, however, that the English played no role in the eighteenth-century culture of Enlightenment, yet their role is perhaps undefined insofar as much of their culture was eventually incorporated into different goals of the national and international Enlightenments.32

Yet the English Enlightenment also moved somewhat beyond similar movements in other countries, as England was also home to “the first flowering of affective individualism,” with increased liberty in marriage choices, and some semblance of freedoms for women and children as well.33 There was also a considerable amount of inter-class mixing within society, particularly in coffee houses and parks.34 England also

29 Ibid., 48. 30 Porter, The Enlightenment, 49-50. 31 Ibid., 49-50. 32 Roy Porter, “The Enlightenment in England,” in The Enlightenment in National Context, edited by Roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 4. 33 Ibid., 9. 34 Ibid., 12.

13 featured a remarkably busy social and cultural life. These activities would in many ways disseminate “Enlightenment aspirations for amusement, social emulation, the pursuit of taste, novelty, and fashion” to the greater public.35 This was particularly significant for

Haydn, as James Van Horn Melton reminds us, for “nowhere was the power of public and audience more evident than in London’s highly commercialized cultural life, with its newspapers, theaters, subscription concerts, and public pleasure gardens.” And yet,

“Haydn did not need to leave Vienna to gain an appreciation for audience; indeed, the baroque Catholic culture in which he attained maturity as a musician and composer would have already given him that.”36 What Haydn did gain from London, however, was a greater following, a sense of himself as internationally renowned composer: Haydn was now assured that he had a large audience. It makes sense that at that time, when he was a cultural hero, he would choose to speak to his audience, via music.

France and the Habsburg Monarchy

The 1790s were marked by considerable warfare and fighting across Europe. The hotbed of violence and warfare was surely France during the French Revolution (1789-

1799), and especially the Reign of Terror (1793-1794). When the French Revolution began, there was a sense of detached interest in Germany: the events of the Revolution were of note and important, but did not directly affect the German state itself.37 But by

1792, French armies occupied much of the Holy Roman Empire, resulting in eventual

French control West of the Rhine from 1794-1814.38 Austria was not directly under siege at the beginning of these wars of French expansion, but by 1796, Napoleon’s European

35 Ibid., 12. 36 Melton, “School, Stage, Salon,” 91. 37 Fulbrook, A Concise History, 96. 38 Ibid., 96.

14 conquest had overtaken much of Vienna’s former Italian territory, and, at the time of

Missa in tempore belli’s composition, “threatened Austria itself.”39 One can easily imagine the culture of fear that must have pervaded not only Vienna, but much of

Haydn’s international public as the violence inherent in the French Revolution and overtures to the Napoleonic Wars spread throughout Europe. National borders in Austria and beyond were constantly fought over, something which would continue until after

Haydn’s death in 1809 (though a break in French-led warfare would exist from 1797-

1800): indeed, the last of Haydn’s documented utterances to come down to us are words of comfort to his household staff as the French fired cannon shots into Vienna.40 In short, what is necessary to keep in mind is that at the time of these Masses’ composition, war and its immediate echoes were absolute realities in Austria and Europe alike.

Haydn in the 1790s

The 1790s, for Haydn, were marked by significant changes that well may have shifted his understanding of the world, his knowledge of music, and his sense of self. In

1790, Haydn began to find his position as Kapellmeister and court musician rather dry and stale, and began to long for new creative opportunities.41 Life would soon enable those opportunities in a turn of events fortunate for Haydn and music history alike.

Haydn’s contract was renegotiated throughout 1779, at which time, the clause that made

Haydn’s music the property of the Prince was removed: from this time on, Haydn was able to publish and profit from his own music: it was, at last his own, and he began to

39 H.C. Robbins Landon and David Wyn Jones, Haydn: His Life and Music (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 340. 40 “Don’t be afraid, children! Where Haydn is, nothing can happen.” See Vernon Gotwals, translator and editor, Haydn: Two Contemporary Portraits, translation of A.C. Dies, Biographische Nachrichten von Joseph Haydn (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 193. 41 Karl Geiringer, Haydn: A Creative Life in Music (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), 99.

15 market it internationally.42 This led to his increased fame and international stature. Yet

Haydn had never travelled throughout Europe, never had the chance to experience the extent of his fame first-hand. The 1790 death of Prince Nikolaus, Haydn’s patron since

1766, and the rise of Prince Anton led to a marked decline in Haydn’s duties. As such,

Haydn was free to do as he wished – and what he wished was to go to London. Two extended sojourns combined to ensure that Haydn was well aware of the fullness of his fame, of his international status as composer and creative genius, strongly indicated by his awarding of an honorary doctorate from Oxford in July 1791. One can imagine what this continued validation would have meant to him.

London’s busy social and musical culture enabled a rich outpouring of compositions and musical activity, and Haydn composed and published a number of canzonettas, piano sonatas, string quartets, and symphonies, before returning to Vienna for good in 1795, finding himself, in the words of James Webster, a “culture-hero.”43

Having poured out creative ideas in his instrumental works in London, Haydn returned his focus to sacred vocal music, predominantly composing the yearly Mass which Prince

Nikolaus II, who had succeeded Prince Anton, required of him, as well as his two late oratorios The Creation and The Seasons. In sum, in the late 1790s, while writing Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis, Haydn was composing at the height of his fame, cultural knowledge, and talents: he was aware of his international audience, and was finally in possession of a “perfectly justified sense of his own worth.”44 He had travelled,

42 James Webster and Georg Feder, The New Grove Haydn (London and New York: MacMillan and Palgrave, 2002), 22-23. Originally published in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Second Edition, edited by Stanley Sadie (London: MacMillan, 2001). 43 James Webster, “Haydn’s Sacred Vocal Music and the Aesthetics of Salvation,” in Haydn Studies, edited by Dean Sutcliffe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 36. 44 Mary Hunter and Richard Will, “Introduction,” in Engaging Haydn: Culture, Context, and Criticisms, edited by Mary Hunter and Richard Will (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 7.

16 spent time in Europe’s largest city, and consequently was likely more aware of the world around him than ever before. How telling that at that time, and in these socio-historical contexts, Haydn returned his attention to composition of sacred vocal music.

17 Chapter Two De-Dichotomizing Haydn: Closing the Catholic/Enlightenment Divide

The ‘Papa’ Haydn Myth and Its Correctives

Few aspects of Haydn scholarship have been as unceasingly controversial as how to characterize and think of the composer himself. Posterity, musical and otherwise, has not looked kindly upon Haydn, something which the ‘’ myth will attest to – and something scholarship has strove to correct for some time. In Haydn’s own lifetime, the nickname of ‘Papa’ was a term of endearment toward him, originally used by the musicians he directed at the Esterházy court.45 A cultural hero and musical icon in his own lifetime, he was quickly relegated from innovator to simpleton after his 1809 death, which coincided with the advent of the Romantic Period, and its increased size of instrumentation and scope of works, as well as its musical focus on the individual’s inner life. Karl Geiringer has succinctly outlined the myth: “To [the Romantic] epoch the gaiety and naturalness of Haydn’s idiom seemed to be rather philistine and people patronized

‘good old Papa Haydn,’ whose works were…hardly known.”46 Over time, it would seem, art and biography blended: posterity considered Haydn himself as happy, natural, and simple-minded, an idea quite strongly evidenced, as David Garratt notes, in the title of

Joseph Haydn: The Merry Little Peasant, a 1939 children’s book.47

45 Karl Geiringer, “Joseph Haydn,” in Joseph Haydn and the Eighteenth Century: Collected Essays of Karl Geiringer, edited by Robert N. Freeman (Warren, Michigan: Harmonie Park Press, 2002), 4-5. 46 Ibid., 8. 47 James Garratt, “Haydn and Posterity: The Long Nineteenth Century,” in The Cambridge Companion to Haydn, edited by Caryl Clark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 229-230; Opal Wheeler and Sybil Deucher, Joseph Haydn: The Merry Little Peasant (London: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1939). The children’s book has recently been reprinted in Elyria, Ohio: Zeezok Publishing, 2010.

18 In 2005, Caryl Clark wrote that “overcoming the sentimentalism, dilettantism, and propagandizing power of the Papa Haydn myth has been a welcome corrective.”48 But where, exactly, has that corrective led? Its most commonly held version may well be found in the words of James Webster, who defines Haydn as a “vigorous and productive composer, performer, Kapellmeister, impresario, businessman, conqueror of London, friend, husband, and lover.”49 Clark herself has taken issue with this sketch of Haydn’s personality, believing that it moves Haydn too far into the present in order to make him sympathetic to us, through endowing Haydn with what Clark considers to be our contemporary values: to Clark, Webster’s corrective of Haydn is as inaccurate as the Papa

Haydn myth itself.50 While the available evidence suggests that Webster got more right than wrong – surely “emotional complexity” and “intellectual curiosity,” two of Clark’s current values, were in existence long before Haydn – I agree with the spirit of Clark’s objection: we must consider what is being left out of Haydn’s biography.51 This corrective has been offered by Webster, but is very much the cultural air of Haydn scholarship – and

I, too, have an objection to its sentiments: it diminishes Haydn’s Catholicism. Scholarship has never ignored Haydn’s faith, and has considerably studied Haydn’s connections to the

Enlightenment, but has done little to examine how he might have participated in

Catholicism and humanism, changing with the times he lived in. In failing to probe and examine Haydn’s Catholicism, we see the echoes of the ‘Papa’ Haydn myth, for in continuing to characterize Haydn’s faith as simple, traditional, and unquestioning, we

48 Caryl Clark, “Preface and acknowledgments,” in The Cambridge Companion to Haydn, edited by Caryl Clark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), xi. 49 James Webster, “Haydn’s Aesthetics,” in The Cambridge Companion to Haydn, edited by Caryl Clark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 30. 50 Caryl Clark, Haydn’s Jews: Representation and Reception on the Operatic Stage (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 5-6 51 Ibid., 5.

19 continue to give him less than the credit he is due. Furthermore, in failing to mutually engage Haydn’s love of the Enlightenment alongside his Catholicism, a rich element of his personality remains hidden. It is necessary to move beyond scholarship’s dichotomizing of Haydn, weighing the evidence to consider how Haydn’s interest in

Enlightenment culture and faith in Catholicism may have co-existed.

Haydn and the Enlightenment

Haydn’s relationship to and participation within the Enlightenment has been heavily studied, and consequently knowledge and understanding of the movement’s influence on his life and music is constantly increasing. Such an expansion in thought, perhaps, is the most significant achievement of the Papa Haydn corrective: we know

Haydn was intrigued by his changing times, something evidenced not only by his time in

London and his music, but also by his participation in salons, his broad interests in social culture, his extensive, varied library and, however briefly, his interest in Freemasonry.

Scholarship and Haydn’s contemporaries alike have often diminished or excused these elements of his personality.52 Because no definitive record of Haydn’s beliefs has come down to us, we must determine what we can from his actions, and it is understandable that opinions of Haydn’s involvement in the Enlightenment are varied. I would nevertheless suggest that in Haydn’s case, actions speak louder than words.

Haydn is known to have attended the Viennese salon of Charlotte von Greiner, occurring predominantly between 1772-1774, where salon conversation, as in Paris, focused upon philosophy, science, and literature, and where attendees, at the same time, were exposed to the music of multiple Viennese composers, including Haydn.53 Haydn’s

52 For a succinct summary, see Schroeder, Haydn and the Enlightenment, 2. 53 Melton, “School, Stage, Salon,” 104-105.

20 contributions to salon discussion were critiqued by several of those present.54 And yet, that is not what is important: Haydn’s support of the goals of the Enlightenment take hold in his music, not his words. His attendance speaks for itself.

More controversial and complex than Haydn’s participation in salon conversation, however, is his time as a Freemason. Haydn’s initiation to ‘Zur wahren Eintracht,’ a lodge well-known for its firm upholding of the goals of the Enlightenment, occurred on 11

February 1785, after which, as is well known, he never attended another meeting. Karl

Geiringer has surmised that Haydn felt “disappointment” at the meeting, and that although Haydn “felt in tune with the humanitarian precepts of his fellow Masons, he may have been too deeply rooted in the Catholic faith and liturgy to concern himself seriously with the Masonic religious ideas.”55 Here we see dichotomization of Haydn once again, a lack of ease with the possibility that Catholicism and Enlightenment could well have co- existed for him. In reality, for varying reasons, including geographic distance and a busy composition schedule, Haydn was never able to attend a meeting again before the lodge ceased to exist, as Hurwitz and Schroeder have both stressed.56 Geiringer’s assertion ably shows how scholarship has rushed to interpret Haydn’s actions in a dichotomized matter:

Haydn, a Catholic, could not be a Mason. Hurwitz believes that Haydn was less than thoroughly Catholic, showing an opposite view from Geiringer’s, but is quick to note that

Masonry and Catholicism were not entirely contradictory, and that, indeed, several priests were Masons.57 It would seem, by and large, that scholars fall entirely on one side of the

54 Joachim Hurwitz, “Haydn and the Freemasons,” in Haydn Yearbook/Haydn Jahrbuch 16 (1985): 33-34. 55 Geiringer, Haydn: A Creative Life in Music, 93. 56 Hurwitz, “Haydn and the Freemasons,” 42-50; Schroeder, Haydn and the Enlightenment, 34. 57 Hurwitz, “Haydn and the Freemasons,” 41.

21 coin or the other: Haydn either ought to be characterized by participation in the

Enlightenment, or faith in Catholicism.

Maria Hörwarthner strongly advocates that Haydn’s Enlightenment activities might override his Catholicism. Her summary of the contents of Haydn’s library suggests that he was incredibly well read.58 Spanning subject matter as diverse as philosophy, world history, and aesthetics, the library contents fully support Webster’s claim that although Haydn was “in no sense an intellectual or a connoisseur of literature, art, or philosophy, Haydn was interested [in] all these subjects.”59 Hörwarthner believes that the lack of Catholic devotional literature in Haydn’s library points towards a lack of Catholic direction in some times of Haydn’s life.60 I am more inclined to agree with Clark, who has elsewhere suggested that Haydn’s knowledge of Catholic devotional literature, after a childhood steeped in religious tradition and activity, was so extensive as to make relevant books redundant.61 This assertion seems likely. Haydn’s childhood and youth were steeped in Catholic culture and tradition. That he would look beyond it – though not necessarily past it – in a search for personal meaning and fulfillment in adulthood should not be surprising, since such an attitude was in keeping with the spirit of his time.

As we have seen, Haydn participated in salon culture, was at least interested enough in Freemasonry to seek initiation, and owned a range and volume of books that just might rival the collections of the scholars who write about him. The notebooks Haydn kept in London demonstrate a sharp and observant mind, concerned with and amused by

58 Listing of the known contents of Haydn’s library can be found in Maria Hörwarthner, “Joseph Haydn’s Library: An Attempt at a Literary-Historical Reconstruction,” translated by Katherine Talbot, in Haydn and His World, edited by Elaine Sisman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 397-440. 59 Webster, “Haydn’s Aesthetics,” 31. 60 Hörwarthner, “Joseph Haydn’s Library,” 448. 61 Caryl Clark, “Haydn’s Conversion Masses,” Journal of Musicological Research Volume 28, No. 2-3 (2009), 210.

22 socio-cultural happenings.62 Webster reminds us that Haydn was “broadly interested in people and customs.”63 All of this points towards an intensive fascination with the world and its inhabitants, an interest in humanism, and a strongly held appreciation of the goals of Enlightenment.

Haydn’s Catholicism

Haydn’s fascination with the Enlightenment does not rule out his well- documented faith. The main contemporary description of Haydn’s Catholicism is that found in Griesinger’s biography, which characterizes Haydn as

very religiously inclined, and…loyally devoted to the faith in which he was raised. He was very strongly convinced in his heart that all human destiny is under God’s guiding hand, that God rewards the good and the evil, that all talents come from above….Without speculation about the principles of faith, he accepted the what and the how of the teaching of the Catholic Church, and his soul found comfort therein….this…does not indicate intolerant feelings. Haydn left every man to his own conviction and recognized all as brothers.64

Scholarship has continually used this quote in its subsequent evaluations of the composer’s faith. The result is telling. In perhaps the most succinct example, Nicholas

Tempereley writes that “[Haydn’s] own religious orientation is believed to have been one of simple faith, but of an optimistic and tolerant kind not inconsistent with Enlightenment philosophy.”65 Tolerant and optimistic, certainly. Thomas Tolley has ably demonstrated the composer’s tolerant and even interested interactions with Protestants of varying sects.66 But by virtue of having faith characterized as not inconsistent with Enlightenment

62 Joseph Haydn, The Collected Correspondence and London Notebooks of Joseph Haydn, edited and translated by HC Robbins Landon (London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1959). James Webster has made a similar observations about the London Notebooks in “Haydn’s Aesthetics,” 31. 63 Webster, “Aesthetics of Salvation,” 38. 64 Gotwals, Haydn: Two Contemporary Portraits, translation of G.A. Griesinger, Biographische Notizen über Joseph Haydn, 53-54. 65 Nicholas Temperley, Haydn: The Creation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 16. Emphasis my own. 66 Thomas Tolley, Painting the Cannon’s Roar: Music, the Visual Arts and the Rise of an Attentive Public in the Age of Haydn, c.1750 to c.1810 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 58-59.

23 philosophy, it is clear that Haydn’s faith is anything but simple. Indeed, Haydn’s continued practice of Catholicism in an age of so many changes in the German church says much about his spiritual flexibility: many Christians before and after him were not able to adapt to similar periods of change, as evident, to list just one example, by the reactions of many twentieth-century Catholics to the Second Vatican Council.

Griesinger’s claim that Haydn accepted religious teachings without question is not well-founded. Nor is scholarship’s subsequent assumption of the accuracy of

Griesinger’s claim. Often overlooked and swept under the rug in analyses of Haydn’s

Catholicism is the well-known fact that, although married from 1760-1800, he “was less immune to the attractions of other women” due to his wife’s infertility.67 His long- standing friendship with Marianne von Genzinger is generally considered to be platonic, but his affair with and suspected affair with Rebecca Schroeter are well known.68 In mentioning this element of Haydn’s life, it is not my intention to belittle

Haydn’s Catholicism, nor Haydn as a person. However unfortunate, he is not the first man, Catholic or otherwise, to have cheated on his wife, who, it must be added, is also known to have had at least one affair.69 What I would like to suggest is that Haydn’s affairs indicate that Haydn’s faith, though sure, was perhaps not as by-the-book or traditional as scholarship has tended to think. Clearly he was able to either question or altogether ignore one of the Church’s central teachings.

The infamous textual omissions in Haydn’s settings of the Credo also suggest a

Catholicism that is less than fully traditional. Clark, in her recent examination of the

67 Gotwals, Haydn, trans. of Griesinger, Biograpische Notizen, 15. 68 Both affairs are summarized by David Wyn Jones, The Life of Haydn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 94-95, 156-158. Jones’ explanation of the Genzinger-Haydn relationship as platonic can be found on p. 131. 69 Ibid., 64.

24 possibility that several of Haydn’s Masses and Credos might have been written with

Jewish converts in mind, has begun the process of breaking with traditional interpretation of Haydn’s Catholicism. She writes,

Listeners from different classes, walks of life, and at various stages of spiritual development could all partake of Haydn’s musically inclusive theology. That Jews and other nonbelievers may, on occasion, have heard all or parts of his Masses, or that he even imagined such a possibility, and so composed music to take account of it, suggests that his faith was deeper and more expansive than previously acknowledged.70

Or, put another way, regardless of the intended audience, Haydn was able to adapt the doctrines expressed in his music to embrace the tolerance brought about by the Age of the

Enlightenment. That he might do likewise in his life ought to be less than surprising.

Haydn, Webster reminds us, was a dedicated follower of Catholic spirituality.71

Clark similarly stresses that Haydn’s belief itself is beyond doubt.72 The question raised here is not whether Haydn believed, for it is entirely clear that he did. The question surrounding Haydn’s Catholicism should be what and how he believed. His open- mindedness towards others, his acceptance of his changing Church, his love of the worldly, and, it must be admitted, his extra-marital affairs, all come together to show that while he probably was, as Jones suggests, “a devout, practising Catholic,” he was surely not one “of the most traditional, unquestioning kind.”73 The editors’ introduction to

Engaging Haydn: Context, Culture, and Criticisms reminds readers that “it is finally and mercifully a boring truism to say that Haydn’s reputation no longer rests on his position as…the jolly but superficial ‘Papa’ Haydn.”74 After an ongoing struggle, scholarship has finally moved beyond commonly held myths. But what remains in the echoes of the myth,

70 Clark, “Haydn’s Conversion Masses,” 211. 71 Webster, “Aesthetics of Salvation,” 45. 72 Clark, “Haydn’s Conversion Masses,” 210. 73 Jones, The Life of Haydn, viii. 74 Hunter and Will, “Introduction,” 1.

25 in the post-‘Papa’ age? I would suggest that a new challenge has risen in its wake: to synthesize rather than polarize Haydn. When his faith in Catholicism is synthesized with his participation within the Enlightenment, a new theme in Haydn biography emerges: that Haydn, far from a man of simple, unquestioning faith, was rather a man of deep but nuanced faith. He was able to balance and bend the doctrines and dogmas of the

Enlightenment and Catholicism alike, in order to believe, whole-heartedly, in both.

26 Chapter Three The Symphonic, the Search for Meaning, and the Long Silence: Haydn’s Masses in Scholarly Literature

Though never enjoying the volume of scholarship that Haydn’s instrumental genres have amassed, Haydn’s sacred music is not without a considerable body of scholarly literature. The six late Masses in particular are the subject of a significant, if not vast, scholarly literature, particularly within the last seventeen years. The purpose of this chapter is to outline and survey the literature surrounding Haydn’s late Masses, with special attention paid to points of contention and diversion, and gaps in the scholarly discussion.

The main foundations of current Haydn scholarship can be traced to the mid- twentieth century works of Jens Peter Larsen and H.C. Robbins Landon.75 Of course, musicology as a discipline has radically shifted and changed since Haydn scholarship’s mid-twentieth century origins. As Caryl Clark summarizes, “theoretical queries…have shifted from positivism and formalism to a consideration of how music conveys meaning in different contexts, social settings, and political eras,” particularly in response to the ideas of Joseph Kerman.76 This trend is very much applicable to literature on Haydn’s masses: studies up until the 1990s tended to focus on liturgical purpose, musical language, as well as genre and form in Haydn’s masses. More recent research, particularly from the 1990s onward, has tended to concern itself with meaning, with rhetorical, musical, and cultural readings of Haydn’s masses questioning what Haydn does and does not say about religion, Catholicism, and, more recently, his socio-cultural world. A

75 Hunter and Will, “Introduction,” in Engaging Haydn, 1. 76 Clark, Haydn’s Jews, 2.

27 notable exception to this generalization is the research of Landon, whose thoughts are examined later in this chapter.

Before examining scholarship’s exploration of musical form and meaning in the late Masses, it is necessary to note an important shift in factual knowledge. Until 1998, it was generally believed that Haydn wrote all six Masses for the Name Day celebration of

Princess Maria Esterházy, something Jeremiah McGrann contested, noting that

While Haydn’s masses were obviously intended for the Esterházys, it is less certain that they were always intended for the name day of Princess Maria. There is little evidence to connect the first three of Haydn’s late masses in particular to the name day of the princess or to a Marian celebration.77

McGrann thus considers the first three Masses to be a separate unit, and notes their convoluted history: it is uncertain which came first, Missa Sancti Bernardi or Missa in tempore belli: only one would have been used at the 1796 Name Day celebration, meaning one of the two was not composed in honour of the Princess.78 McGrann suggests that Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis, with their militaristic allusions, may in fact have been written for the Feast of the Most Holy Name of Mary, celebrated on the

Sunday after 8 September, which in part commemorated faith in Mary’s intercession in

Austria’s and Poland’s victory over the Turks on 12 September 1683.79 Therein, although the first half of the six late Masses are murky in terms of their linkage to Princess Maria’s

Name Day, they nevertheless respond to the German Catholic Church’s calendar.80 The compositional circumstances and premieres of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis will be discussed in Chapter Four. However, McGrann’s article must be

77 Jeremiah W. McGrann, “Of Saints, Name Days, and Turks: Some Background on Haydn’s Masses Written for Prince Nikolaus II Esterházy,” Journal of Musicological Research Issue Volume 17, No. 3-4 (1998), 198. 78 Ibid., 199. 79 Ibid., 202-203. 80 Ibid., 203.

28 mentioned in any attempt to review the literature, for it touches upon an element most important to highlight in summarizing the Haydn literature: that any attempt to define meaning in sacred music, musical and cultural alike, is always in flux with evolving knowledge of liturgy, biography, and history itself.

The ‘Symphonic’: Form and Style of the Masses

Elements of the symphony, particularly in matters of form, have long been an area of interest in the study of Haydn’s masses. Writing in 1955, H.C. Robbins Landon characterized Haydn’s masses as being, at their core, symphonies for vocalists and orchestra, conveniently joined to a liturgical text.81 In 1970, Martin Chusid built upon

Landon’s observation, studying the ways in which Haydn’s mass settings conform to traditional symphonic setting, paying special focus to how Haydn uses the sub-divisions of the High Mass to create symphonic sections extending to tempos, metres, and keys.82

By 1975, language in scholarship had become much more direct, no longer suggesting comparison of symphonic form within the mass, but instead openly declaring that

“Haydn’s masses after 1796 are determined by the great symphonic form.”83

More recently, in 2006, Eutychia Papanikolaou notes that multiple stylistic elements are incorporated into Haydn’s masses, including “Baroque ritornello structures, stile antico passages, Italianate arioso passages, solo quartet and chorus alternations, choral fugues, and, most importantly, symphonic procedures—all characteristics that

81 H.C. Robbins Landon, The Symphonies of Joseph Haydn (London: Universal Edition, 1955), 596, as quoted in Martin Chusid, “Some Observations on Liturgy and Structure in Haydn’s Late Masses,” in Studies in Eighteenth Century Music: A Tribute to Karl Geiringer on His Seventieth Birthday, edited by H.C. Robbins Landon in collaboration with Roger E. Chapman (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1970), 126. 82 Chusid, “Some Observations on Liturgy.” See p. 126-128 for a discussion of subdivisions in the High Mass, and its consequential divisions in the musical sections of the Mass. 83 Karl Gustav Fellerer, “Text and Music in Mozart’s and Haydn’s Masses,” in Haydn Studies: Proceedings of the International Haydn Conference, Washington, D.C., 1975, edited by Jens Peter Larsen, Howard Serwer, and James Webster (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1981), 419.

29 would propel the genre forward into the nineteenth century.”84 This quotation is telling of a wider trend in Haydn scholarship: it has long been known and tacitly understood that

Haydn’s late Masses blend a number of musical genres and forms, in ways which “[blur] the boundaries between sacred and secular, the church and the concert hall.”85 Yet it is the symphonic elements, or impulse, that continue to characterize much of form-and-style based study.86 This view was perhaps most espoused by Landon, who observed that

Haydn did not accept symphony commissions after 1795, and instead “by applying symphonic principles to the mass form…was able to create a new kind of symphony, written for the glory of God.”87 Yet nowhere does Haydn suggest he was using the mass to write liturgical symphonies for God’s glory: this assessment is speculative. The only thing we can directly infer from Haydn’s decision to cease writing symphonies is that he felt his remaining time was better spent elsewhere, in other genres.

Significantly, James Webster disagrees with the view of Haydn’s masses as holding to symphonic form, vocal or otherwise. He instead suggests that Haydn’s musical time in London resulted in new orchestral treatment, apparent in the Masses, but ultimately infers that “their symphonic character has been exaggerated.”88 Seeking to move beyond the symphonic emphasis, Webster has also stressed that Haydn’s musical output from the 1780s to mid-1790s, dominated by composition of the well-known

84 Eutychia Papanikolaou, “Between Tradition and Innovation: Sacred Intersections and the Symphonic Impulse in Haydn’s late Masses,” Sacred Music Volume 136, No. 4 (2009): 9, secondary emphasis mine. 85 Ibid., 6. 86 See also Eric A. Johnson’s “Franz Joseph Haydn’s Late Masses: An Examination of the Symphonic Mass Form.” Choral Journal Volume 42, Issue 7 (2002): 19-24 for another discussion of symphonic form in the Masses. 87 Landon, Chronicle and Works, Vol. 4, 134. Notably, Papanikolaou also draws attention to this in “Between Tradition and Innovation”: see footnote 11 on p. 9. 88 James Webster and Georg Feder, "Haydn, Joseph," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed February 20, 2014, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/44593pg8.

30 instrumental works, was “atypical,” that it was in fact vocal music that was central throughout Haydn’s entire career.89 Perhaps most evident is the fact that “during

[Haydn’s] last period in Vienna, when he had become a culture-hero and could do virtually whatever he wanted, he composed primarily vocal works, most of them sacred.”90 That Haydn chose to write sacred vocal works with the remainder of his time suggests much about his personality and compositional interests. Furthermore, it is important to remember that these works were composed by Haydn at the end of his life, after he had mastered full command of symphonic, sacred, operatic, and chamber composition. To privilege the symphonic elements of the Masses is to belittle the likely presence of conventions from manifold musical genres.

The Search for Musical Meaning

Of course, as Papanikolaou’s observation that Haydn ‘blurs’ the line of sacred and secular suggests, form and genre can point past themselves toward musical meaning.

Much has been made of Haydn’s blurring of the musical lines – and thoughts toward it have been far from uniformly positive. Charles Rosen, for example, has famously characterized Haydn’s Masses as “uncomfortable compromises,” presumably due to their semi-symphonic nature, as well as the music’s balancing of the sacred and secular, which he especially singles out as being present in the “trivial” soprano solo of the Missa in tempore belli Kyrie.91 Though Rosen’s critique of the music is not well-supported, his notion of compromise raises a significant suggestion of meaning, something which I shall return to in my conclusion. Compromises of genre, however, were not unique to Haydn.

89 Webster, “Aesthetics of Salvation,” 36. 90 Ibid., 36, emphasis my own. 91 Charles Rosen, The Classical Style: Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1972), 369.

31 By mid-eighteenth century “the previously distinct three areas of church, chamber, and theater music started to mesh, as composers appropriated modes of writing for the church…that exhibited little distinction between secular and sacred styles.”92 But even beyond style conflation, it is necessary to remember that “it is Haydn’s musical style, regarded as part of human activity in a changing world, that determines his place in history. After all, style is not only a medium of expression: it is expression itself.”93 Put another way, Haydn’s use and mixture of musical styles is not separable from Haydn’s musical communication of ideas.

A striking factor in joining examination of Haydn’s style to study of musical communication is the rich diversity and manifold layers of meaning to be found in the music, in elements that move far beyond genre. Few scholars have contributed as much to the discussion of Haydn’s sacred music as James Webster, who has “formed the spine…of modern Haydn studies.”94 Webster’s articles on Haydn’s sacred vocal music have indelibly increased the musical toolbox through which Haydn’s works are analyzed and understood, particularly in terms of rhetoric, aesthetics, and the musical sublime.

Musical form and style, of course, are not ignored in these additional lenses, but rather become amalgamated into a broader search for musical meaning. That search, I would argue, took full root in scholarship of Haydn’s sacred vocal music with Webster’s 1997

“The Creation, Haydn’s Late Vocal Music, and the Musical Sublime.”95 Webster characterizes the musical sublime primarily as something which occurs through vivid

92 Papanikolaou, “Between Tradition and Innovation,” 7. 93 Carsten E. Hatting, “The Enlightenment and Haydn,” in Haydn Studies: Proceedings of the International Haydn Conference, Washington, D.C., 1975, edited by Jens Peter Larsen, Howard Serwer, and James Webster (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1981), 440. 94 Hunter and Will, “Introduction,” in Engaging Haydn, 4. 95 James Webster, “The Creation, Haydn’s Late Vocal Music, and the Musical Sublime,” in Haydn and His World, edited by Elaine Sisman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 57-102. Notably, discussion of rhetoric and meaning in Haydn’s other genres do pre-date this article.

32 musical contrasts, such as those found in sudden dynamic, tempo, and harmonic shifts.96

Discussion of all Webster’s ideas of the sublime must forego specific mention in this literature review, but central is also his idea of the “foregrounding of a key text phrase,” which, Webster admits, is commonplace in vocal music, and should only be included in the sublime if something in the musical communication is beyond the norm.97 Examples include fermatas over words, or unforeseen shifts from solo to chorus, or soloist to soloist.98 Together, these elements indicate the sublime in sacred vocal music: the unknowable, the ineffableness of God’s vastness and glory.

Central to Webster’s work, and different from Haydn scholarship of the past, is an unprecedented level of focus upon Haydn’s text setting. Webster’s extoling of Haydn’s textual interpretations can be found throughout his work, but is most succinctly summed up in a 1998 observation:

Haydn’s sacred vocal works are multifariously and imaginatively responsive to their texts. All of them treat many textual phrases or concepts in terms of what has been called ‘musical imagery’. Although this concept includes word-painting...it goes beyond this to encompass various rhetorical traditions and even musical conceptualization of textual images and ideas.99

Furthermore, Haydn’s word-painting in The Creation “[reveals] profound compositional shaping and even psychological insight.”100 Haydn’s textual interpretations in his Masses, allow listeners to observe a hallmark of a well-composed vocal piece: the music’s ability to allow the text to point past itself, from the precision of words to the wider realm of idea, culture, and emotion. What Webster hears in the music’s ability to point beyond the words themselves is a “governing image…of salvation,” a “musical realization of the

96 Ibid., 64, Table 1 on 65. 97 Ibid., 73-74. 98 Ibid., 74. 99 Webster, “Aesthetics of Salvation,” 44. 100 Webster, “The Sublime and the Pastoral,” 156.

33 desire for a state of grace.”101 An addendum might be made to Webster’s thinking: salvation is indeed the end goal, the state upon which Christianity rests. Yet it is not ultimately to be found in this world, but in the hope of Christ, the hope of the World to

Come. What, one must wonder, does Haydn have to say about life in the meantime?

Rhetoric, a long tradition in Haydn scholarship, from 1986 onward, has had much to tell us about what Haydn does and does not ‘say’ in music. Rhetorical readings have consistently been applied to the composer’s string quartets, piano sonatas, oratorios, and symphonies, but examination of his Masses in the same context has been limited.102 It is an element, of course, in Webster’s studies, but only holds explicit focus in Tom Beghin’s

“‘Credo ut intelligam’: Haydn’s Setting of the Credo Text,” in which Beghin reads for rhetorical meaning in Haydn’s Credo settings, with their infamous textual omissions.103

Yet these studies remain in the realm of the spiritual rather than the worldly. An important exception exists in Clark’s 2009 “Haydn’s Conversion Masses,” which entertains the possibility that Haydn’s textual omissions in the Creed may have been to accommodate

Jews in the process of converting to Catholicism, and that, through polytextual setting in the , Haydn may have been imitating dialects of Yiddish, or Mauscheln.104

Clark’s suggestion has sparked controversy among Haydn scholars and eighteenth- century music scholars alike, and yet her paper is unique in the scholarship: it is the first to devote itself, entirely, to Haydn’s masses in a socio-cultural context.

101 Webster, “Aesthetics of Salvation,” 68 and 45. 102 See Tom Beghin and Sander M. Goldberg, editors, Haydn and the Performance of Rhetoric (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007) for a cohesive exploration of rhetorical theory in Haydn’s non-sacred music. 103 Tom Beghin, “‘Credo ut intelligam: Haydn’s Setting of the Credo Text,” in Engaging Haydn, edited by Mary Hunter and Richard Will (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 240-278. 104 Clark, “Haydn’s Conversion Masses.” See p. 201-202 specifically for Clark’s discussion of the missa brevis and Mauscheln.

34 Webster and Clark, in their respective articles “The Sublime and the Pastoral in

The Creation and The Seasons” and “Revolution, Rebirth, and the Sublime in Haydn’s

L’anima del filosofo and The Creation” have together initiated a current scholarly pattern with implications for Haydn’s sacred and non-sacred works alike: linking or pairing together multiple works to consider what they might communicate and mean when examined together.105 Through their c minor and C major tonal axis and dramatic function, James Webster sees Haydn’s two late oratorios as linked, since “taken together,

The Creation and The Seasons represent the history of the world, from the beginning of time and the Creation of Light, to the Day of Judgment and the end of time.”106 Here, we see a reality of Haydn’s music as being of the world, something built upon in Clark’s linked reading of L’anima del filosofo and The Creation.107 Clark suggests that the works arose directly from Haydn’s exposure, in London and Vienna alike, to new shifts in musical and wider culture, arguing that both pieces

straddle the period of revolution and restructuring in France and the increased infiltration of Enlightenment values in societies all across Europe….Their interlocking story about the death of an era and the birth of another ably maps onto political events unfolding in France and beyond.108

Like “Haydn’s Conversion Masses,” this article finds worldly cultural meaning in

Haydn’s sacred music – yet this time, directly connects musical meaning to the

Enlightenment. In that sense, it fills one of the longest-lasting gaps in Haydn scholarship.

The Long Silence: Gaps in the Scholarship

Often a body of scholarship is defined by what it says; in the case of Haydn’s sacred music, it might also be defined by what it does not say. There has long been an

105 Webster, “The Sublime and the Pastoral,”; Clark, “Revolution, Rebirth, and the Sublime.” 106 Webster, “The Sublime and the Pastoral,” 163. 107 Clark, “Revolution, Rebirth, and the Sublime.” 108 Ibid., 100-101.

35 understanding of Haydn’s late Masses as having cultural, political, and Enlightenment significance, but this concept has mostly been hinted at, suggested as being a viable topic for further study without ever being solidly fleshed out. One notable exception is found in

H.C. Robbins Landon’s Haydn: Chronicle and Works, in which he provides detailed analysis and readings of the six late Masses.109 His readings of Missa in tempore belli and

Missa in angustiis are at times ingenious in their analysis of music and text relationships, and at other times fully speculative in their suggestion of musical meaning. Yet, to the best of my knowledge, Landon’s readings have not been heavily challenged, probed, or continued by other scholars, something I shall presently attempt to rectify in my study of the Agnus Dei sections in Chapters 4 and 5. Indeed, no close readings of a similar scale have followed those Landon put forth in 1977. What has existed in their wake, however, is an ongoing suggestion that more is necessary: that Haydn’s Masses must be considered in terms of their political and socio-cultural contexts.

In his 1990 study of the role of the Enlightenment in Haydn’s symphonies, David

P. Schroeder tantalizingly suggested that “it could be argued that Haydn’s crowning achievements in relation to the Enlightenment were the masses and oratorios written after he had ceased to write symphonies.”110 In 2009, scholarship had still not analyzed the

Masses in cultural context, yet Papanikolaou observed that

Haydn’s late masses are as much a product of the Enlightenment as of the emerging Romantic movement, and it is pertinent to examine this repertory in its wider context as a reflection of, and at the same time a reaction to, the various ideologies of the time, ranging from strictly religious to political.111

109 Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works: Volume 4 features readings and analysis of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis on p. 162-180 and 427-444, respectively. 110 Schroeder, Haydn and the Enlightenment, 5. 111 Papanikolaou, “Between Tradition and Innovation,” 16.

36 A full analysis of the six late Masses, and their musical realizations of the worldly and cultural, has long been a need in Haydn scholarship – one that is particularly salient when it comes to Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis, which have often been implicitly suggested as the most worldly of Haydn’s Masses. Landon, for example, suggests that Haydn’s “political convictions” arise in Missa in tempore belli, but are only fully apparent in Missa in angustiis.112 More recently, McGrann observes that among

Haydn’s many Masses with Marian titles, these two titles stand out for their “bellicose character.”113 Yet war, troubled times, and conflicts are not only about fighting. They are also about the absence of peace. As such, my analysis shall focus upon the Agnus Dei movements of each Mass, and their emphasis upon peace, in hopes of beginning to close a long-lasting gap of the literature.

An examination that fully synthesizes matters of genre and form, emotive elements of the music, and socio-cultural context in considering what the music might be communicating, as this thesis seeks to achieve, has yet to appear in scholarship of these two Masses. However, a valuable precedent can be found in Beethoven literature.

“Beethoven’s Mass in C and the Search for Inner Peace,” by Michelle Fillion, considers how Beethoven creates emotive meaning through music, which Fillion demonstrates as being musically indebted to Haydn’s, and which existed in a similar socio-cultural climate.114 She argues that Beethoven’s mass incorporates “apparent striving for devotional contemplation or Andacht,” a state achieved through “harmonic strategies that promote stasis” which ultimately suggests that “in troubled times contemplation can…be

112 Landon, Chronicle and Works, Vol. 4, 176. 113 McGrann, “Of Saints, Name Days, and Turks,” 200. 114 Michelle Fillion, “Beethoven’s Mass in C and the Search for Inner Peace,” Beethoven Forum 7 (1999): 1-15.

37 a heroic pursuit.”115 Fillion’s paper demonstrates a search for cultural meaning which is firmly grounded in Beethoven’s music itself. It is with a similar focus on musical detail, as well as the sense of the socio-cultural that Clark’s ideas of The Creation and the

Enlightenment have demonstrated, that I should like to ground my own analysis.

115 Ibid., 1, 4, and 15.

38 Chapter Four Setting the Stage: The Agnus Dei in Liturgical and Musical Context

One might rightfully wonder, at this point, why the Agnus Dei movements of

Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis specifically cry out for further scholarly attention. As discussed in Chapter One, the titles of the two Masses reflect the war-like and turbulent, fearful nature of their times, and those titles, in fact, formed this study’s point of departure. Missa in tempore belli speaks for itself. Missa in angustiis, however, has a less clear meaning, the essence of which is best translated by David Wyn Jones, who suggests the English translation of “in straitened times” or “in difficult circumstances.”116 These titles are not only linked by McGrann’s above-cited ‘bellicose character.’ They are also joined together because, of all fourteen of Haydn’s Masses, they are the only two with composer-given names that directly indicate an emotive state. The titles of the Masses indicate a lack of peace, while their Agnus Dei movements plead for it. As such, the Agnus Dei seems a natural place to search for musical meaning, for what

Haydn does and does not communicate in his music. In addition to being the last sung section of the Mass, and consequently its musical finale, the Agnus Dei is perhaps also the most personal of sung prayers, with a text that directly asks the Lamb of God to grant the petitioners mercy and peace.117 In a place and time as turbulent as Austria in the late

1790s, it is not challenging to imagine what such a plea would have meant to Haydn and his listeners alike.

116 Jones, The Life of Haydn, 193. 117 “Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis…Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, dona nobis pacem.” “Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, have mercy on us…Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, grant us peace.”

39 The Agnus Dei, moreover, is also personal on a more spiritual level. It is sung after the Benedictus, during which a priest elevates the bread and wine about to be served in the Eucharist and they become, through transubstantiation, the body and blood of

Christ. Therein is a central element of Catholic belief and spirituality: Christ Himself is present in the wine and bread. As such, the Agnus Dei, with its pleas for peace and mercy, directly addresses Christ, the now fully present Lamb of God, before He is subsequently received through the Eucharist. As a devout and lifelong Catholic, Haydn would have been aware of this significant liturgical and spiritual meaning–indeed, there is no reason not to think that he believed it himself.

Though the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have removed Haydn’s Masses from the church to the concert hall, it is vital to understand that Missa in tempore belli and

Missa in angustiis were meant to be used as functional church music: both were composed for a particular celebration of the mass. Missa in tempore belli, written in the summer of 1796, was first performed in Vienna at the ordination mass of Joseph Franz von Hoffman, and was first performed at in September of 1797.118 Missa in angustiis, on the other hand, was written for Princess Maria’s Name Day celebration, which occurred on 9 September 1798, jointly occurring with the Feast of the Most Holy

Name of Mary, which celebrated, as we know, Austria’s and Poland’s victory over the

Turks. This distant, seventeenth-century victory is what David Wyn Jones suggests

Haydn responds to in the music of Missa in angustiis.119 French expansionism, Jones explains, was no longer directly threatening Austria, as the Peace of Campo Formio

118 Jones, The Life of Haydn, 179; Webster and Feder, “Joseph Haydn,” Grove Music Online. Jones also notes on p. 179 that in 1797, Princess Maria’s Name Day was celebrated with a mass by Fuchs, and not Haydn. 119 Jones, The Life of Haydn, 194.

40 agreement with France was signed in 1797.120 Though the Napoleonic campaign against

Austria would resume in 1799 – and would continue until after the end of Haydn’s life – in 1798, the nation lived in the echoes rather than the reality of warfare. What, then, are these ‘difficult circumstances’ Haydn suggests are present?

Haydn did not complete Missa in angustiis until 31 August 1798, so although the

Mass was intended for the Princess’ Name Day, it was not completed in time for performance, and was instead premiered on 23 September at Martinskirche, Eisenstadt.121

It may well be, as is oft speculated, that Haydn’s title refers to his hasty composition of the Mass.122 Another interpretation, however, is equally likely, and is supported by the music. In the Age of the Enlightenment, Napoleon’s militaristic threats were not the only difficult circumstances. Ideas of how to live and be in the world were also at war – and

Haydn, an Anglophile, a musical proponent of the Enlightenment, and yet also a devoted

Catholic (see Chapter Two of this thesis) – would have been acutely aware of this. It is this war over ideas rather than borders that, I would suggest, permeates the spirit of Missa in angustiis and its plea for peace.

Church music was not free from the varied and warring ideas of the Age of the

Enlightenment, and nor was it immune from the period’s remarkable pace of change. The

Josephinian Reforms (1780-1790) had a significant impact on church music, with considerable restrictions and limitations coming into play. Though the reforms, particularly in relation to music, were ignored after the end of Joseph II’s rule, and were

120 Ibid., 193. 121 Ibid., 194. 122 For two discussions of the possibility of Missa in angustiis as referring to short compositional circumstances, see Ibid., 193, and Landon, Chronicle and Works Vol. 4, 431.

41 overturned altogether in 1850, their effects have been long lasting.123 Contrary to popular scholarly opinion, the Reforms did not ban the use of instruments in the mass altogether, but their use was limited, and the focus of music for the mass was supposed to be upon communally sung German-language hymns.124 Homophony as well as “simpler, more chordal settings of the liturgy” stood at the heart of the Josephinian musical ideal.125 This more colloquial music replaced the elaborate tradition of the Baroque mass, which often focused on musical beauty over easily understood text. It is telling that Haydn wrote little sacred music in a period with such strict limitations. While it can not be definitively said that Haydn ceased composition of mass settings in response to those limitations upon music, it is telling that his Masses break into two time periods: 1750-1782, and 1796-

1802. After 1782, when the Josephinian Reforms were at their height, Haydn composed no Mass music, not returning to the genre until 1796, when the reforms were no longer in effect for music. In the interim Haydn increased his fame and honed his craft in other genres, vocal and instrumental alike, where his creativity and musical genius would not be restricted. When he returned to writing Masses, he brought with him all of that refined and expanded knowledge from other genres, not to mention his increased knowledge of

English culture and society. The result, I would suggest, is an innovative form of church music, reflective of Haydn’s changing world.

The musical public seems to have responded with enthusiasm. Friedrich

Rochlitz’s 1803 review of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis demonstrates the

123 Walter Pass, “Josephinism and the Josephinian Reforms Concerning Haydn,” in Haydn Studies: Proceedings of the International Haydn Conference, Washington, D.C., 1975, edited by Jens Peter Larson, Howard Serwer, and James Webster (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1981), 171. 124 Reinhard G. Pauly, “The Reforms of Church music under Joseph II,” in The Musical Quarterly 43, No. 3 (1957). See p. 378 for discussion of Joseph II’s supposed ban of instrumental music, and p. 374-375 for Pauly’s discussion of the German hymn. 125 Mark Evan Bonds, A History of Music in Western Culture, Third Edition (Upper Saddle River: Prentice Hall, 2010), 352.

42 influence and significance of Haydn’s Masses within 1790s Vienna, a city steeped in church music:

It often happens to those who have lived for a time in Catholic countries, and heard a great deal of church music…that they, long trained in the taste of music, gradually lose their interest in a genre which is usually so mediocre and witless. Only then, when a famous man undertakes anew to compose to these words – set to music so many, countless times – does one approach with curiosity and expectation….Haydn…the inexhaustible, has written masses…did he, who has given us masterpieces in so many different musical genres, provide us with models also in the so-called church style?126

Rochlitz certainly seems to think so, suggesting his “supposition” of Haydn’s genius within genre “may be called a certainty.” Missa in tempore belli, with its “gentle, more inward-looking” nature “speaks more to the heart than [Missa in angustiis], which is in a more lofty and fiery style.”127 Specifically, the Agnus Dei movements are singled out by

Rochlitz for their demonstration of compositional ability. In the case of Missa in tempore belli, the Agnus Dei manages to “make commonplace musical thoughts very interesting” while balancing a proper sense of Andacht, spiritual stillness and devotion.128 Rochlitz says less about the Agnus Dei/Dona nobis pacem movement of Missa in angustiis, only noting its fugal properties and harmonic prowess. He does, however, repeatedly note the

“fiery” style of the Mass as a whole.129 Taken together the Masses seem to have formed, to their contemporary audience, a balance between spiritual stillness and musical innovation that made Haydn stand out in the sacred genre. How, one must wonder, does

Haydn create that effect? How does his innovation within genre, his text-setting, and his musical interpretation of textual meaning come together to transcend standard ‘mediocre’ and ‘witless’ mass settings?

126 Friedrich Rochlitz, Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, 5 October, 1803, as quoted in and translated by H.C. Robbins Landon, Chronicle and Works Vol. 4, 177-178. 127 Ibid., 178. 128 Ibid, 180. 129 Ibid., p. 444 for discussion of the Agnus Dei movement, and p. 178 and 443 for repeated mention of Missa in angustiis as fiery.

43 Church music in the 1790s was in a place of transition, since the Josephinian

Reforms were at an end. At the same time, music on the whole was changing as secular genres paved the road to the Romantic Era. Throughout this time of musical change, however, sacred music at large remained quite conservative: basso continuo as well as highly structured counterpoint, particularly stile antico, remained staples of sacred music long after secular music deemed them obsolete.130 At the same time, secular music conventions were becoming common in church music. Indeed, Mark Evan Bonds has noted that “in their orchestration, melodic style, and demand for vocal virtuosity, the sacred works of Haydn, Mozart, and others are indeed sometimes hard to distinguish from their secular theatrical works.”131 This is a truism, and yet both these Masses fuse those secular elements with the conservative tradition of sacred music: basso continuo fills both scores, and fugal counterpoint, as we shall see in Chapter Five, is central to the Dona nobis pacem section of Missa in angustiis. Both Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis fit characteristics of the Missa solemnis or “Missa longa.”132 More importantly, both fit the criteria of the concerted mass, a mass which was composed for orchestra, chorus, and soloists.133 This musical synthesis is the very thing the Josephinian Reforms disenabled: soloists would have been discouraged – when the Reforms were at their height, likely banned – and instrumental music restricted and limited.

These Masses form a musical meeting ground, for they fuse elements of pre-

Josephinian sacred music, yet the opening of Missa in tempore belli’s Agnus Dei features choral tutti sections that the Reforms would not have resisted. Joined to this mixture of

130 Mark Evan Bonds, A History of Music in Western Culture, 352. 131 Ibid., 352. 132 Bruce C. Mac Intyre, The Viennese Concerted Mass of the Early Classic Period (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1986), 6. 133 Ibid, 9.

44 sacred elements is a similarity to secular theatrical music, not to mention the oft-cited symphonic aspects of Haydn’s late Masses. Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis strike an innovative musical balance among tradition and innovation, between the sacred and the secular. The Agnus Dei movements in particular synthesize and reconcile seemingly disparate musical genres – and therein, in a call for peace, reconcile so much more.

45 Chapter Five Wars of Borders and Thoughts: Peace and Reconciliation in the Agnus Dei Sections of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis

Synthesis of Musical Genre in the Agnus Dei Movements

Both of Haydn’s Agnus Dei movements are characterized by a synthesis of varying musical styles. The symphonic elements and frequent rondo forms of Haydn’s

Masses have been well-discussed in the scholarly literature. Fillion, for example, notes that “behind Haydn’s affective handling of the individual word, one always hears [in the

Masses] the goal-directed sonata principle.”134 This is true in the case of both Agnus Dei movements, which feature elements of the symphonic form and rondo-like characteristics.

In a similarly secular realm, as has been noted, Missa in angustiis features vocal solos that would not be out of place in an Italian opera, reinforced by florid violin lines that suggest a secular rather than sacred audience. The element of operatic soprano singing is echoed in the Kyrie of Missa in tempore belli, which features a virtuosic soprano solo. This observation supports a wider claim of Haydn’s late Masses on the whole as linked: the

Agnus Dei of Missa in angustiis finishes what the Kyrie of Missa in tempore belli began: a theatrical, operatic plea for mercy, which comes together to suggest that mercy, far from being a matter in some distant heaven, is also needed on earth.

In addition to having elements of the symphonic and operatic, the movements feature elements of the sublime, and therein, still remain in the sacred realm. James

Webster has already pointed out contrasting elements of the Agnus Dei movements of

134 Fillion, “Beethoven’s Mass in C,” 3.

46 Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis as fitting into the musical sublime.135 Yet the “Adagio” of Missa in tempore belli, in its desperate plea for God’s mercy, also holds elements of contrast that imply horror, in the sublime sense, from mm. 13-25 (see Musical

Example 1, p. 48). The greatness of God’s mercy is beyond human comprehension, and what cannot be known is feared. In this movement, I would suggest, we see the beginnings of a musical sublime that Haydn would completely realize in The Creation.

Traditions of the mass, of course, also permeate Haydn’s music. Born into a

Catholic family, raised as a choirboy, employed as a Kapellmeister, Haydn knew his

Baroque mass tradition well, and though Haydn’s music demonstrates a secular impulse, so too does it demonstrate a conservative touch. Though neither of the Agnus Dei movements features the stile antico, the fugal counterpoint of the Missa in angustiis

“vivace” deeply echoes the Baroque tradition. This would echo into the Early Classic period, as Bruce Mac Intyre has noted: fugues were a common ending of mass music.136

But what Haydn ultimately holds to in the Agnus Dei is the sense of the movement as finale, a sentiment which was most predominant during his youth as a chorister. Mac

Intyre explains

In general…composers treat the ‘Dona nobis pacem’ almost as an operatic finale and use the full ensemble (brass and timpani included) to reflect the triumph and majesty of God whose eternal presence is being celebrated by the communicants partaking of the Eucharistic meal.137

135 Webster, “Haydn’s Late Vocal Music” See p. 64-66 for discussion of contrast as sublime, and Table 2 (p. 67-68) for the listing of Haydn’s Masses. 136 Mac Intyre, Viennese Concerted Mass, 518. 137 Ibid., 564.

47 Musical Example 1, mm. 13-25 of “Adagio,” Missa in tempore belli Agnus Dei

48 Haydn’s Agnus Dei movements, full of Baroque elements and Early Classic conventions, are far from irreverent. They are far from the “uncomfortable compromises” that Rosen suggests are the underlying character of Haydn’s masses.138 Rather, they amalgamate a lifetime of musical activity and composition inside and outside of the church. One could suggest that the late sacred music, the Masses, but especially the

Agnus Dei sections here studied form Haydn’s ‘musical offering’ to God: at the height of fame, and at the height of talent, Haydn poured all he knew and all he had into innovation of the sacred genre, and therein assisted in shifting it, one might argue, forever. James

Webster once wrote that “we could do far worse than to think of the entire great flowering of music between 1780 and 1815 as the age of Haydn’s sublime.”139 We could similarly do worse than to think of that period of sacred music as characterized by

Haydn’s sacred synthesizing.

Haydn was not alone in the blurring of sacred and secular musical boundaries in late eighteenth century Viennese church music: Mozart’s Masses, as well as his Requiem, display considerable operatic and theatrical vocal writing, and much other church music was being written in a similar spirit. Haydn’s blurring of genre is worthy of special mention, however. Unlike Mozart, Haydn’s childhood was steeped in the Baroque sacred tradition, which the older composer reconciled and joined to the new forms of church music that were becoming common at the end of his life. This action speaks greatly to

Haydn’s open-mindedness towards musical synthesis, but does not, on its own, create cultural synthesis. It is rather how and when Haydn blurs genre and stylistic conventions,

138 Rosen, The Classical Style, 369 139 Webster, “The Creation,” 97.

49 and when and how he employs choir and soloist, that creates an argument for musical meaning and cultural message.

Missa in tempore belli and Peace from Warfare

Missa in tempore belli, by title alone, is clearly indicative of a lack of peace from warfare. As such, it is appropriate that Haydn would “carefully [place] the whole weight of the last part of the Mass on the Agnus Dei.”140 The anecdote which implies the extent of that weight is well-known. According to his biographer Griesinger, Haydn wrote the

Agnus Dei of his Missa in tempore belli “as though one heard the enemy coming already in the distance.”141 Because the quote is second-hand, we cannot know definitively if this evocation was in fact Haydn’s musical intention, and yet the music of the Agnus Dei fully supports such a reading. The “Adagio” opening section begins in F major, with a piano- dynamic choral tutti invoking the Lamb of God to take away the sins of the world (mm. 1-

9). The movement’s infamous timpani solo (mm. 10-12) separates the acknowledgement of the removal of sin from the subsequent plea for mercy, which builds, in mm. 13-18 from a piano to forte dynamic, rising in desperation before the full text is repeated in an

“anguished” c minor.142

The heavy use of timpani in the “Adagio” section is its claim to fame (not surprising, considering the Mass’ programmatic nickname of Paukenmesse or “kettle- drum mass”). Timpani use appears from mm. 10-19 as well as mm. 36-39, and “[disturbs] the mood.”143 The unsettled, restless nature of the timpani might suggest the French army,

140 Landon, Chronicle and Works Vol. 4, 174. 141 Gotwals, Haydn, translation of G.A. Griesinger, Biographische Notizen, 62. 142 Landon and Jones, Haydn: His Life and Music, 340. 143 Ibid., 340.

50 or human fear.144 Tolley, more intriguingly, has suggested that the timpani creates “the evocative imitation of gunfire.”145 Scholarship has much to say about the timpani, and yet, for all intents and purposes, its function is subordinate. It sets the stage of the enemy approaching. It is the drums of war, the gunfire, the rapidly beating heart: it is a musical collage of warfare.

It is the choir, however, that is central to the “Adagio.” They are a united voice throughout his section, singing a homophonic setting of a plea for mercy (in stark contrast to the “Adagio” opening of the Missa in angustiis Agnus Dei). As timpani and trumpets create the sound of warfare, joined with an increasingly desperate vocalized plea for mercy, it is easy to imagine a group of people – perhaps an entire nation – united against and fighting a common enemy.

The rapid shift of mood in the “Allegro con spirito” section, however, is the movement’s ultimate commentary on peace (see Musical Example 2 on p. 52-53, which highlights the end and beginning of the two sections). The section opens with a two- measure solo fanfare for woodwinds, trumpet, and timpani (mm. 40-41) which continues into m. 45, but is joined by the chorus’ first ‘Dona nobis pacem’ starting in m. 42. It is telling that this shift, replete with fanfare on traditional military instruments, occurs as the

Agnus Dei petition shifts from mercy to peace. What, then, is the purpose of Haydn’s

“military excursion,” to use Fillion’s choice phrase?146 The effect does, as Landon notes,

144 Landon, Chronicle and Works Vol. 4, 175. Here, Landon is summarizing and expanding upon ideas that H.E. Jacob presents in Joseph Haydn: His Art, Times, and Glory (New York: Rinehart and Company, 1950), 244. 145 Tolley, Thomas, Painting the Cannon’s Roar, 260. 146 Fillion, “Beethoven’s Mass in C,” 15.

51 “almost…[change] the words from ‘Grant us peace’ to ‘We demand peace.’”147 There is little doubt that peace will be granted, and is inevitably imminent.

Musical Example 2, mm. 32-56 of “Adagio” and “Allegro con spirito” sections of Missa in tempore belli Agnus Dei

147 Landon, Chronicle and Works Vol. 4, 175.

52

53 That said, Landon’s secondary claim that the fanfares show “Haydn’s firm belief in the victory of the Allies over the atheist, Anti-Christ Napoleon,” suggests a level of speculation with which I am uncomfortable.148 Rather, what Haydn accomplishes through militaristic instrumentation during the shift of invocation from mercy to peace is a sense that peace is worth fighting for: peace itself the greatest victory.

Missa in angustiis and Metaphysical Peace

Wars are not only fought over matters of political clout and national borders.

Ideas, too, can be the subject of wars fought among individuals and, indeed, within one’s own soul. While that aspect is dormant, though not entirely absent – in Missa in tempore belli, it is entirely the subject of the Agnus Dei that came next. The “Adagio” of Missa in angustiis, in G major, stands in stark contrast to the chorally-declaimed movement in

Missa in tempore belli. Indeed, the chorus does not begin to sing until the first setting of the words ‘dona nobis pacem’ in the “Vivace” section. As such, the entire “Adagio” section is sung by soloists, with extensive alto and soprano solos (mm. 10-19 and mm.

18-31, respectively) that would not be out of place in an aria of the Italian operatic tradition. This theatrical singing has an ‘overture’ of nine measures, with winds, organ, and strings which feature a busy and semi-virtuosic first violin line. The juxtaposition of theatre and church, secular music and sacred text, is entirely obvious – and is used to remarkable effect. The Agnus Dei movement, after all, breaks down into two parts: the

‘Agnus Dei,’ which holds the plea for mercy and, usually, the first part of the plea for peace (“Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi”) before the plea for peace moves into the second part, the ‘dona nobis pacem.’ It is telling that in this movement, Haydn leaves the acknowledgement of the Lamb of God, the existence of sin, and a cry for mercy in the

148 Ibid., 175.

54 hands of soloists: these are matters of dogma and doctrine. They are elements of individual faith and belief – elements that, in the Age of the Enlightenment, were no longer necessarily shared by all believers. How telling that Haydn sets them, in their entirety, for individual soloists: mercy, and how one goes about obtaining it – what one believes – is a personal pursuit, not something that need be unified and in accord.

After the alto and soprano soloists each sing one of the two pleas for mercy, all four soloists form a quartet to invoke the first plea for peace; their voices are merging, coming together as the prayer moves from matters of doctrine to matters of tranquility.

Peace is musically and theologically inclusive, and it is where the choir at last joins the movement, in the shift to the “Vivace” dona nobis, which pleads for peace in fugal imitative counterpoint (see Musical Example 3 on p. 56-57 for the shift from soloist to quartet to choir). After a section of extended imitative text-setting from mm 42-99, Haydn brings all four voices to unified declamation of the text in m. 100, which continues until m. 118, the movement’s end.

Landon, an extensive commentator upon Haydn’s six late Masses, has little to say about the Agnus Dei of Missa in angustiis. The little he does have to say stresses the movement’s secular character; the soprano solo is “a kind of recitative,” and the “Adagio” serves as “a slow introduction to the powerful fugue” rather than having its own merits.149

Landon also makes note of a break in the string patterns (see mm. 57-61 for one example) which “sounds wildly secular even in a secular age like ours.”150 However, this time, there is no common enemy, Anti-Christ or otherwise. There is simply a traditional prayer, sung to less-than-traditional music, and sung in such a way as to allow for a full spectrum

149 Ibid., 442. 150 Ibid, 443

55 of belief. The only thing communally held is a peace which occurs through imitation, and through tolerance.

Musical Example 3, mm. 28-49 of “Adagio” and “Vivace” sections of Missa in angustiis Agnus Dei.

56

James Van Horne Melton’s research suggests a possible answer of what to make of this shift in sound. In 2008, he observed that Haydn’s time in the Greiner salon, with its focus on conversation of all participants, may have aural echoes in the composer’s string

57 quartets.151 I would like to expand his hypothesis, and apply it to this movement of

Haydn’s Mass. Paramount to Haydn’s chamber music, Melton argues, are their

“conversational qualities.”152 Beyond the obvious element of the Agnus Dei having a text that is sung by vocalists, the sense of a deep conversation is still present. Ultimately, as we have seen, the choir responds to the soloist, joining the discussion, creating peace through conversation and agreement. The subject of the ‘salon’ is faith itself. The soloists slowly overlap and join each other in discussing the dogmatic and therefore individual aspect of the conversation. The full vocal forces, however, join the call for peace: it is the common goal of a topical discussion that reconciles multiple perspectives. Peace, it would seem, is the end result of an acceptance of plurality and diverse opinion.

How Haydn uses musical genre and individual versus collective singing ultimately allows his music to point past itself, into the realm of extra-musical ideas and communication. Taken together, the Agnus Dei movements of Missa in tempore belli and

Missa in angustiis show a passionate plea for peace of nations and minds in a culture and age that was characterized by war and metaphysical turbulence. Therein, they reflect a composer who was deeply aware of his times, and who used music to communicate a message that transcended them.

151 Melton, “School, Stage, Salon,” 106-107. 152 Ibid., 108.

58 Conclusion

The search for meaning in Haydn’s sacred music is constantly evolving and growing in size and scope. This thesis has strived to demonstrate how Haydn’s Agnus

Dei movements in two Masses might have called, in their turbulent times, for physical and metaphysical peace, suggesting a linked or paired understanding in order to highlight their bipartite call for peace. This thesis, however, is only a beginning. There is little reason not to think that similar relationships might exist among all six of the Agnus Dei movements in the late Masses, or, indeed, among the six late Masses as a whole. The

1790s were a time of profound change for Haydn, for music, for Catholicism, and for culture. Much remains to be learned of how Haydn’s sacred music reacted with and responded to those changes.

Indeed, Haydn’s sacred works are compositions scholarship ignores at its own expense, for to ignore Haydn’s sacred output is to ignore a vital part of Haydn himself. A comment from Martin Chusid sums up the prevailing attitude quite well: “Just as Verdi’s fine Requiem Mass reflects that composer’s lifetime preoccupation with opera, so

Haydn’s late masses show the unmistakable imprint of a masterful symphonist.”153 And yet Haydn’s lifetime preoccupation was not the symphony. Rather, it was sacred music that received the lion’s share of Haydn’s lifetime of compositional and musical activity.

As a Catholic from earliest childhood, sacred music would have been among Haydn’s earliest musical memories, which would only be all the more reinforced by a youth spent as a choirboy at Saint Stephen’s. Masses and sacred works as well as employment as a

Kapellmeister filled his time as a freelance composer and much of his time in the

Esterházy employ. Furthermore, in 1796, after a thirteen-year break from sacred music

153 Martin Chusid, “Some Observations on Liturgy,” 131.

59 over which time Haydn further refined his craft across the board and established a status as Europe’s most famed living composer, he ceased to write symphonies, and instead returned to sacred music, bringing a lifetime of compositional knowledge with him.

Haydn’s choice to focus on sacred music at the height of his fame, and its presence among his first and last compositions, is evidence enough of his lifetime preoccupation with it. Scholarship should characterize and take note of the sacred works accordingly.

That is not to say that sacred music scholarship should ignore the manifold other genres Haydn was active in: that, too, would be an injustice to Haydn’s musical legacy, for elements of his symphonies, chamber music, and operas – the secular music of his age

– are wholly entrenched in his Masses. Or, in the words of Papanikolaou,

as the margins between sacred and secular, the church and the concert hall began to blur, Haydn’s late masses literally and metaphorically transcended musical boundaries, as works that belonged equally to both.154

What is necessary to emphasize, in considering Haydn’s blurring of the secular and the sacred, is his synthesis of them. Rather than searching for secular elements within the sacred, or sacred elements within secular, we must consider how Haydn’s music allows them to co-exist, reconciled unto each other. The extra-musical echoes, the implications of Haydn’s musical synthesizing, are manifold.

Continual study, probing, and readings of Haydn’s sacred music is necessary precisely because of their lasting relevancy, the transcendence – in every sense of the word – that they obtain through their willingness to speculate on matters of this world and the next. James Dack has wisely observed that:

Relieved of time-bound questions of function and appropriateness, [the sacred works] reveal their continuing validity as bearers of whatever meanings we find in them, as musical creations, particular realizations of sacred texts, or conveyors of spiritual or

154 Papanikolaou, “Between Tradition and Innovation,” 16.

60 philosophical import. Readings are not mutually exclusive, and all belong to the larger critical inquiry into what Haydn’s music might mean for us today.155

As the Agnus Dei movements of Missa in tempore belli and Missa in angustiis belong to both sacred and secular musical worlds, so too do they belong to those two cultural worlds: they sing of the Kingdom of Heaven with music firmly entrenched in the cultural realities of the world as it was. They are deeply spiritual, yet deeply characterized by the ideals of Enlightened tolerance. In an age of wars over borders and ideas, they cry for peace on all levels: musical, physical, spiritual, cultural. Taken together, they demonstrate that only through acceptance and respect for diversity is peace, of any kind, truly possible. Haydn’s ultimate achievement is to have musically realized a truism that resounded in his time, yet remains just as potent in our own.

155 James Dack, “Sacred Music,” in The Cambridge Companion to Haydn, edited by Caryl Clark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 149.

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