COPYRIGHT and CITATION CONSIDERATIONS for THIS THESIS/ DISSERTATION O Attribution — You Must Give Appropriate Credit, Provide

Home , Bunting (textile)

o Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use.

o NonCommercial — You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

o ShareAlike — If you remix, transform, or build upon the material, you must distribute your contributions under the same license as the original.

How to cite this thesis

Surname, Initial(s). (2012). Title of the thesis or dissertation (Doctoral Thesis / Master’s Dissertation). Johannesburg: University of Johannesburg. Available from: http://hdl.handle.net/102000/0002 (Accessed: 22 August 2017).

Yoruba Adire signs as a method of communication in contemporary art practice in diaspora Africa by

Samuel Idowu Oyebode: 201459765

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

Magister Technologiae: Fine Art

in the Department of Visual Art

Faculty of Art, Design and Architecture

University of Johannesburg

Supervisor: Professor Anitra Nettleton

Co-Supervisor: Ms Shonisani Netshia

November 2019

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this dissertation, which I herewith submit for the research qualification

MAGISTER TECHNOLOGIAE: FINE ART to the University of Johannesburg, is, apart from the recognised assistance, my own work and has not previously been submitted by me to another institution to obtain a research diploma or degree.

…………………………………….. Samuel Oyebode

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to Professor Anitra Nettleton and Ms Shonisani Netshia for having supervised and mentored me in the writing of this dissertation and the completion of the practical component of this degree. I learnt a great deal through both Nettleton’s and Netshia’s tutelage and thank them for their constructive, critical and useful feedback, and their encouragement.

I acknowledge the help received from Professor Kim Berman. She offered me encouragement and support from the initial research proposal classes associated with this degree, right up until its completion. In this vein, I also acknowledge and appreciate the valuable critical feedback I received from other members of staff at the University of Johannesburg’s Visual Art Department, including Gordon Froud and David Paton. I am grateful for the time which critical readers such as Matthew Ellwood spent on my work, from the conceptualisation of the research idea to its final manifestation.

I appreciate the Postgraduate Research Centre at University of Johannesburg, through which I met Patrick Healy who gave my research idea guidance and criticism. During the course of this degree, I was privileged to have been able to work in the Johannesburg studio of Cloudia Katarina Hartwig.

I further wish to acknowledge the love and support of Mr and Mrs Paul Lateef, who provided me with accommodation, food and encouragement throughout my study. I extend special thanks to my parents, Mr and Mrs Oyebode for their financial and emotional support as well as their prayers during the years of my studies. I also acknowledge Dr Ojo Agunbiade, Pastor Ike Humphrey, Glory Agboola and Ayo Ojedokun for their support, and I extend a million thanks to my friends and siblings.

ABSTRACT

Conceptually, this research synthesises the Yoruba iwa l ewa1 philosophical concept with that of ubuntu2, a moral philosophy in South African society. I argue in this dissertation that iwa l ewa and ubuntu are traditional knowledge systems that buttress the objectives of African humanist philosophy. Furthermore, I argue that an African humanism and communalism emphasises human relationships and communication in African society. This has been a challenge for people born in South Africa dealing with migrants, born elsewhere in Africa, living in the country. I argue that the recurrent incidents of xenophobic violence in urban South Africa, betray the objectives of African humanist philosophy. This study focuses on visual art as a tool to rebuild and reconstruct a communalist spirit in African humanist philosophy in South African society and other African countries. I examine the work of Ghanaian sculptor El Anatsui (b. 1944) and Nigerian-born painter Moyosore Okediji (b. 1956) as examples of contemporary African artists who draw on traditional materials and well as their personal philosophies and the societies in which they were born, and live today. Finally, I analyse my own art practice which consists of four series. My body of work supports the humanism philosophy and fight against xenophobic violence in South African society.

Keywords: iwa l ewa, ajobi, ajobe, ubuntu, humanism and xenophobia.

1 iwa l ewa is a Yoruba philosophical word that reflects on the inherent qualities that determine good or bad characters in historical Yoruba society. The word “Iwa” and “iwa” have different contexts in this dissertation. Iwa with capital letter ‘I’ is a goddess and iwa with small letter ‘i’ means character. In this dissertation, I explore iwa with a small letter ‘i’ and I make references to Iwa (goddess) where necessary in this study. In the nutshell, iwa I ewa is a Yoruba people word that I further separate into iwa – character, I – exist, and ewa – beauty. There are more details on iwa I ewa in chapter one and three. 2 Ubuntu is a moral philosophy that make emphases on mutual and communal concepts in Southern African society. However, occurences of xenophobia attacks on non-South African blacks living in South Africa had condmended ubuntu philosophy in post-aparthied South African society.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS…………………………………………………… ii ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………... iii LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………... iv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background context 3

1.2 Aims and objectives of this study 5

1.3 Research methodology 6

1.4 Theoretical framework: Discussion of Yoruba and South African 6 humanist philosophies and xenophobic violence

1.5 Explanations of Yoruba philosophies, ajobi, ajobi, and ubuntu 7

1.6 Violence against migrant people in South African society 9

1.7 Exploring Yoruba traditional symbols and migrant violence in 14 South African society

1.8 Structure of the dissertation 15

CHAPTER TWO: AFRICAN ART – PRODUCTION: HOW CONTEMPORARY ARTISTS USE TRADITIONAL METHODOLOGIES TO DEPICT SOCIAL ISSUES 2.1 Introduction 17

2.2 El Anatsui 19

2.3 Moyo Okediji 34

CHAPTER THREE: AN EXPRESSION OF YORUBA TRADITIONAL SYMBOLS IN RESPONSE TO ASPECTS OF XENOPHOBIC VIOLENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA 3.1 Introduction 43

3.2 The concept of Yoruba traditions in this study 44

3.3 Techniques and processes in the body of work 48

3.4 First series: Index of symbols 53

3.5 Second series: Analysis of the concept iwa I ewa 63

3.6 Third series: Analysis of ubuntu in South African society 66

3.7 Fourth series: The current social problem in South Africa and the 68 iwa I ewa

CONCLUSION 72

SOURCES CONSULTED 73

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Page Figure 1.1 Halden Krog, Xenophobic attack on Ernesto Nhamuave, 11 2008 (Tromp 2015).

Figure 1.2 Samuel Oyebode, iwa, 2019. Wax resist on tie dyed 15 canvas, 40 × 30cm

Figure 2.1 Mashigo Kgomotso, Selected Adrinkra symbols, 2015. 21 Dimension unknown (Kgomotso 2015).

Figure 2.2 Photographer unknown, Nsibidi writing system, date 22 unknown, dimensions unknown (Spider 2013).

Figure 2.3 El Anatsui, Adinkra Sasa, 2003. Aluminium bottle tops, 23 copper wire and fabric. 487,7 x 548,6cm (Vogel 2006:1).

Figure 2.4 El Anatsui, God’s Omnipotence, 1974. Pyroengraving, 24 paint, and lacquer on found tray. 52 x 52cm (Vogel 2012:99).

Figure 2.5 El Anatsui, Conglomeration, 1973-75. Wood, paint and 25 lacquer, 42,5 x 41,5cm (Appiah 2010:93).

Figure 2.6 El Anatsui, Wisdom, 1974. Wood, paint, and lacquer, 40 × 26 39,5cm (Appiah 2010:94).

Figure 2.7 El Anatsui, Broken Pot I, 1979-80. Ceramic (manganese 28 body). 59cm (height) (Oguibe 1998:49).

Figure 2.8 El Anatsui, Broken Pot II, 1979. Ceramic. 30cm (height) 30 (Oguibe 1998:49).

Figure 2.9 El Anatsui, We Dey Patch Am, 1979. Ceramic, 43cm 31 (height) (Oguibe 1998:52).

Figure 2.10 Moyo Okediji, Female Figure: 2017. Terrachroma 36 (coloured earth) on wood, dimension unknown (Okediji 2017).

Figure 2.11 Moyo Okediji, Esu and Orere. 2006. Terracotta (coloured 37 earth) on wood, dimension unknown (Okediji 2017)

Figure 2.12 Moyo Okediji, Odu Ifa Signature, 2017 American soil on 39 canvas, 330 x 330cm (Okediji 2017).

Figure 2.13 Moyo Okediji, Fragments of the Shattered Gourd, 2008. 40 Terrachroma (coloured earth) on canvas, 270 x 350cm (Okediji 2018).

Figure 3.1 Yoruba, Nigeria, . Adire eleko, 1971. Cotton, indigo, 167 x 45 193cm (Picton 2000:107).

Figure 3.2 Two women dyers in Abeokuta, Nigeria, 2007 (Areo 46 2013:356).

Figure 3.3 Samuel Oyebode, Ori-Olokun, 2017. Dye, acrylic paint and 49 sand, 1500 x 100cm.

Figure 3.4 Samuel Oyebode, Untitled, 2017. Dye, acrylic paint and 50 sand, 3000 x 2800cm.

Figure 3.5 Tie-dye process, at University of Johannesburg visual art 51 studio, 2019.

Figure 3.6 Tie-dye process, at University of Johannesburg visual art 52 studio, 2019.

Figure 3.7 Samuel Oyebode, iwa, 2019. Wax resist on tie dyed 54 canvas, 40 × 30cm.

Figure 3.8 Samuel Oyebode, Iwa-pele, 2019. Wax resist on tie and 56 dye, 40 × 30cm.

Figure 3.9 Samuel Oyebode, Ifarable, dye and wax, 2019. Wax resist 57 on tie and dye, 40 × 30cm.

Figure 3.10 Samuel Oyebode, Oju-inu, 2019. Wax resist on tie and 58 dye, 40 × 30cm.

Figure 3.11 Samuel Oyebode, Imoju-moral, 2019. Wax resist on tie 59 and dye, 40 × 30cm.

Figure 3.12 Samuel Oyebode, Iluti, 2019. Wax resist on tie and dye, 40 60 × 30cm.

Figure 3.13 Samuel Oyebode, Tito, 2019. Wax resist on tie and dye, 62 40 × 30cm.

Figure 3.14 Samuel Oyebode, Aro-meta, 2019. Wax resist on tie and 64 dye, 1020 × 740cm.

Figure 3.15 Samuel Oyebode, Eji-ogbe, 2019. Wax resist on tie and 65 dye, 1020 × 740cm.

vii

Figure 3.16 Samuel Oyebode, Untitled, 2019. Tie and dye and 66 screenprint, 750 × 500cm.

Figure 3.17 Samuel Oyebode, Asiri (Hidden secret), 2019. Tie and 70 dye, screenprint, acrylic paint, dye pigment, and sand, 2400 x 2070cm.

viii

CHAPTER ONE: Introduction ‘Agba jo owo ni afin so aya’ – one finger cannot beat a chest, but combined fingers are effective (Yoruba proverb, my translation). I am an African, a Nigerian3 and a contemporary Yoruba artist currently studying and living in South African society.4 In 2013 and 2014, I and other migrants experienced xenophobic violence, by way of discrimination and unfair treatment in public transportation and public spaces. These experiences led me to explore the phenomenon of xenophobia in literature, in books such as Go home, or you die here (Hassim, Kupe and Worby, 2008). I believe that the expression of xenophobic values is quintessentially foreign to African principles. In this research, I draw on Yoruba traditional religion and iwa l ewa, a philosophy which argues that essential nature of human being is the expression of beauty. Following this line of thought in which the essential nature of human being is seen as being expressed through the creation of symbols, in this research, I relate Yoruba iwa l ewa to the South African concept of ubuntu, using visual symbols to express a response to xenophobic violence perpetrated against migrants in South African society.

Iwa l ewa is a noun that can be separated into iwa, which means ‘character’, I, which means ‘exist’, and ewa, which means ‘beauty’. Nigerian-American art historian Rowland Abiodun (2014:245-247) explains that iwa l ewa means that a person’s beauty is the expression of his or her character. Within this conceptualisation, beauty is judged based on character, and there are inherent qualities that determine good or bad characters in historical Yoruba society. Examples of inherent qualities that Yoruba researchers such as Abiodun have cited as constitutive of essential nature5 are Ifarabale (calmness) and Imoju mora (sensitivity). There is a Yoruba statement that says iwa l ewa omo niyan (a person’s beauty is an expression of his or her essential nature). Essential nature in Yoruba thinking subsumes the qualities necessary for human beings to live harmoniously in society (Abiodun 2014:258). This is expressed in the Yoruba saying obirin so iwa nu kori ile oko gbe (a woman that does not have

3 Nigeria as a country has three major ethnic groups, namely Yoruba, Hausa, and Igbo, and there are about 275 languages in Nigerian society. I was born in Ilesa, Osun state that is among the Yoruba ethnic group. 4 Psychoanalyst Astrid Berg (2012:1) says that South Africa is a multi-racial and multi-cultural country inhabited by diverse racial and religious groups. The country has nine official languages. On 8 July 2013, I arrived in South Africa with my family. 5 I explore seven essential nature qualities and I explain them in chapter three of this dissertation.

good character, cannot live harmoniously in her husband’s house).6 The Yoruba people make use of such statements to remind members of society that a good character creates unity and that the practice of creating unity should begin with the individual family and extend to the community so that people can live together harmoniously in society. Abiodun (2014:258) draws on these sections in the Yoruba literary corpus to “elaborate on the essence of positive functional attitudes and character in Yoruba society”:

Iwa, Iwa la n wa o, Iwa (character is what we are looking for) Ire gbogbo ta a ni (All the good things of life that a man has) Ta a ba ni’wa (if we lack character) Ire onire ni (they belong to someone else) Iwa, Iwa la a wa o, Iwa (character, character is what we are searching for, character) The challenge facing me in the use of these ideas is that traditional philosophies are fading away among contemporary Yoruba people and throughout Africa generally. This makes this dissertation relevant because it reminds people with Yoruba origins of, and educates non-Yoruba audiences in, the functions of iwa l ewa as a philosophical concept in the contemporary world. I argue that the concept of iwa l ewa advocates humanism and communal philosophy in African society. This dissertation fosters the use of traditional philosophy in contemporary South African society through visual art. The artworks accompanying this research seek to juxtapose Yoruba traditional philosophy with symbols and anti-xenophobic images/words.

I posit that visual art is an important and appropriate language to raise awareness of xenophobic violence in contemporary South African society. For this reason, in my painting/printmaking praxis, I explore the concept of iwa l ewa and I develop seven symbols which express the attributes that human beings need to live harmoniously and peacefully in society. These symbols function as an index so that my non-Yoruba audience can understand the meanings and purpose of the symbols. I screen print anti-xenophobic imagery and words on tie-dyed fabric in response to xenophobic violence. The xenophobic violence and principles in thought and deed are, I argue, clearly contrary to many of the moral and humanist belief systems of African societies.

6 This is my translation.

The focus of this study is principally the Nigerian and South African context. However, in some instances, and when necessary, I extend the scope to other countries.

1.1 Background context

Igi kan ko s’igbo – one tree cannot make a forest (Bascom 1991:376). I draw on Yoruba traditions and philosophies in my visual art, because I am a Yoruba contemporary artist. I was raised in Ilesa township, Osun State, that is located in South Western Nigeria. Yoruba culture is diverse and is bound together by a single language with different dialects and shared traditional practices.7 For instance, I come from a different region of Nigeria than contemporary Yoruba artist Moyo Okediji, but we both speak dialects of the same language. Okediji speaks the Oyo dialect; I speak the Ijesha dialect. However, we have a single story of origin from Ile-Ife, with a single traditional religion centring on a supreme god called Oduduwa.8 This is the reason why Yoruba people are called Omo Oduduwa, which means “children of Oduduwa” both within and outside of Yoruba society. Historically, Yoruba people practised ifa divination and worshipped other gods and goddesses, although many contemporary Yoruba people subscribe to either the Muslim or Christian faith.

American-born Nigerian scholar Henry John Drewal (in Drewal & Frankel 2009:70) argues that Yoruba artists are heirs to some of the oldest and finest artistic traditions in Africa, such as Nok art and Esie art. Drewal (2009:3) is of the opinion that the processes and techniques that traditional artists of the 14th century explored remain vital and influential today in Yoruba society. Enid Schildkrout, a veteran curator of African art (2009:3) argues that the traditional art of the Yoruba-speaking people, such as Ife, contains art forms and aesthetic values, which encourage the protection of culture and religious power. The school of arts known as the Lagos State Polytechnic

7 Groups in Yoruba society include Igbomina, Awori, Egba, Egbado, Ijebu, Ijesha, Ife, Ekiti, Akure, Efon, Owo, and Ondo (Eluyemi 2002:35), in which I belong to the Ijesha group. Religious elements of Yoruba culture can be found in West Africa, but the Yoruba diaspora extends to Brazil, Jamaica, Haiti, and Cuba (Okediji 1997:165). 8 The story is that Ile-Ife, a place, is the source of Yoruba culture and race (Lawal 2002:111). Yoruba believe that their spiritual realm and creation began at Ile-Ife through Obatala and Oduduwa, the two sons of Olodumare. Yoruba believe Obatala and Oduduwa were sent by Olodumare to create humans and nature at Ile-Ife (Eluyemi 2002:35). There are many clarifications to Obatala and Oduduwa’s impact in Yoruba religious. Drewal (2009:71) says Oduduwa represents the political figure in Yoruba society. Olodumare is called orisha nla and orisha oke (big god and god at the top). 3

advocates the use of traditional forms in art practice in contemporary Yoruba institutions.

After I obtained my BTech qualification in fine and applied art with a major in painting from Ladoke Akintola University, Ogbomoso, Oyo state in year 2011, I decided to further my study in South Africa. At Ladoke Akintola University, I was trained in western painting techniques evocative of the 19th century styles in the west, known as Romanticism and Realism. I enjoyed little freedom of expression with my use of colours and materials up until the final undergraduate year of my degree. My artistic practice began to change after I moved to South Africa and attended the University of Pretoria in 2014 for postgraduate purposes.9 In this research, I explored the use of traditional materials and colours, including the Dutch wax fabric known as Ankara cloth.10 I researched contemporary Nigerian artist Yinka Shonibare and his use of Ankara cloth to comment on colonisation and post-colonisation in Nigeria. The period of my honours research generated a dialogue between myself and contemporary artistic practice. I concluded that my exploration of colonisation, decolonisation and post-colonisation was merely retelling stories and that I was not contributing in any way to my society.11 This is the reason why, in this research, I explore cultural traditional symbols, philosophy and materials of Yoruba-speaking people as a tool to raise awareness of violence against migrants in South African society. To this end, I investigate how contemporary artists El Anatsui and Okediji explore traditional symbols and materials as well as social and political issues around issues in African society.

9 My research title for my honours degree was Culture and Politics: The Growth of Visual Art in Nigeria and South Africa. My abstract stated: “I aim to scrutinise the critical response and resistance to the political and cultural challenges of both countries South Africa and Nigeria, and the resultant art works. From a case-based approach, this study examines the stance of Yinka Shonibare and Brett Murray within the socio-political framework of their immediate environments” (Oyebode 2015:3). 10 My dissertation focused on the fact that this particular fabric relates to the slave trade in western imperial practices, which simultaneously engages the notion of African authenticity (Oyebode 2015:34). 11 For instance, decolonisation occurred whereby European countries relinquished control of formerly dependant territories, according them sovereign status. Independence was sometimes accompanied by narrow economic specialisation, and cultural and educational inferiority (Bullock, et al 1988:409- 410).

1.2 Aims and objectives of this study

Authors such as Barbara Nussbaum in her 2003 publication, Ubuntu: Reflections of a South African on our Common Humanity and Keyan Tomaselli in his 2016 publication Ubuntu and Intercultural Communication: Power, Inclusion and Exclusion have documented the dehumanisation of African migrants as a social reality in post- apartheid South Africa. At the centre of the discourse on building human dignity across individual and group interactions is the philosophy of ubuntu, an arguably unexplored area that contemporary African artists can leverage in making their contributions.12

In this regard, I pose the following two questions: Firstly, how might combinations of Yoruba cultural traditional philosophy on the nature of humanity and community and the South African ubuntu moral philosophy be of help in promoting an African culture of humanism that opposes the violence against migrants that is manifested in xenophobia? And secondly, how can I, in my art making, explore the adire patterning system,13 symbols of the Yoruba traditional philosophy, and anti-xenophobic images through paintings to expressly confront conflict between South Africans and migrants from elsewhere in Africa?

Yoruba people may recognise these symbols, whereas South Africans and people from countries other than Nigeria may see the symbols without understanding their meaning. Therefore, I have created an index of my symbols with a brief explanation of the meaning of each symbol, which viewers will use as a guide to unpack the metaphoric meaning hidden in my body of work. These metaphoric meanings, I hope, will enlighten and educate viewers about xenophobia. I hope to contribute to a project of building human dignity and unity in Africa through the depiction of xenophobic tensions, emotions and conflicts as anti-ubuntu.

12 I explain ubuntu and its relevance in contemporary South African society later in this dissertation. 13 The Adire patterning system is a style in which Yoruba women arrange symbols on fabric.

1.3 Research Methodology

My research was conducted using a qualitative approach, based on a literature review. For gathering information on Yoruba traditional philosophy and symbols, I studied the work of Yoruba researchers such as Roland Abiodun, as well as Henry Drewal, Philip Peek, John Pemberton and Bolaji Campbell. Abiodun (2014) explains the concept of iwa l ewa in a section of his book Yoruba Art and Language: Seeking the African in African Art. Drewal (2009) wrote about the concepts of ori inu (spiritual head), oju inu (inner spiritual eyes), and the concept of individuality in his book Dynasty and Divinity: Ife Art in Ancient Nigeria. Peek and Campbell contributed in 2016 to an exploration on classification and interpretation of Yoruba colours and creatures in a section of the publication Ifa Divination, Knowledge, Power and Performance. Pemberton (2000) explains the Yoruba spiritual interpretations of Orun – the other world, Ase – life force, Aye – the world of the living and Ori Inu – inner head and the concept of individuality in a section of the publication Insight and Artistry in African Divination. Furthermore, I draw on my personal experiences, as well as on work by Shireen Hassim, Tawana Kupe and Eric Worby on the discussion of xenophobia in South African society. Hassim, et al (2008) discuss incidents of xenophobic violence against migrants in South African townships such as Diepsloot in their book Go Home or Die Here. In addition, I have studied works by South African researchers including Keyan Tomaselli, Thaddeus Metz andBarbara Nussbaum to buttress my knowledge of ubuntu, African humanism and moral philosophies in South African society. I have also created a body of practical artwork in the context of my research.

1.4 Theoretical framework: Discussion of Yoruba, South African humanist philosophies and xenophobic violence

In this dissertation, I discuss Yoruba philosophy on morality and humanism and the Southern African philosophy of ubuntu. In my study of Yoruba culture and society, I analyse the traditional symbols that connote love, peace and unity. Yoruba traditional culture was a governed way of life, which predates colonial society (Abiodun 2014:91). Although only some Yoruba people still practice their historical traditions in the postcolonial present, elements of the culture are resilient and, in the context of pan-African

fraternity and acceptance, instructive. Therefore, I draw on the framework of Yoruba traditional cultural theory and practice to highlight xenophobia in South African society.

1.5 Explanations of the Yoruba philosophies Ajobi Ajobe and Ubuntu

Yoruba elders say: ‘Kete ta didun, aso niwa eniyan’ – let the wheel spin delightful yarns, because one’s costumes reveal one’s character (Okediji 2000:18) The traditional symbols and materials of Yoruba culture are still used and remain useful today, because they communicate cultural messages in a visual way. The symbols can be found on the traditional cloths, ritual costume textiles made for the secret culture of Egungun,14 and paintings and sculptures made by contemporary Yoruba artists such as textile designer Nike Davies-Okundaye (b. 1951), traditional printmaker Bruce Onobrakpeya (b. 1932) and painter Jimoh Buraimoh (b. 1943).

Drewal (2016:325-332) explores Yoruba culture and provides the insight that the symbols are expressions of different indigenous beliefs. I unpack the meaning of Yoruba symbols in Okediji’s paintings in Chapter Two and in my explanation of my own body of work in Chapter Three. However, it is important to note that different geographical locales within the Yoruba diaspora interpret symbols differently. For instance, ila (line symbols) have diverse meanings and functions in Yoruba society. Three straight lines are scarified on the face of the people originating from the Oyo region, for identification and ritual purposes. Ifa priests likewise make use of three lines on the ifa divination tray during ritual performance (Bascom 1991:22). This is the reason why it is difficult to generalise the meaning of symbols in Yoruba culture because Yoruba tradition determines how symbols are interpreted. This study seeks to explore, in particular, iwa l ewa (essential nature), the Yoruba traditional philosophy that expresses beliefs about peace, unity, love and egalitarian systems. The indigenous beliefs framework is bound by ifa divination in Yoruba society (Pemberton 2000:4). Ifa divination consists of a corpus of verse that illuminates the purpose of the

14 Egungun means masquerade. A masquerade such as gelede invokes an ancestral spirit. Yoruba people also call a masquerade ara orun that means spiritual people (Drewal & Drewal 1983:2). Traditional religions celebrate the family ancestor spirit bi-yearly or yearly in a performed festival in Yoruba society. There are traditional costumes made to celebrate the egungun festival. The costume dress has different layered cloths with many colours and the costume masks are made of various shapes. The shapes are similar to traditional sculptures in Yoruba society. Traditional symbols are woven on egungun costumes.

communal (unity), the mutually supportive (love) and fellowship with one another (peace) that I discuss in Chapter Three.

I argue that iwa l ewa can foster a philosophy of African humanism in Yoruba and South African societies. I discussed earlier that iwa l ewa espouses and seeks to perpetuate a moral probity that promotes living together harmoniously in Yoruba society (Abiodun 2014:258). Rob Gaylary (2007:267) explains African humanism in which it is understood that all humans instinctively wish to have freedom, equal rights and dignity. Gaylary further claims that dignity is important as it constructs an understanding of communal unity in society (Gaylary 2007:267). Examples of African humanist philosophy are ubuntu, ajobe and ajobi. In this dissertation, I draw on the philosophies of ajobe and ajobi of Yoruba-speaking people as well as the Sub- Saharan moral philosophy of ubuntu in my discussion of African humanism.

Olufemi Taiwo (in Taiwo & Olupona 2016:101) claims that ajobe and ajobi are fundamental to an understanding of Yoruba traditional life and society. The word ‘ajobi or alajobi’ means “family” or “we are one family”. Ajobe expresses the concept of community living together as a family (Taiwo 2016:101). Similarly, ubuntu is the knowledge of creating communities in South African society (Tomaselli 2016:2). Barbara Nussbaum (2003:2) points out that ubuntu is expressed in the South African idiom: “umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu” (a person is a person because of others). She further explains that it is a belief that people should embrace ubuntu with the notion that “your pain is my pain; my wealth is your wealth and my salvation is your salvation in society” (Nussbaum 2003:21). Thaddeus Metz (2015:391) describes ubuntu as a traditional tool, the purpose of which is to reconcile people living in South African society. Nussbaum (2003:2) says Nelson Mandela cited ubuntu “as the social ingredient which could reconcile differences between black and white people in post- apartheid South African society”.15 This means that ubuntu’s purpose is to create relationships between people living in South African society. It is opposed to racism, discrimination, tribalism and xenophobia. Therefore, ajobi, ajobe and ubuntu express the essence of unity, friendliness and love in African society.

15 Adi and Sherwood (2003:131) quote Mandela: “[D]uring my life time, I have dedicated myself to the struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony with equal opportunities. It is an ideal I hope to live for and achieve. But if needs be it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die”.

1.6 Violence against migrant people in South African society

On February 25, 1990 during an ANC rally in Durban, Chief Albert Luthuli said “I personally believe that here in South Africa, with all of our diversities of colour and race, we will show the world a new pattern for democracy … I think that there is a challenge to us in South Africa, to set a new example for the world: this the challenge we face today and to do this we must eliminate all forms of factionalism and regionalism” (Hord, et al 2016:131). This dissertation is not intended to provide a theory on xenophobia but rather to give an explanation of unity and humanism in alternative, specifically African, traditional paradigms. Similarly, it is not intended to single out South African xenophobia as somehow inherent to the nation or unique. Indeed, instances of xenophobic violence recur throughout the history of many countries, not least Nigeria, the seat of Yoruba culture. Tribal xenophobic violence erupted during the civil war in Nigeria between 1967 and 1970 and led to the death and displacement of several million Ibo people (Aremu 2017:165-166). As recently as 2000, historical tensions of a xenophobic nature led to a conflict between the people of Ile-Ife and Modakeke towns.16 Ile-Ife has been home to a settled community for centuries, whereas the people of Modakeke migrated from the north to Osun state at the end of the 19th century (Adegbite, et al 2016:5). Despite the fact that both towns accommodate culturally identical populations with a shared ancestry, conflict between them raged for years causing significant damage to property and thousands of casualties (Adegbite, et al 2016:5).

Violence against migrants and xenophobia in South Africa shares some of the socio- political and economic causes with other internecine feuds, but, according to Harris, has been exacerbated by political and tribal leaders’ reactions to migration and the dilution of African moral and humanist content (Harris 2004: [sp]). Xenophobia is defined in the Oxford English Dictionary as a fear of foreigners. Etymologically, xeno means foreigner and phobia means fear, therefore, xenophobia is an irrational fear of foreigners, in this case especially Nigerians, Ghanaians, Mozambicans, Zambians, Somalis and Pakistanis living in South African society (Masikane 2012:6). The violence against migrants, which emanates from this fear, can be seen as a barrier to

16 Ile-Ife and Modakeke are towns in Osun State. The towns share borders and residents speak the Yoruba language but different dialects. The conflict is caused by farm land that is cultivated for cocoa, palm trees and yams.

African unity in South African society. Many people have lost their lives, property, and valuables during xenophobic attacks.17 Masikane argues that the local poor discriminate against other black Africans because they feel they are competing unfairly for resources such as domestic jobs, school places and housing (Masikane 2012:8).

There is much research and writing on the subject of xenophobia in South Africa, including Go Home or Die Here (Hassim, et al 2008) and Xenophobia: A New Pathology of a New South Africa (Harris 2002). These works explore factors that cause xenophobia in South African society. Among these are poverty,18 a function of economic inequality, high unemployment rates and the wide gap between the rich and poor in the country (known as the gini-coefficient).19 There have been cases, such as the xenophobic attacks in May 2008, which were especially frightening because they were extremely violent. A Mozambican migrant Ernesto Nhamuave was burnt alive during a xenophobic attack in Ramaphosa township, Johannesburg (Worby, et al 2008:1) (see Figure 1.1). Xenophobia manifested in a range of criminal attacks on migrants, including not only looting of shops, but more seriously, the rape of women and stabbing of innocent people. Most of the xenophobic attacks took place in townships such as Diepsloot, Olivienhoutbosch, and Alexandra (Worby, et al 2008:17) and likewise the cities of Pretoria and Durban.

17 In 2008, May 2009, November 2009, July 2012, May 2013, June 2014, April 2015, October 2015, June 2016, February 2017, March 2019, August 2019 there occurred specific xenophobia crises in South Africa. 18 The level of poverty might be high in the townships of South Africa to such an extent that people kill over ownership of shacks, with contestants claiming, “the shack belong to me now, if you come back, I will kill you” (Worby, et al 2008:3). 19 “The gini-coefficient is a measure of statistical dispersion intended to represent the income or wealth distribution of a nation’s residents and is the most commonly used measurement of inequality” (Gini coefficient 1912).

Figure 1.1: Halden Krog, xenophobic attack on Ernesto Nhamuave in 2008. Available: http://www.Timeslive.co.za Accessed 27 August 2019

Migrants stand accused of stealing jobs, perpetrating crime, conducting drug and human trafficking, supporting prostitution and perverted churchism. Noor Nieftagodien (2008:72) quotes an unnamed Alexandra resident, who says:

We are fed up with these foreigners. These people come here and take our jobs and accept below inflation salaries. We cannot compete with them because we have families, while they only have themselves to look after. From this and similar statements, it is clear that black South Africans and black African migrants are perceived as competing for domestic jobs and mini trades such as spaza shops. For this reason, there are ongoing xenophobic attacks perpetrated predominantly in black areas of South African urban centres. The economic imperative to provide for one’s family is one of the drivers behind this resentment. It is clear that violence most often takes place between black South Africans and black foreigners even though there are also white foreigners in South African society. Most of the literature and media report violence between black South Africans and black foreigners but not between black South Africans and white foreigners or white African-

born, South Africans and white foreigners or white African-born, South Africans and black foreigners.

Xenophobia appears to be so pervasive among black people in South African society that instances have even been anecdotally recounted in public sector health care. In 2014, a Nigerian migrant was denied admittance to the maternity ward of Kalafong hospital.20 The reason provided was that she is a foreigner and does not have a South African identity document. I interviewed her and she said:

[T]he nurse told me that it is not time for my labour, and she refused to attend to me, she left me alone at the reception that I was thinking she could have done a test to be sure if it is my time or not. My baby dies inside my stomach, I felt the pains and I felt that she neglected me because I am a Nigerian. After this incident I decided to go back home.21

This incident is by no means isolated and my own personal experience furnishes further examples of xenophobic abuse. In 2013, I came to South Africa. As it was my first time to travel away from home, I began to experience and note different aspects of this new culture, such as language and people’s behaviour.22 A few months after my arrival, I was told not to go out because South Africans were attacking foreigners. Although I heard about xenophobia when I was at home, I had never experienced it. In August 2014, I experienced xenophobia at the MTN taxi rank in Johannesburg on my way to the University of Johannesburg. I asked a tall young man for directions and he said “You Nigerians, why did you come to South Africa? To steal job opportunities or what?” I was tempted to run, but unfortunately two more men joined the first man. They surrounded me and mugged and robbed me at knifepoint.

Immediately after the incident, I went to a policeman standing beside a police vehicle nearby. I told him what had happened, indicating the three perpetrators. He dismissed my situation, commenting “How are you sure they are the robbers?”, and he refused to investigate the situation. It seemed that the policeman discriminated against me because of my nationality. In my view, the policeman and I are African brothers, and consequently, this discrimination was surprising to me. I walked down the road to a

20 Kalafong hospital is located in Atteridgeville, Pretoria. 21 The name of this woman is Funmilayo and I contacted her telephonically. She went back to Nigeria in 2015 after the incident. 22 My first language is Yoruba, and English is my first additional language. English is an official language in Nigerian society. Nigerians decolonised the English language into a pidgin dialect. For instance, a phrase such as ‘how are you?’ translates in this pidgin dialect to ‘how you dey?’

woman who was standing there, in the belief that she would assist me. I greeted her in English, and she replied in Sesotho and isiZulu.23 I could not respond because I did not know either language. She recognised this and refused to engage with me further.

I did not give up until I found someone to help me, although the man requested R50 before he gave me directions to the Bunting Road campus of the University of Johannesburg. My experiences suggest to me that there are black South Africans who perceive other black Africans living in South Africa as inferior to them. Since this incident, I have been subject to ongoing verbal abuse from taxi drivers, shop assistants and from South African Police officers.

In July 2019, I was treated as a criminal in a road block by a group of metro police officers. I was driving on the Jean Avenue Road in Centurion, Pretoria. I was stopped and asked for my driver’s licence and traffic registration (TRN), which I duly supplied. Immediately, I was told to park my car separately because I am in possession of a fake document. I asked which among my documents was fake and they told me my TRN was at fault. I argued this, questioning them how they could make such an assertion. They said, “By looking at the paper”. I laughed and added “Is it because I am Nigerian?” They could not answer me. Instead, they asked me again how I purchased my TRN. I answered that the TRN is not for sale, it is accessible without charge from the Centurion Traffic Department. After being delayed for about 20 minutes, I left, but I felt embarrassed, traumatised and depressed by the confrontation. I felt that they had concluded that my TRN is fake because I am a black foreigner. If this was not the case, they had the technological wherewithal to have confirmed the authenticity of my document before they made the allegation.

These personal experiences, though limited, are emblematic of the perspective many black South Africans hold with regard to black African migrants. It is a perspective that belies the important tenets of an African humanism such as ubuntu philosophy which advocates no boundaries or borders, no recriminations between races and no tribalism in African society (Nussbaum 2003:21).

23 She said “sawubona” and “dumelang”.

1.7 Exploring Yoruba traditional symbols and migrant violence in South African society

In this study, I draw on seven qualities that comprise what is referred to as essential nature of human being In Yoruba thought. Each quality is expressed by a symbol. I discuss the seven symbols in Chapter Three. I have positioned each symbol on both a small and large canvas using the Yoruba batik technique and different dye colours in the paintings (see Figure 1.2). I screen print images of xenophobia and protest against xenophobia on some of the prepared tie-dyed canvases (series three and four), as a means of expressing ideas about the negative impacts of xenophobia on the humanist tenets of African philosophy.

There are four series of works that I discuss in Chapter Three:

• The first is an index of seven smaller canvases that guide the audience through the meaning of the symbols; • The second series comprises several large canvases on which two or three symbols are juxtaposed; • The third series is a set of prints of xenophobic images and ubuntu quotes on prepared tie-dyed canvases; and • The fourth series comprises four large canvases in yellow, blue, purple and red. Each large canvas consists of different anti-xenophobic protest images.

Therefore, my body of work expresses elements of my cultural background, my personal experience as well as references to other xenophobic attacks. It is intended as a response and tool for raising awareness against xenophobia in South African society. I suggest that the Yoruba expression of essential nature is inextricably bound to and, in some sense, actually underpins the fundamental purpose of African humanist philosophy. To this end, I revisit the efforts of African humanist fighters such as Nelson Mandela against violence.

Figure 1.2: Samuel Oyebode, iwa, 2019. Wax resist on tie dyed canvas, 40 × 30cm. (photograph by author)

1.8 Structure of this dissertation

This dissertation is divided into three chapters in which I investigate Yoruba and southern African morality and humanist philosophy. Chapter One introduced the Yoruba and South African traditions and societies. In Chapter Two I examine the expression of two contemporary African artists using traditional symbols, theories and/or images of African political and economic problems through the medium of painting and sculpture. The discussions focus on the works of El Anatsui and Moyo Okediji.

Chapter Three discusses my own artwork. I explain my methods of preparing tie-dyed canvases that are similar to the processes of making adire cloth, batik and print. I discuss each symbol and the images of violence against migrants that appear in my artwork.

I draw on Yoruba iwa l ewa and ubuntu in which there are examples cited as the African traditional knowledge systems and philosophies in Yoruba and South Africa society in this disseration. I argue that iwa l ewa and ubuntu knowledges functions as a moral and humanist belief systems in African societies. Currently, I am living in the society that practice contrary or opposoite knowledge to iwa l ewa and ubuntu positions, because of xenophobic violence against black non-south Africans living in South African society. In my painting praxis, I am using art to advocate peace, unity and communal spirit in South African society. In chapter two, I am analysing Anatsui’s and Okediji’s artworks in their responses to traditional knowledge and society.

CHAPTER TWO: African Art-Production: How contemporary artists use traditional methodologies to depict social issues 2.1 Introduction

“The [contemporary African] artist is chiefly concerned with establishing a new identity, with gathering the broken pieces of a tradition and building them – often self-consciously – into a new kind of collage in which the African renaissance is proclaimed” Ulli Beir (cited by Okediji 2002: xi).

In this chapter, I study the artworks of contemporary Ghanaian artist El Anatsui and Nigerian artist Moyo Okediji. I explain Anatsui’s exploration of Ewe and Igbo symbols in his artworks. I provide an account of the traditional symbols that Anatsui explored using sources such as The Nsukka and Nigerian Contemporary Art by Simon Ottenberg (2002) and El Anatsui: When I Last Wrote to You about Africa edited by Lisa Binder (2010). I select and analyse the artworks Anatsui produced in Ghana and Nigeria. I explore how Okediji draws on Yoruba religious figures and traditional symbols in his artworks, and I use an interview conducted with Okediji as a resource. In this interview, he explains his use of traditional material as a political message in Yoruba society.

I find the work of these two artists similar in their respective exploration of traditional materials such as soil and symbols as resources to develop a body of contemporary art. The use of traditional materials functions as a message because of its historical associations. Both of their oeuvres are predicated on an understanding of the habits of people, traditions and rituals in Yoruba, Igbo and Ewe society. From the study of Anatsui’s artwork and life, I argue that Anatsui and I both adopted traditional methodologies to depict social issues in our respective societies. Anatsui narrates Ewe and Igbo traditional symbols throughout his career in Ghana and at the University of Nsukka, Nigeria. I am narrating Yoruba traditional symbols in my exploration of xenophobic violence against migrants as a student at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. Okediji and I have the same cultural background, however, we have different ways of practising traditional Yoruba religion. I draw on how Okediji explores Yoruba tradition, culture and religion in his work. In my reading of the work of Anatsui and Okediji, I have been able to develop my own contemporary artwork with a traditional approach. This has thus helped me to position my own art processes and will inform my future practices.

Anatsui has worked with the knowledge and his understanding of both Ewe and Igbo culture and society. Anatsui is Ewe-speaking. Ewe people are from south-eastern Ghana and comprise part of the Akan group, the largest population among four other ethnicities in Ghanaian society. Maxwell Owusu (1970:14-47) explains that Ewe people originated from Ketu or Oyo in Yorubaland. Anatsui has also unpacked the politics and cultural aspects of the Igbo society of Nigeria in his artworks. Anatsui works in Igbo territory in south-east Nigeria. Igbo-speaking people constitute Nigeria’s third major ethnic group. Ewe and Igbo cultural symbols appear throughout Anatsui’s artworks. Anatsui has worked with wood, clay and found objects such as bottle caps, wooden mortars and other materials in Ghana and Nigeria respectively. Therefore, Anatsui’s artworks are replete with references to Ghanaian and Nigerian culture, politics and society. He has exhibited in Africa, North America, Asia and Europe and in cultural venues such as The Museum of Modern Art, Saitama, Japan and the National Museum of Ethnology in Osaka, Japan.

Okediji is a Yoruba man born and raised in Oyo township, who primarily focuses on politics and cultural aspects of Ile-Ife in the Yoruba region.24 This choice may have to do with the fact that he attended the Ife Art School in Ile-lfe. Okediji also draws on his own background and experiences at the Ife Art School, exploring, in some of his paintings, a technique of shrine painting that he learnt from his grandmother in Oyo township. Okediji migrated to the United States in 1994 and he has recently been exploring aspects of cultural politics as they play out in that country across racial and cultural lines (Okediji 2019). He uses traditional Yoruba symbols, including the ifa divination corpus and metaphors used by Yoruba people in his paintings.25 Furthermore, Okediji works with indigenous paints, as well as soil from both Yorubaland and the US. Okediji’s artworks have been exhibited in Nigeria at venues such as Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife and in the US, at the University of Austin (Okediji 2019). He likewise curates exhibitions and works in academia. Okediji has written on African traditional artworks in journals such as Black Studies.

24 As discussed in Chapter One, art historians such as Babatunde Lawal argue that the existence of Yoruba people and their traditions began at Ile-Ife (Lawal 2002:111). 25 I discuss Yoruba symbols in Chapter One and Three.

Anatsui’s and Okediji’s artworks all draw on traditions and revive them by deploying them in new ways. For instance, the art-based development project that Okediji launched in his hometown, in Osun state, works with children and women in the community to develop traditional art concepts and techniques. Through this, he has taught youth how to paint with indigenous materials and symbols in the Ile-Ife township, and he has therefore revived the historical/traditional custom/technique.

2.2 El Anatsui

“Life is in community” (Miller 2011:8)

El Anatsui is a contemporary Ghanaian artist, who has lectured and practised art in the University of Nsukka, Nigeria. In this chapter, I analyse Anatsui’s artworks that express his cultural background and his experiences of activities after the period of colonisation in Ghanaian and Nigerian society. I begin with analysing the influence of traditions in the works Anatsui produced in Ghana. He was among the members of Tekarts and the Sankofa informal art movement in Kumasi, Ghana in the early 1970s (Vogel 2012:26).26 Chika Okeke (2010:33-34) explains that Tekarts members’ motivation concept was to regenerate and rediscover Ghanaian tradition and culture as a resource for making art in postcolonial Ghana. Vogel (2012:100-102) explains that the Takarts members observed that the influence of colonisation had destroyed Ghanaian ways of art making and that, more generally, African concepts of making art had been neglected.

Kawaguchi (2010:21) explains that the Takarts members began to produce art with Akan motifs such as Sankofa, which is an abstract motif reflecting a bird that has a long neck which rolls back to the tail. The symbolic meaning of Sankofa is “Go back and pick up”. Anatsui drew from Sankofa (San – to return, ko – to go, fa – to seek) knowledge which encouraged him to go back and pick up his Ewe tradition and philosophy (Kawaguchi 2010:21).

26 Tekarts and the Sankofa art group were created by graduate students at Kwane Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, formally known as Kumasi College of Technology (Vogel 2012:26).

Anatsui explained Sankofa in detail in the early 1990s in an interview with Vogel:

[The] Sankofa syndrome was a reaction to a conscious and forcible attempt to denigrate a people’s culture and replace it with an extraneous one. As in all situations of this kind, it is recognized also that there are always elements of an invading culture which stay behind: you cannot obliterate it completely because every culture has its positive aspects. Thus, the essence was neither a wholesale return to the past nor a total exclusion of external influence. The thrust was inward orientation and selectivity (cited by Vogel 2012:26).

As explained above, Anatsui explores the tradition and cultural symbols of Ewe and Igbo people. Susan Vogel (2009:2) categorises Anatsui’s artistic output into two main periods: the first dates from when he was living in Ghana and the second from when he lived and worked in Nsukka, Nigeria. For clarification purposes, I further group Anatsui’s artworks into three periods of production: During the first distinct period, he explored Ghanaian adinkra symbols engraved and painted on circular wooden plaques. Adinkra symbols are found on adinkra cloth in Ghana (see Figure 2.1). Adinkra means “saying goodbye”, and therefore adinkra cloths are worn at Akan funerals (Adom 2016:1154). Adinkra symbols include stylised animals such as birds, reptiles and leopards (Owusu 2000:205). Each symbol has a traditional meaning and there is a history and proverb to support those meanings. Anatsui contextualises the meaning of the symbols with social activities in his society that I discuss later in this chapter. His deep knowledge and his understanding of culture make his art rich (Vogel 2002:25).

Figure 2.1: Mashigo Kgomotso, selected Adrinkra symbols, 2015. Dimension unknown (Kgomotso 2015).

In the second distinct period, Anatsui explores both Ghanaian adinkra symbols and Nigerian symbols used in Uli27 painting and Nsibidi cloth in his three-dimensional clay and concrete sculptures of the Broken Pot series of 1979 and Goat Skin Bag of 1979 (Oguibe 2010:15-17). The Uli and Nsibidi sign systems (see Figure 2.1), are integral to Igbo culture in Nigeria (Binder 2010:18, Peri-Willis 1998:80). Philip Effiong (2014:2) claims that Nsibidi is the second oldest sign system in Africa, and he explains that the scripts in the sign system refer to sacred secrets, gender relations, rites and legal hierarchies. Nsibidi symbols are used to design the clothes of elders, carved on calabashes and painted onto women’s bodies in Igbo society (Battestini 2002:64). Uli symbols are used on women’s bodies and on the facades of houses in Igbo society (Ottenberg 2002:8). Uli systems are used in the fine art work of Nsukka art graduates

27 Uli art is a traditional technique of creating signs in the Igbo ethnic group, specifically Anambra state. Anambra is located in South-East Nigeria.

such as Uche Okeke, Sylvester Ogbechie, Bruce Onobrakpeya and Demas Nwoko (Ottenberg 2002:13).

Figure 2.2: Photographer unknown, Nsibidi writing system, date unknown. Dimension unknown (Spider 2013).

During his third period, Anatsui explored found objects such as old mortars for pounding yam and palm kernels as well as caps of bottles and caps of milk tins that had been discarded by people in his community. He had access to many bottle caps and milk bottle caps produced in Europe, because Nigeria is highly dependent on imported consumer goods such as liquor28 and tinned milk of different brands. Examples of the works Anatsui produces using the woven flattened tinned milk and bottle tops are Versatility of 2006 and Adinkra Sasa of 2003 (see Figure 2.3).29

28 The popular liquor products imported in Nigeria are: aromatic schnapps locally known as oti awan agba, vodka, brandy and whisky – locally called “chairman” (Vogel 2012:13). 29 The word sasa has Ewe traditional meanings in Ghanaian society. Anatsui explained that sasa means patchwork in Ewe and is considered to be charged with dangerous power in the Twi ethnic group (Appiah 2010:68).

Figure 2.3: El Anatsui, Adinkra Sasa, 2003. Aluminium bottle tops, copper wire and fabric. 487,7 x 48,6cm (Vogel 2006:1).

Anatsui began an exploration into his culture by using readymade wood plaques as a local material and engraving them with traditional symbols. Each of the symbols he uses has traditional philosophical and religious meanings. Ghanaian women market sellers use the readymade circular wood plaques as trays for the display of their agricultural products (Vogel 2012:26). Anatsui bought the trays at carvers’ workshops and re-worked them. He engraved, burnt and painted traditional symbols in the middle of the wooden plaques in order to explore aspects of traditional Ewe mores. Anatsui, titling this work God’s Omnipotence (see Figure 2.4), can be argued to have demonstrated his consciousness of Ewe morality and humanist philosophy by using the Nyame symbol. According to Owusu (2000:206), Nyame is a god of the Akan people. Nyame ye ohene means God is king, He who knows and sees everything (Owusu 2000:206). Yoruba people have a similar ideology. Yoruba people say “oun ti eniyan ko ri kedere lohan ni lojo olodumare” – what a human being cannot see, God of Omnipotence sees it all.30 The statement encourages truth and faithfulness among people living in Yoruba society. I as a Yoruba contemporary artist, my parents explains

30 This is my own translation.

that the truthful and faithful people obeys God of Omnipotence during morning Bible studies in the family. The act of obedience encourages peace, moral and communal practices in the society. I argue that the artwork expresses the warmth of God and social unity. I suggest that Anatsui uses this artwork to preach about God’s principles on peace and unity in Ewe society.

Figure 2.4: El Anatsui, God’s Omnipotence, 1974. Pyroengraving, paint, and lacquer, on readymade tray, 52 x 52cm, (Vogel 2012:99).

Conglomeration (1973), also executed on a wooden tray (see Figure 2.5), contains a combination of different symbols. The symbol at the centre has seven straight lines that point in different directions encompassing the concept of celestial entities such as stars. According to Owusu (2000:216) a star refers to God’s children in Akan society. It is a norm and belief of Akan people that a God’s child is obedient and respectful. There are seven oval shapes between the straight lines in the artwork. Owusu (2000:212) claims that an oval shape expresses firmness of character and patience. Yoruba people claim that patience is among the characteristics of a good person (Abiodun 2016:254). Likewise, a God’s child has wisdom; not wisdom as in a capacity for knowledge or intellectual ability, but wisdom about living among people without conflict. Wisdom (see Figure 2.6) is a wooden plaque, burnt by Anatsui in the centre,

to create an understanding of the metaphor of the crossed crocodiles used often in Akan arts and proverbs. The symbol shows two crocodiles that share a single stomach and thus advocate the need for social unity, solidarity and tolerance (Owusu 2000:210). I suggest that Anatsui here expresses the notion of submission and obedience.

Figure 2.5: El Anatsui, Conglomeration, 1973-75. Wood, paint and lacquer, 42.5 x 41.5cm. (Appiah 2010:93).

Figure 2.6: El Anatsui, Wisdom, 1974. wood, paint, and lacquer, 40 x 39,5cm (Appiah 2010:94)

I now consider Anatsui’s Broken Pot series as an artistic expression of his experiences in Nigerian and Ghanaian society. In 1979, Anatsui responded to the uncertainties of both Ghanaian and Nigerian postcolonial political and cultural situations by producing a series of ceramic/concrete sculptured artworks titled Broken Pot I, Broken Pot II, and We Dey Patch Am. These artworks combine old ceramics made by Anatsui which he had transported from Ghana to Nigeria and the new ceramic pieces which he produced in Nigeria. He used the broken old pieces to patch together the new works (Binder 2010:15). He juxtaposed Adrinkra, Uli and Nsibidi traditional symbols in the artworks.

The artworks contextualise Anatsui’s life, knowledge and experience. He was born on 4 February 1944 in what was then known as the Gold Coast, a British colony. In 1957, the land gained its independence and was renamed as the state of Ghana (Owusu 1970:241-246). In this immediate postcolonial period, between 1965 and 1969, Anatsui attended Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, in Kumasi, Ghana, which was at the time known as the College of Art (Houghton 1998:31). In his formative years, Anatsui experienced the developments that helped to restructure the educational, economic and political systems in Ghanaian society. However, the many political challenges culminating in a military coup in 1966 and, thereafter, the decline of the country’s economy, led many people to emigrate (Owusu 1970:245-246).

In 1975, Anatsui emigrated to Nigeria and he was employed by the University of Nsukka in Nigeria as a lecturer. Upon arriving in Nigeria, he began to explore the country’s political and cultural histories in his art productions. Presumably, during these years, he read newspapers and books that exposed him to the country’s economic, political and cultural histories.

Nigeria gained its independence from the British in 1960. Nnamdi Azikiwe was elected as the country’s first Nigerian president in 1963. Nigeria’s economy flourished, until the turbulent era that began with the military coup of 1966 (the same year as the Ghanaian coup), and the 1967-1970 civil war that fractured the country (Adediji 1997:14). The war was followed by a series of military dictatorships and contested elections in Nigeria for the remainder of the 20th century (Okediji 2002: xiii). During this period, in 1985, Anatsui experienced the national economic meltdown that resulted in the Nigerian currency, the Naira, losing value outside of the country. Many foreign intellectuals could not survive the economic meltdown and they left Nigeria, but Anatsui stayed behind in Nsukka. There were protests by Nigerians forcing many Ghanaians to leave Nigeria. This was the worst xenophobic event that occurred between Nigerians and Ghanaians.31

31 In 1983, there was a tension between Nigeria and Ghana that resulted in Nigerians attacking Ghanaians living in Nigerian society. Most foreigners living in Nigeria at the time were Ghanaian, as there had been free access between the two countries, proposed by Pan-Africanists such as Kwame Nkrumah.

Figure 2.7: El Anatsui, Broken Pot I, 1979-80. Ceramic (manganese body), height 59cm (Oguibe 1998:49).

In the work illustrated in Figure 2.7 Anatsui draws on what he experienced in Nsukka during the years leading up to the country’s economic meltdown. He represents the traditional symbols on a locally sourced, yet universally used, material: clay. Some symbols on the pot are broken or destroyed, but a few symbols are left whole. I argue that Anatsui is expressing an opinion that some cultural influences had faded away while other aspects of culture are still relevant in Ghanaian and Nigerian societies. The work features repeated rectangular and triangular patterned symbols on its outer surfaces. Battestini analyses Nsibidi signs, saying that a rectangular shape is a frame and a frame is a “mirroring pool which becomes a swing mirror by addition of the two pivots” (2002:66). The signs are used for social and ritual purposes. For instance, a mirror is a tool that spiritual people in Yoruba society use to review past events or seek to see into the future. I suggest that Anatsui uses rectangular symbols to reflect on the social and cultural situations in Nigerian and Ghanaian societies.

Three different symbols that occur in this series of Anatsui’s work also have meanings in the Ghanaian Ewe adinkra symbol system. First, the circle symbol connotes the situation when a human being has a mind to face challenges in Ghanaian society (Owusu 2000:205-219). The second symbol is composed of two horizontal lines and two half circles which are aligned on the horizontal line, and this represents a seal of the law in a community (Owusu 2000:205-219). The third symbol is composed of vertical and horizontal lines and it refers to a house or human activity that has a strong foundation (Owusu 2000:205-219).

Anatsui combines pieces of broken pots lending the artwork a rough, holey surface in a deformed spherical shape. The deformities represent the critical damage wrought in post-independence Nigerian and Ghanaian culture and society, according to Anatsui (Anatsui 2019). When Anatsui arrived at Nsukka, the economic and political situation in Nigeria was favourable. The economic meltdown that subsequently transpired resulted in widespread poverty; the situation allowed discrimination and fracture between Nigerians and non-Nigerians as well as between ethnic groups, such as Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba people in Nigeria. These tensions confronted and underplayed the philosophy of humanism and communalism in African society. In Chapter One, I explained how xenophobia militates against humanism and the moral philosophy of ubuntu in South Africa. I argue that similarly to Anatsui, I also explore issues affecting communalism and moral culture in the communities in which I live. Anatsui’s Broken Pot series revisits the developmental standard Nigeria and Ghana could have attained in the postcolonial era, if there had been no fracture of culture (Oguibe 2010:32).32

32 The assumption is that Nigeria is a developed country among other Africa countries. Perhaps, it is because Nigeria claims to be the giant of Africa. However, Nigeria is not as educated as many Nigerians and non-Nigerians claim and think. In fact, Nigeria is one of the least educated countries in Africa and the world in terms of literacy and tertiary education rate. For instance, only about 60% of the Nigerian population is literate. That means that almost half of the Nigerian population is illiterate (Garba 2012:199).

Figure 2.8: El Anatsui, Broken Pot II, 1979. Ceramic, height 30cm (Oguibe 1998:49)

In Figure 2.8, there are triangular symbols that allude to firmness of character in Akan society, one part of Ghana’s cultural composition. A part of the symbol is broken, and it is not wholly visible. Consequently, it is possible to interpret this artwork as an expression of the understanding that a segment of Ghanaian identity and culture can still be acknowledged while others have faded away. Likewise, the broken symbol can be understood as Anatsui’s representation of damage done to Nigerian and Ghanaian cultures by Europeans (Oguibe 2010:32).33 Oguibe (2010:52) argues that, according to Anatsui’s understanding of Igbo beliefs, the faded segment of tradition may not be whole again because of the dominance of European culture in postcolonial African societies.

33 Anatsui’s piece might also apply to neighbouring countries in West Africa such as Togo and Benin.

Figure 2.9: El Anatsui, We Dey Patch Am, 1979. Ceramic, height 43cm (Oguibe 1998:52)

In Figure 2.9, Anatsui conveys how Nigeria begins to both assimilate and repurpose colonial language (Oguibe 2010:52). English is a colonial language in African society. The English language is among other cultural artefacts that colonialists imposed in Nigerian society. There are two ways of speaking English in Nigerian society: the colonial system of writing and speaking English, and secondly, the pidgin English in Nigerian society. The phrase “we dey patch am” is an example of the latter. The Nigerian adoption of pidgin English was a way of appropriating and subverting colonial culture. It makes it easier for people to communicate among themselves in Nigerian society. Anatsui (2010:15) says pidgin is a very picturesque and imagery-laden language.

Binder (2009:15) quotes Anatsui: ... I was struck by a particular expression the first time I heard it: a man was greeting a friend and said, “ol boy, how is life?” and the friend replied, “boy, e dey leak, we dey patch am” which means “life is leaking, and we are trying to patch it”.

Oguibe (2010:52) says “we dey patch am e dey leak means it leaks even as we struggle to mend it”. It also means that life is not going well but I am looking for solutions. Oguibe (2010:52) rephrases we dey patch am – “dey leak we dey patch am – leak as it may, we nevertheless continue to mend it – try, fail, never mind, try harder, fail better”.

Other examples of utterances in pidgin are; how you dey (how are you?), oga I beg (Boss please), watin you na wanna give me (what do you have to give me?), you don chop? (Have you eaten?), how far (how are you?), no wahala (there is no problem), how body (how is your health?) and anything dey ground (what do you have for me?). I noticed that many local business men and women trading in Lagos, Nigeria who cannot speak Standard English are fluent in pidgin English.

Anatsui’s exploration of material is essential to his art practice, because he uses local materials that have meaning and history in African society. Anatsui became renowned for his use of wood, but he diverged from the idea of wooden plaques, because he could not have full access to the Ghanaian circular wood plaques from Nsukka. Chika Uche Okeke-Agulu (2019) interviewed Anatsui for an exhibition at Haus der Kunst in 2019 during which Anatsui explained that as a sculptor, he is easily able to access clay. In response to a question from an audience member about why he chose to work with clay and not other materials Anatsui (2019) said: “I found clay interesting because clay has the properties of expansion, contraction and fragility” (Haus der Kunst…2019).

Anatsui uses clay to mould pots as a means to explore these properties. In Nigerian society, pots have different sizes and shapes, because they are used for various purposes such as cooking, storing water and storage of important documents.34 Their

34 A pot is a ubiquitous material manifestation of culture in Nigerian and Ghanaian societies. Vogel (2012:34) explains that the pot seems like a metaphor of life in pre-colonial society. For instance,

usefulness has made them essential objects for traditional people in Nigeria. However, when people are careless with pots, they can break. In Nigerian culture, the broken parts of a pot are kept safely for another purpose. The broken pot can be used for many things, for instance, to offer sacrifices to the ancestors or ancestral spirits in Yoruba society. In this capacity, a broken pot has a greater value in Yoruba society than when it was whole.

I argue that Anatsui’s engagement with ceramic pots resonates with Okediji’s argument that there are fractures in African culture and the fractures were caused by the impact of colonisation, poverty and politics (Okediji 2000:2). In this research, I focus on values of culture and tradition because they contain people’s principles in African society. Okediji (2000:2) claims that culture symbolises life in the Yoruba society. He argues further that if life is broken, then sickness can invade the body. He gives a physical example that when sickness invades the body, there will be pain and suffering (Okediji 2000:2). He further says that if a culture or tradition is broken, then there is a problem in the society (Okediji 2000:2). The idea of a broken pot can be interpreted as indicative of a culture that was once self-contained and complete: a culture which had an uncorrupted origin and a clear context. The idea of Anatsui’s pots contextualises a history of Nigerian and Ghanaian societies, which were once self- contained and complete. Anatsui’s Broken Pot series cites Nigerian and Ghanaian culture as examples of what can happen to a society if its culture is fractured. When frustration and poverty invaded Nigerian society in the mid 1960s, social and cultural instabilities were forged.

In conclusion, Anatsui explores clay, pot and symbols that explain tradition, politics and culture in Ghanaian and Nigerian societies, demonstrating that contemporary African artists can use traditional culture to express values and aesthetics in their community.

Yoruba people keep a pot called Amu inside the living room. Amu is a traditionally made pot in which water can be preserved. There is a belief that when a person drinks water from the pot, it gives the person a peaceful mind and calms the body’s system. Anatsui says pots are used for almost everything. A pot is a versatile thing and something that stands for life itself (Vogel 2012:34).

2.3 Moyo Okediji

Moyo Okediji is a contemporary Yoruba art historian and artist who explores his traditions, religion and culture in society through his art. He advocates the use of indigenous materials as a method for contemporary Yoruba artists to express their culture. Consequently, he validates the use of local material in contemporary art production. He uses the materials to invoke traditional values and mores. To this end, he and other contemporary Yoruba artists such as Bolaji Campbell (b.1958), cartoonist Tola Wewe (b.1959) and art educator Kunle Filani (b.1957) established the Ona art group in 1989 at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, which was formerly known as Ife Art School (Harris 1994:203).35 They acquired Western styles of painting and sculpting such as expressionism and impressionism at Ife Art School in 1977, but they decided to explore and incorporate traditional techniques and references into their paintings and sculptures. Okediji and other Yoruba traditional artists explore images of gods and goddesses. There are more than 400 gods and goddesses in Yoruba cosmology and society.36 Okediji draws on the forms of traditional sculptural pieces in creating contemporary paintings such as Female Figure (2017) and Esu and Orere (2006). Okediji uses traditional Yoruba art forms as a reference. He sculpts the forms on a flat surface plank or wood, cuts and fires the figure and assembles the fired work on a rectangular flat wood panel. His works reference the shrine paintings traditionally created by women in Yoruba society. He learnt the technique from his grandmother who was a shrine painter in Oyo township (Harris 1994:204). Okediji uses white, red and black: Yoruba primary colours (Harris 1994:204).37

In Female Figure (2017) (see Figure 2.10), Okediji depicts a nude female figure that is a known motif in Yoruba traditional sculpture. This panel that is a interlocking, fired terracotta (clay) pieces analyses the importance of women and reveals the meaning of the nude in Yoruba society. The concept of the nude represents truth, faithfulness,

35 Ona means a way or method to create something in Yoruba society. This is the reason why an artist is called O-nse-ona (someone of creative mind). There is a belief among Yoruba people that artists need Oju-inu (inner spiritual eyes) to be creative (Lawal 2002:111). 36 Examples of Yoruba deities include: orisha iroko (god of trees), and sango (god of thunder), eshu (spirit of individuality and change), ifa (god of divination), yemoja (goddess of the sea), ogun (god of iron or metal), oshun (goddess of sweet water, love, and giving), oshoosi (god of hunting), obaluaiye (dread spirit of disease and earth), obatala (god of creativity) and egungun (ancestral spirits). (Thompson 1984:9). 37 In Chapter Three, I discuss Yoruba interpretations of colour and I explain that dark colours are green and blue; and light colours are pink and sky blue.

a lack of secrets and transparency in Yoruba society (Okediji 1991:31). The Yoruba idiom Ihoho omo oluabi means “the nakedness of someone who is comprised of an essential nature” (Okediji 1991:31). Traditionally, Nigerian diviners or priests worship deities naked38 at midnight as a way of appealing directly to the deities (Okediji 1991:31). However, some of these priests and diviners are women. Okediji conceptualises women as an expression of spiritual power and celebrates the authority of women in Yoruba society. There is a women’s group called Egbe-aje (group of witches) or Egbe-e leye (group of bird owners). This group of women play a key role when electing and performing rituals for a new king. Mack argues that it would be strange not to see bird images on an ade-ileke (a traditional crown that is specially designed), opa (a traditional staff) and ite Oba (throne of Yoruba kings) (Mack 2000:19).

In this work Okediji draws motifs and uses lines to describe the human body. There are repeated lines that form motifs on the figure and these correspond with a Yoruba method of creating body decorations and tribal markings. A line is called ila among Yoruba people and it is specific to individual families and communities. For instance, Yoruba people recognise a traditional line by differentiating the line according to ila Oyo, ila awan ara Oshogbo, ila Abeokuta and ila Ife. These are specific ways of naming and identifying each line with its origin. However, Okediji uses these lines on the female figure as decorative markings. He expresses the status of Yoruba women that corresponded to the idiom Irinisi ni isonilojo (we are what we wear). Okediji creates lines at the figure’s waist in this work. These lines represent ileke idi (the waist beads that women use for beauty and ritual identification) in Yoruba society.

38 A priest or diviner is called babalowo in Yoruba society. A priest is a receiver of information from the ancestors. They are intermediaries between gods or goddesses and people in the Yoruba society.

Figure 2.10: Moyo Okediji, Female Figure, 2017. Terrachroma (coloured earth) on wood, dimensions unknown (Okediji 2017).

He continues to explore and express what traditional Yoruba artists had established in his work Esu and Orere (see Figure 2.11). Esu is a god in Yoruba religion, although contemporary Yoruba Christians equate Esu with Satan in the Bible.39 According to the Bible, Satan is a fallen angel, a malevolent force and so, by extension, Esu is perceived as bad. In an interview, Okediji said: “Christianity and Islam had criticised Yoruba deities such as Esu and a religion of ifa as devilish, evil, taboo, heretical and fetishistic in contemporary Yoruba society” (Okediji 2019).

39 Some Christians explains that Lucifer is the name of the angel in question, whose name, theologically speaking, became Satan after he fall.

Figure 2.11: Moyo Okediji, Esu and Orere,2006. Terracotta (coloured earth) on wood, dimension unknown (Okediji 2017).

Yoruba traditional artists represent Esu in different and unique forms, one of which sees him with big eyes, a small nose and small lips. Okediji’s image of Esu has an eye, no distinct lip and no mouth. A hand is visible, as are two legs. Esu’s image is traditionally carved on an ifa tray. The diviner believes that Esu is a messenger between ifa and a diviner in Yoruba society (Witte 1994:63).40 The diviner receives Esu’s message through ifa divination (Drewal 2009:75).

Okediji explains in an interview the position of ifa in traditional Yoruba society:

Ifa is often mistakenly regarded as a religion. It is a system of mathematical computation applied to the calculation of options. Ifa is a comprehensive body of knowledge inclusive of science, philosophy, geography, engineering, sociology, literature, pharmacy, medicine and agriculture. It is unfortunate that ifa is disregarded by those educated in western forms of education because they are trained to believe that it is simply a form of religion that they associate with paganism (Okediji 2019).

Okediji further explores ifa guides on human existence that Yoruba academicians such as language and literature researcher Wande Abimbola (b.1932) named as ifa scripts in work such as Odu Ifa Signature of 2017 (See Figure 2.12) and Visual Maths of 2013. In Odu Ifa Signature, the canvas is divided into 256 rectangles and the artist has inserted ifa scripts such as Oyeku-meji (Darkness for light), Irosun-meji, Eji-ogbe (Bless in twos), Ose-meji (spiritual power of twice), Ofun-meji (benevolent universe) of ifa into each rectangle. The individual script has a symbolic meaning and there is a ritual performance attached to the scripts that is performed by the priest.41

40 The spiritual function of Esu is crucial and in Yoruba practices, a diviner needs to understand the traditional communication process of Esu. For instance, when a person is having a problem such as marital issues or sickness, he or she will decide to consult a diviner to tell him/her the problem. The diviner will consult with ifa and ifa will send Esu to Olodumare – or God. After Esu has received a message from God, Esu will appear on an ifa tray in the image of an animal. Each animal has a meaning. A diviner will tell the client the meaning of the animal that appears on the ifa tray in response to their problems, as a message from Olodumare. 41 In my art practice, I explore the verse of eji-ogbe (bless in two) that I discuss in Chapter Three.

Figure 2.12: Moyo Okediji, Odu Ifa Signature, 2017. American soil on canvas, 330 x 330cm (Okediji 2017).

Okediji uses clay in different ways. In the work depicted in Figure 2.13, he prepared his canvas with clay and drew the symbols that have indigenous meaning in Yoruba society, onto it. He titled the work Fragment of The Shattered Gourd corresponding with the title of his 2003 book, Shattered Gourd: Yoruba Forms in Twentieth Century American Art.

In the book, he discusses a gourd as a cultural artefact in Yoruba society. A gourd is a vegetable, like a butternut, marrow or squash, that typically has a hard skin that can be hollowed out. Okediji references the gourd as a vessel that contains the cultures in Yoruba society. He explains that there was a metaphorical moment when the gourd fell and was broken, also shattering the culture (Okediji 2003:4). Okediji argues further that western intervention was the reason why Yoruba culture shattered and began to diffuse to other societies in the world, creating a diaspora (Okediji 2003:21). Now, elements of the Yoruba culture can be found in Brazil, Togo, America and other countries.

Figure 2.13: Moyo Okediji, Fragments of the Shattered Gourd, 2008. Terrachroma (coloured earth) on canvas, 270 x 350cm (Okediji 2018).

Okediji’s painting illustrated in Figure 2.13, comprises different Yoruba-stylised human heads juxtaposed with one another. Okediji’s expressions of heads and eyes have metaphoric meanings in Yoruba society. There is a belief in Yoruba society that idiomatic references to the physical head – ori inu – refer to the inner spiritual head which determines the successes and failures of a person (Abiodun 1994:42). They use the idiom: ori inu mi ma ba ti o de mi je – my spiritual head should please help my

destiny in life.42 An inner eye – oju inu – refers to a spiritual eye that enables insight into the past and future (Abiodun 2014:260). As a Yoruba artist, I elaborate further basing my reading of figure 2.13 on the insight of the proverb: igi gogoro ma gun mi ni oju ooo, ati okere lati n wo – a long tree does not pierce my eyes because I can see it from far. In the case of Yoruba people, the proverb is adapted to: igi gogoro ti gun w ni oju – long tree does not destroy our spiritual eyes.43 Traditional Yoruba people believe that a person whose spirituality does not function has died (Abiodun 2014:260). The eyes correspond to the Yoruba phrase, oju loro wa (words are from the eye). When Yoruba people use this expression, it means there is an important conversation or dialogue that should be discussed face to face. To this end, Okediji (2002:70) says “Oju la ri, oluwa lo mokan meaning faces are all we see, only divinity knows the mind”. This corresponds with an understanding of a God of Omnipotence, that Yoruba culture adheres to. Okediji explores the spiritual concept of a head and an eye in Yoruba society.

Okediji’s exploration of material uses indigenous Nigerian/Yorubaland soil as material for his art practice. Okediji explains why he used this indigenous material:

Using soil in my art work is a political act. It is my desire for decolonisation of art materials in Yoruba society. I think about hundreds of thousands of dollars that Nigeria spent on buying art materials such as Winsor and Newton oil paints. It is like Nigerians buying rice and alcohol in the market. Using Western materials is not part of indigenous art making, it is still an act of colonisation. Colonisation has turned Africa into [a] high consumer … of art materials. Culturally, soil connects me with my ancestor and philosophy of Yoruba such as ori – destiny, Iwa – character or beauty (Okediji 2019).

42 Yoruba tradition believes that inner eyes are spiritual and that the spiritual head is controlled by the ancestors. There is a belief that a spiritual head determines the destiny or future of a person in Yoruba culture. This is the reason why parents consult with elders in their family when a new child is born. The elder will consult with an ancestor through a diviner and intercede for the child’s destiny and spiritual head. In this process, the priest will give instructions on what the parents must do to help the new born child to achieve his or her destiny. During this process, the baby will be given a spiritual name. For instance, I have both Christian and traditional names. I was given my great grandfather’s name, Aribuolawisi, which means ‘swimming in a wealthy place’. The priests and diviner praises Ori (spiritual head) as follows: Ori pele (Ori I hail you); Atete niran (You who do not forget your devotees); Atete gbe’ni ko’osa (who bless devotees more quickly than other gods); Ko soosa ti I da ni I gbe (No god blesses a man); and Leyin ori eni (Without the consent of his Ori) (Abimbola, 1976:132-133). 43 Igi Gogoro means problem, unpleasant situation in society.

Okediji (2019) claims that soil is extracted from the land and that land is a substance that needs to be respected and protected because of its historical association.

Anatsui’s uses soil as a material that has elements of flexibility and versatility (Anatsui 2019). Anatsui explores Akan and Uli symbols. Anatsui was influenced by the events within current Nigerian society. Okediji explores the importance of gods and goddesses in Yoruba society. Anatsui and Okediji’s different views and knowledge of the use of local materials inspire my exploration on batik and tie-dyed canvases in my body of work, where I explore the iwa l ewa concept of Yoruba people. Iwa means “essential nature” and ewa means “beauty”; ewa is the expression of iwa.

Anatsui’s and Okediji’s artworks express different historical and political moments and cultural values in African society. I explore indigenous theories and selected Yoruba gods and goddesses that are related to my study. In my art practice in South Africa, xenophobic events influence my research. In the next chapter, I discuss the processes and methods of my paintings and prints that are responses to aspects of xenophobic violence in South African society. I observe that xenophobic violence is contrary to the philosophy of ubuntu, which was promoted by South African freedom fighters such as Nelson Mandela, Steve Biko, and Oliver Tambo, (Adi & Sherwood 2003:131) for instance.

CHAPTER THREE: An expression of Yoruba traditional symbols in response to aspects of xenophobic violence in South Africa

Izandla ziya gezana (Hands wash each other) 3.1 Introduction

South Africa is a land of great physical beauty. I imagine many visitors share that sentiment because of the roads, infrastructure and tourist centres. Likewise, I read about political activist and former president of South Africa Nelson Mandela (1918- 2013) and how he facilitated the notion of ubuntu, unity and peace in South African society. However, the spirit of ubuntu contrasts with the social challenges, such as discrimination and hatred that result from xenophobia in post-apartheid South African society. I gave examples of xenophobic violence and my experience on xenophobic violence in South African society in Chapter One.

As explained in the previous chapter, the purpose of this research is to explore ways in which art can be harnessed to express political sentiment in a postcolonial society. Specifically, I am interested in engaging with the xenophobia that characterises so much of the interaction between people who were born in South Africa and people who were born in other African countries who currently live in South Africa. The project has been inspired by the work of contemporary African artists, Okediji and Anatsui, who use indigenous African ideas and materials as I have discussed in Chapter Two. In this chapter, my focus is one where my reading of work by Anatsui and Okediji may be seen to relate to what I am doing in my own work, in which I make use of Yoruba traditional tie-dyed on un-stretched canvases and batik techniques, and the process of dyed cloth. Therefore, I discuss the process of tie-dyed canvas, batik and screen printing in this chapter. I explain how the Yoruba dying process connects to practices performed in my family background. I provide an explanation for the seven symbols incorporated in my body of work.

I draw on the concept of iwa l ewa (a Yoruba spiritual and philosophical concept that Yoruba researchers explain as a human being essential nature) to discuss attributes necessary for human beings to live harmoniously in society.44 The iwa l ewa concept is relevant to resolve social and political problems in society (Abiodun 2014:258). I

44 I explained in Chapter One above that beauty is an expression of character and character is judged according to inherent qualities defined as “essential nature” in Yoruba society.

identify xenophobia as a social problem and threat to communalism and humanism in South African society. I explore ways of expressing means of overcoming conflict between South Africans and other Africans living in South African society. I argue that the Yoruba concept of essential nature is required to sustain humanism, ubuntu and a community spirit in South Africa, which perhaps can extend to other African societies.

3.2 The concept of Yoruba traditions in this study

I draw on Yoruba traditions in the making of batik and tie-dyed cloth,45 which is known as adire in Yoruba society. In Yoruba parlance, the term adire is a compound noun and can be separated into two, adi meaning “tie” and re meaning “dye”. There are different techniques of making tie-dye in Yoruba society such as oniko and eleko. The oniko method involves tying and stitching while the eleko method employs a resisting agent called eko-pap (see Figure 3.1); both methods are used to define and capture the everyday life of the Yoruba-speaking people in South Western Nigeria (Areo and Kalilu 2013:97). Okediji (1997:165) claims that adire textile is a medium through which the worldview, beliefs and practices of the Yoruba people is represented. It is usually adorned with motifs such as birds, snakes, chameleons, leaves, stars and moons drawn from the diverse sphere of life. Each motif on adire cloth is a symbol which has a metaphorical meaning in Yoruba culture. Drewal and Drewal (1983:170) explain that the symbols connect to traditional religious beliefs in Yoruba society. The symbols have powerful meanings and, when they are used in artworks, a Yoruba audience recognies the significance of their incorporation (Diakhate 2008:166).

The similarities between my work and traditional Yoruba people’s adire can be seen in the process of dying, the use of Yoruba metaphors and the representation of Yoruba symbols. The differences are that the context of Yoruba adire is drawn from Yoruba

45 Yoruba people have adire and aso-oke traditional textile cloths that influence the society. Aso-oke is a hand-woven cloth, made by Yoruba women in the society. It is worn to special ceremonies such as festivals, weddings and coronations. Each aso-oke is costumised with the spiritual and historical details of a township or city for the festivals or king coronations purposes. A spiritual detail can be represented with bird, snake, snail, leaf and lizard symbols in which the symbols can be recogonised by people living within or outside the township or city of Yoruba society. The aso-oke costumised for ritual purposes are used by the secret members known as Ogboni groups. They lay aso-oke on their shoulders to create awareness and identity that they belong into a traditional spiritual cult in Yoruba society. In addition, the Ogboni secret cult makes use of aso-oke often. The traditional sign systems used in the production of aso-oke help in depicting questions of historical representations, religious beliefs and identity and the evolution of African art history (Picton & Mack 1986).

society while my work explores the problem of xenophobic episodes in South Africa, through the use of Yoruba traditional philosophical words and symbols. Adire is worn as a cloth, while my work is framed in an ideological context as an activist expression against xenophobic attacks and to promote humanity in South African society. Adire cloth traditionally acts as a channel that reminds Yoruba-speaking people about their culture, while my work emphasises humanism and ubuntu in South African and other African societies.

Figure 3.1: Yoruba, Nigeria, Adire eleko, 1971. Cotton indigo, 167 × 193cm, 1971. (Picton 2000:107) I make use of dye throughout my body of work. This dye has historical value in Yoruba society and consequently, tells the story of my family. When I began with this study, I was not aware that my grandmother used to sell dye and people called her “dye seller”, or Iya alaro in the 1970s.46 Thus, I began to realise that my artworks reference my own family history connected to Yoruba traditional cloth dying methods that began in

46 I discovered the familial connection during a telephone conversation with my mother. At one point she inquired about my research and, believing she might not understand, I was hesitant to offer a full explanation. However, she persisted and asked, “Idowu what are you doing?” Finally, I explained my work and its use of tie-dyed fabric and traditional symbols. My mother was instantly amused, and I asked her why she was laughing. She explained that I was doing what my grandmother had done before she died. She laughed again and said it runs in the blood. Incidentally, my traditional name is Idowu. Idowu means a child born after the twins. Yoruba believe Idowu means root of the family: the child will be elegant and be the source of blessing to other family member.

Oshogbo, Osun State. In my work, I explore and adopt dye pigments and the technique of making traditional cloth.

Figure 3.2: Two women dyers in Abeokuta, Nigeria, 2007. (Areo 2013:356)

Researchers such as Owoeye (2014:3) claim that the dying process is an act of ritual performance. The traditional Yoruba dye is made by systematically refining elu (indigo leaves). Elu is processed in the mortar, pounded with a pestle until the blue-black colour is extracted. This extracted colour is put into an ikoko (pot) that contains eru (ashes). Eventually the solution becomes omi eru (water for ashes). There is a process of fermentation, and the final process becomes omi aro (dye water) which is indigo (Picton & Mack 1979:35; Owoeye 2014:1-2). The traditional processes of making indigo dye are good for exploration but I make use of commercially prepared dye pigments in my work. I combine Yoruba dye and South African dye in my canvases. I use blue, red, yellow and purple dyes to explore the tie-dyed process and I used tie dye designs as a background to my body of work.

I explained in Chapter One that Yoruba traditional philosophy and symbols that I employed in my body of work communicate important ideas and philosophies of peace, unity, communal and humanity in African society. My use of colour follows traditional religious classifications and interpretations of colours in Yoruba society. Bolaji Campbell (2016: 304) argues that there is a hierarchy with regard to colours and

the meaning of colours is significant among the Yoruba people. Dudu refers to dark colours such as dark blue, purple, dark grey, green and black (Campbell 2016:304). This group of colours indexes the depth of the knowledge and wisdom of the deity known as Orunmila (Campbell 2016:304). Fun fun refers to light colours such as light blue, cream, turquoise, light grey and silver. White signifies purity, holiness and unity (Harris 1994:203-204). Pupa means red, which symbolises power and is used most often in rituals at shrines to honour the deities (Campbell 2016:304). Yoruba tradition derived the term Yelo from the English word “yellow”. Yoruba priests reference colour in ifa divination verse to review the complexities and mysteries of life (Campbell 2016:304). For instance, Abiodun (2014:250) explains an ifa divination verse that uses colours to describe individual persons living in a society:

Orisanla d’ aro meta (God prepared three dyes) O da kan ni dudu (He made one black) O da kan ni pupa (He made one red) O da kan ni funfun (He made one white) Dudu ni o re mi (Make me black) O o gbogbo re mi ni funfun (Do not make me white) Iwa mi ni o ko tete re (Dye me with my character first) Ni kutukutu obarisa (At the dawn of creation).

He goes on to state that pupa - red, dudu - black and funfun - white colours represent three possibilities of human characters that can be based on natural abilities combined with an endowment from creation (Abiodun 2014:250). Abiodun states that “each creation, be it a divinity, a person or thing, possesses its own character” (2014:253). This signifies that a society comprises different human characters or personalities. Campbell (2016:295) argues that individual personality or character is a constraint to attaining a potential of natural abilities in society. Therefore, the colours that I use in my body of work express my feelings and Yoruba interpretations regarding xenophobic attacks on me and other foreigners living in South Africa. I explore and make use of yellow and red to reveal the negative impact of xenophobic violence and blue and purple (there are caterogised under dudu Yoruba colour chart) to express essence of communalism spirit in South African society.

3.3 Techniques and Processes in the Body of Work

My exploration of traditional techniques and symbols began with my painting Yoruba symbols on dyed fabric. When I had completed the first series of work, I combined Yoruba indigo dye, Yoruba symbols and painted acrylic colours. For instance, the work illustrated in figure 3.3, was the first work into which I incorporated three Yoruba traditional symbols. Positioned at the centre of this piece is the symbol of Olokun (the goddess of the sea, characterised by the proverb Ori l’ej afi n la’bu (it is with the head that the fish swims through the depth); the symbol in red is orita meta (metaphoric crossroads where spiritual activities are traditionally understood to begin on earth)47 and the symbol in white is an Ade nla (a king’s crown). The metaphoric relation of head and water feeds into Yoruba people’s belief that Olokun has a symbolic meaning of breakthrough.

In my second painting, I explore the three symbols further (see Figure 3.4). This exploration develops the seven symbols of Yoruba essential nature of human being in this study. I make use of blue, yellow, red, white and green colours and I use the colours and spacing to express my internal dialogue on xenophobic violence against foreigners in South African society.

I explore the seven symbols of essential nature of human being in my use of traditional batik processes and methods as well as with the dialogue of xenophobic violence against foreigners in my screenprints, which comprise four series. The first series is a representation of the symbols created with the batik technique (see Figures 3.7 – 3.13). These symbols constitute my index: I discuss them, as well as my use of the screenprinting medium below in this chapter. In the second series, I include or juxtapose one or more symbols on a single canvas (see Figures 3.14 – 3.15). The third series (represented by Figures 3.16), comprises prints on tie-dyed canvases: these consist of words drawn from the restate of humanism, ubuntu and xenophobia in academic books. In the fourth series, there is larger paintings comprising tie-dyed canvas, screenprints, wax symbols and interlayered colour (See Figure 3.17). I learnt

47 Yoruba people believe that the spiritual realm spirits (ara orun) such as an ancestor or deities, meet with the people living on the earth (ara aye) at orita meta (intersection road) (Drewal 2009:72-73). When I was a child, my grandfather told me that I must not walk in the street at midnight because that is the hour when spiritual activities occur, most especially at orita-meta in Yoruba society.

these processes when I was doing my second and third years at Ladoke Akintola University of Technology.

Figure 3.3: Samuel Oyebode, Ori-Olokun, 2017. Dye, acrylic paint and sand, 1500 x 1000cm (Photograph by author).

Figure 3.4: Samuel Oyebode, Untitled, 2017. Dye, acrylic paint and sand, 3000 × 2800cm (Photograph by author). When I began with the process of the tie, stitch and dye technique in 2017, I felt that it was visually successful as a painting, but I could not achieve the effect and pattern of the Yoruba people’s tie-dye because I was working with a large un-stretched canvas. I achieved the patterns when I began to work on a small un-stretched canvas. For this reason, I continued to explore the tying and stitching technique on smaller canvasses I tie a white canvas into many parts and in some cases, I tie the centre of the canvas, as well. The parts that are tied resist dye and the untied parts absorb dye as seen in figures 3.5 and 3.6.

My dying process is like I am painting with the shade of paint colours. I measure a full tablespoon of the same dye pigment into different four bowls and I added two

tablespoons of salt into each bowl. I diluted the first bowl with one litre of boiled water, second bowl with 500ml of boiled water, third bowl with 250ml of un-boiled water and fourth bowl with 250ml of warm water. Each bowl of dye solvent represents different tone. I used the level of water to tint and shade the dye solvent that have effect on the dying system in the body of work.

Figure 3.5: Samuel Oyebode, Tie and dye process, at University of Johannesburg visual art studio, 2019 (Photograph by author)

Figure 3.6: Samuel Oyebode, Tie and dye process, at University of Johannesburg visual art studio, 2019 (Photograph by author). The process of batik consists of the use of technology and traditional methods. I print the symbols on acetate and I then cut out the transparent parts to make stencils. Each of the stencils is placed on a white canvas and wax is applied in the area exposed by the stencil. The waxed shape resists dye and the unwaxed areas absorb dye. I do not iron the wax out, when the work is complete. I adopt this technique to represent symbols on the canvases.

South African art academic Claudia Katarina Hartwig (2015:31) claims that screen printing is an essential technique in South African art history. It is one of the many techniques that artists used to express the struggle for freedom during the apartheid era. Hartwig and I have worked together at her studio and I conducted a short interview with her on the process of screen printing:

Screen-printing is a positive printmaking technique that can be used commercially as well as artistically. Visual art screen printing results in bright bold layers of colour printed with relative ease and efficiency depending on the stencil technique chosen by the artist. A frame constructed out of wood/metal supports a porous material such as polyester (previously silk) [mesh] that is stretched taut and fixed to the frame in a similar way to which a canvas is stretched. A stencil is attached to the mesh and ink is forced through the surface using a squeegee (a sturdy, straight-edged blade of polyurethane held with a handle), onto the surface. The stencil blocks out the areas where the ink is not meant to print. There are different ways of making stencils on the mesh and the creation of these becomes part of the art-making process. Most stencils do not require any expensive equipment and can be made in a home studio or other facility (Hartwig 2019).

I use this technique to print images from the anti-xenophobia protests, and to print words on the prepared tie-dyed canvases.

3.4 First Series: Index of Symbols I have isolated seven symbols, each of which references one of seven qualities that I suggest can militate against xenophobic violence in South African society. Consequently, these symbols function as an index; I introduce the symbols as a guide to help viewers unpack my narrative. The symbols are integrated into my work to create a narrative. I have researched the work of Yinka Shonibare (b. 1962) in his 1994 Double Dutch exhibition which has influenced my production of my current work in general, and my index of symbols, in particular.48 The installation of 50 Dutch wax printed cotton canvases knowledge will guide installation of seven symbols in my exhibition.

48 Yinka Shonibare (b. 1962) is a Nigerian born but contemporary British artist. Shonibare reiterates the importance of context, politics and material culture in the construction and direction of visual arts in a discourse of colonisation and post-colonisation (Oyebode 2015:35).

Figure 3.7: Samuel Oyebode, Iwa, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dye, 40 x 30cm (Photograph by author). The title of the work illustrated in figure 3.7 is iwa. This is a Yoruba theoretical word. According to Abiodun (2014:251), it can be etymologically separated into i which means “exist” and wa which means “to be together”. Together, the term means “the purpose of living or being”. Abiodun (2014:251) explains that in Yoruba traditional religion, Iwa is a goddess, the wife of the god Orunmila, who oversees the spiritual values of prosperity and honour. Thus Iwa signifies wealth, peace and love. It is believed that when Orunmila was married to Iwa, Orunmila’s wellbeing changed because of Iwa’s spiritual qualities. However, Iwa was not able to do domestic work such as washing dishes, washing clothes and cleaning. Orunmila ran out of patience with his wife because of this and he sent Iwa from his house because of her inadequacies. Some days later, Orunmila began to look for Iwa because his life had

changed from good to bad. Orunmila found Iwa again and she came back into Orunmila’s life and he regained all he had lost (Abiodun 2014:251-252). The moral of this narrative is summarised by the Yoruba statement: mo iwa fun oni wa, which means “be conscious of the essential nature of each other” (Abiodun 2014:253).

The iwa symbol comprises six triangular shapes that form a circle. There are three small circles positioned on the right, left and at the centre of the symbol. Two small triangular shapes are opposite each other inside the centre. Two of the outer triangles overlap at the bottom but other shapes are separate from each other. The shapes are of different sizes; therefore, the shapes form a circle that represents a society. This symbol connotes a group of people: each individual practices different way of life and there are different inadequacies in each society. The symbol of iwa is about the importance of understanding one another to create a culture of communalism in society.

Figure 3.8 shows iwa-pele, a work which contextualises the idea of suuru (patience). A Yoruba proverb involving this term is suuru ni baba iwa (patience is the father of character). It is understood from that that a person who exercises patience avoids brute force and has endurance. The god Orunmila has many virtuous attributes, but he failed to exercise patience with Iwa’s inadequacies in the parable cited above. A Yoruba proverb says tibi tire ni ile-aye (good and bad mysteries are in society). This may be explained in the tale of the reconciliation between Orunmila and Iwa. At first, given the circumstances and the issue, this reconciliation seems impossible, but patience makes it possible.

Figure 3.8: Samuel Oyebode, iwa-pele, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dye, 40 × 30cm, (Photograph by author).

Figure 3.9: Samuel Oyebode, Ifarable, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 40 x 30cm (Photograph by author). Ifarabale is a work which reflects on one’s ability to control negative feelings toward another person; to act in a considered, rather than an unmediated manner. The symbol illustrates the Yoruba proverb Asuretete ko r oye je, aringbere ni I moyee dele (He who walks slowly and acts intelligently will bring the title home, while he who runs and acts recklessly misses the chance of enjoying a title).

Figure 3.10: Samuel Oyebode, Oju-inu, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 40 x 30cm (Photograph by author). There are many social and political situations in society. Yoruba elders suggest that people need Oju-inu which means the inner spiritual eyes to understand situations in the society. The proverb that deals with this is Oju ni alakan fi n so ori which means “a crab makes use of it eyes for protection”. Likewise, Abiodun (1994:42) claims that an inner spiritual eye emanates from self-knowledge which itself is the ability to contemplate a situation and make a considered decision. Yoruba considers when a person is experiencing the period of contemplation, the person is at orita meta - point of intersection or metaphorical crossroads. This a point to make either bad or good decision in real life situation. This is the reason why Yoruba elders, priests and ifa diviners advices people to operate from inner spiritual eyes in a contemplation moment to avoid making bad decision. The symbol Oju-inu draws on the concept of Yoruba

orita meta. - A vertical line is drawn from the top right angle to the bottom left angle and from the top left to the bottom right angle.

Figure 3.11: Samuel Oyebode, Imoju-mora, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 40 x 30cm (Photograph by author).

According to Abiodun (2014:275) Imoju-mora is the quality of sensitivity which speaks to the needs of the moment and responding with a sense of propriety and from a position of measured consciousness. It is founded on the ability to adapt and change without being formally told do so. This symbol is drawn from the Opon-ifa divination

tray which is found among other ifa materials that a babalowo – diviner – uses in the process of seeking information from Eshu or Ifa.49

Figure 3.12: Samuel Oyebode, iluti, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 40 x 30cm (Photograph by author).

The title of the work illustrated in figure 3.12 is iluti and is created from the Yoruba proverb Eti ko si lori, ori di apola igi (with the ears missing, the head is no more than a dumb piece of wood) (Abiodun 2014:272). The symbol is an abstracted human figure

49 The Yoruba religious beliefs evoke discussion on the purpose of the babalowo in society. A babalowo (receiver of information from the ancestors) is a priest who studies ifa divination. He is an intermediary between gods or goddesses and people in the Yoruba society. Drewal (1994:171) explains that the priests tell a child’s destiny to his or her parents. The priest states a child’s character or personality by asking the gods and goddesses. The gods will appear on the opon ifa ( “ifa tray”) in symbols and the priest sees animals such as “ere“ (python), oka olushere (gaboon viper), ekolo (earthworm), lakoshe (white snail) and akoko (woodpecker)” (Thompson 1984:9). These creatures are Yoruba religious symbols.

created from rectangles, a triangle and a circle. The top rectangle is ori,50 which is the head, the triangle is ara, which is the body, the circle is inu, which is the abdomen and the two small rectangles are ese – the legs. Every part in a human figure needs every other part to function adequately, in order for the whole organism to function optimally. This illustration applies to people in the sense that “we cannot function without the help of one and another” (Hord,et al 2016:138). This concept can be related to Yoruba ideology and is embodied in Yoruba proverbs: for example, agba jo owo ni afin so aya, which means one finger cannot beat a chest, but combined fingers are effective and igi kan ko s’igbo which means “one tree cannot make a forest.” This ideology supports social interaction, encourages love in a community and discourages western individualism in Yoruba society.

50 The head is classified into ori – inu (inner spiritual head) and ori – ita (outside head) according to Yoruba beliefs. Abiodun (1987:261) reports that the head is powerful in the Yoruba pantheon. Abimbola (1976:113) explains that the diviner provides a guide to the right path on a child’s ori - destiny in Yoruba society.

Figure 3.13: Samuel Oyebode, Tito, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 40 x 30cm (Photograph by author).

Tito is the Yoruba word which describes the ability to preserve and keep culture alive. The symbol illustrates Yoruba Iwa as immortality: Aiku pari iwa, E egbo e e to (May you live long and remain mentally and physically sound) (Abiodun 2014:279). The point here is that it is everyone’s responsibility to promote traditions in a specific society.

3.5 Second series: Analysisof the concept iwa l ewa.

The second series is a combination of one or more symbols on a canvas. There are 10 canvases in this series, but I analyse two in this dissertation. Figure 3.14 is a juxtaposition of iluti, iwa and oju-inu symbols. The meanings of the symbols I explained earlier in this chapter. However, the title of this painting is aro-meta (aro means a traditional stove and meta means three) and it has a unique meaning in Yoruba society. A literal definition of aro-meta is the arrangement of three stones to create balance for a cooking pot. The metaphorical meaning is that the collaboration of people permits stability and balance in Yoruba society. The ideology of aro-meta relates to another Yoruba proverb that says Igi kan ko s’igbo’, which means one tree cannot make a forest. In the narratives, a stone cannot balance a pot and a tree cannot make a forest, trees support one another to grow. These ideologies advocate African humanist and communalist philosophies such as ubuntu in society. Ubuntu states that a person is a person through other persons. A similar approach is Figure 3.15 that is titled eji-ogbe in this study. There are iwa-pele and tito symbols weaving together in the painting. Eji-ogbe is a verse in ifa divination:

Eji eji ni mo gbe (I bless in twos) N o gbe enikan mo (I do not bless only one) A dia fun Tayewo (Divined for Tayewo which means a first twins’ child) A-bu-fun-Keyinde (He-that-shares with Keyinde which means a second twin’s child) (Abimbola 1976:31) Another eji-ogbe verse says:

Ore o gb eleta (Friendship does not bind three) Eleji lore gba (Friendship binds only two people) (Abimbola 1976:57). These verses encourage people to relate with one another peacefully in Yoruba society. I argue that this verse underpins the social and cultural relations between two different people from different cultural backgrounds and nations in African society. A Yoruba statement says Mo iwa fun oniwa which means that one must be conscious of other people’s culture, character and religion in order to have a communal and humanist society.

Figure 3.14: Samuel Oyebode, Aro-meta, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 1020 x 740cm (Photograph by author).

Figure 3.15: Samuel Oyebode, Eji-ogbe, 2019. Wax resist on tie-dyed canvas, 1020 x 740cm (Photograph by author).

3.6 Third series: Analyses of Ubuntu in South African Society

“With African ubuntu philosophy, the entire planet is viewed as a living being”. Berg citing CG Jung (2012: viii) In my third series of work, I have created five separate tie-dyed canvases that contain printed definitions and characteristics of ubuntu in South African society. In this section, I discuss and analyse ubuntu in post-apartheid South African society. However, I analyse only one of these works (see Figure 3.16) in this dissertation. The background of this work is prepare with yellow dye pigment. I explained earlier in this chapter that Yoruba believes yellow colour reveal information on specific situation. I am using Yoruba interpretations of colour, tie-dye method and ubuntu dialogue to draw a connection between Yoruba and South African society. Therefore, figure 3.16 reveal how ubuntu philosophy expresses human dignity in South African society.

Figure 3.16: Samuel Oyebode, Untitled, 2019. Tie-dyed canvas and screen print, 750 x 500cm (Photograph by author).

I am not arguing as a lawyer or exploring legal sections and statements but creating an understanding of human dignity that corresponds with ubuntu in this study. In Chapter One, I discussed the concept of ubuntu as a moral antidote to xenophobia, isolation and discrimination in South African society. I suggest that the South African Bill of Rights was developed in the spirit of ubuntu and that this spirit should be extended to all the people living in South African society. South African professor of law Cathi Albertyn identifies the subject of the Bill of Rights, namely the “human right have no nationality” that I printed on tie-dye canvas (see Figure 3.16). She further notes: “Bill of Right is inherent in all people, citizens and non-citizens alike – simply because they are human and, for whatever reason, they must be respected and are protected” (2008:180).

The Bill of Rights gives a foreigner access to social security, work, education, medical care and life in South African society. In summary, South Africans have no cause to differentiate between a person born in South Africa or one who is not born in South Africa, but lives here, in as much as they are humans living in society.

I argue that the Bill of Rights has been violated and it is clear that between 2008 and 2019, there have been several instances of xenophobic violence. In 2008, xenophobic violence was responsible for the deaths of sixty two foreign nationals at Johannesburg’s Alexandra township, several Somalis shops were looted at Port Elizabeth, and in Mamelodi township in Pretoria four people were killed (Worby,et al: 2008:3). In Chapter One, I explained that xenophobic violence in South Africa often takes place between black South African and black foreign nationals. I also discussed that black South African and black migrants are competing for domestic jobs and the customer-base of mini traders. Another example of the resentment is that a group of people design an avenue to steal or loot foreign-owned shops and they call it a “xenophobic” attack (Worby, et al 2008:3).51 For instance, in 2018, people living in a Soweto community claimed that foreigners were selling expired food items. Then, members of the community looted the shops and went home to eat the so-called expired food items. The act of resentment and xenophobic violence betrayed fundamental values of community, inclusion, participation and ubuntu (Albertyn 2008:175). However, there is room for further research such as the responses of

51 I use the term a group of people, because there are South African, Nigerian, Zambian, Zimbabwean, Malawian residents among other foreign nationals living in Soweto community.

political and traditional leaders in xenophobic attacks against migrants living in South African society. The content of this dissertation is limited to social responses, but I have screen printed the text of a statement made by former South African president, Thabo Mbeki, in one of the works.52 Xenophobic violence distorts the structure of ubuntu in post-apartheid South African society.

3.7 Fourth series: the current social problem in South Africa and the iwa l ewa Yoruba people’s concept

Wake up to the realisation/ That we are all of one nation/ Everyone let’s have some fun/ Under the moon, the stars and the sun (Ziggy Marley 1999) In this section, I discuss my body of work that consists of assembled sections of tie- dyed canvas, screen prints, batik and painting techniques. I make use of dye as a Yoruba traditional material similar to how Anatsui and Okediji use soil as a traditional material in their artworks that I discussed in Chapter Two. I explained the processes of tie-dying, print and batik earlier in this chapter. I then separate my body of work into another four series and each series is grouped according to the colours blue, yellow, red and purple. Each colour narrates Yoruba traditional meanings that I discuss earlier in this chapter. I wove together nine yellow tie-dyed canvases, nine blue tie-dyed canvases, nine red tie-dyed canvases and purple tie-dyed canvases to make a specific body of work. The size of each individual work is 240x207cm, making the estimated size for the entire work 960x828cm. As mentioned in the introduction of Chapter Two, influenced by Anatsui, I explore my society; likewise, my work is similar to that of Anatsui in terms of the scale.

The anti-xenophobic images printed on the tie-dyed canvases are contextualised as words opposing xenophobia, as follows:

• In image 1, I say “the Africa we want has no place 4 xenophobia”;

52 Mbeki said “when I heard some accuse my people of xenophobia, of hatred of foreigners, I wondered what the accusers knew about my people, which I did not know ... the dark days of May [2008] which have brought us here today were visited on our country by people who acted with criminal intent. What happened during these days was not inspired by a perverse nationalism, or extreme chauvinism, resulting in our communities violently expressing the hitherto unknown sentiment of mass and mindless hatred of foreigners – xenophobia … and this I must also say – none in our society has any right to encourage or incite xenophobia by trying to explain naked criminal activity by cloaking it in the garb of xenophobia” (Worby, et al 2008:4).

• In image 2, I say “stop xenophobia”; • In image 3, I say “out xenophobia”; • In image 4, I say “embrace Africa, end xenophobia”; • In image 5, I claim that “we are one Africa”; • In image 6, I explain that “Africa is home to all, stop xenophobia”; • in image 7, there is a woman holding a poster that says “in Christ there is no foreigner”; • In image 8, I have represented of children declaring “Africa for Africans, xenophobia is a crime against humanity”; • In image 9, I provide an explanation that says “we are African, xenophobia is not our name”; and • In image 10 there are mixed phrases, such as “I am African” and “we stand”. These are anti-xenophobic phrases that are utilised in the body of work.

Figure 3.17: Samuel Oyebode, Asiri (Hidden secret), 2019. Tie-dyed canvas, screen print, acrylic paint, dye pigment and sand, 240 x 207cm (Photograph by author). Figure 3.17 combines image 1, 2, 3, and 5, as mentioned above, using different shades of yellow and red. Campbell (2016:304) claims that yellow is a colour that brings light into an impossible darkness. Campbell’s claim is based in the accounts given by ifa scholars such as Abimbola on the colour yellow in Yoruba thinking, drawing from the iyerosun (the divination dust that is referred to as sacred powder) and explains that a priest makes use of it when performing rituals and revealing the intention of Orunmila in Yoruba society (Abimbola 2000:177). Therefore, I use the work illustrated in figure 3.17 to reveal that xenophobic violence generates hatred, distorts human values, creates negative feelings, tension and agony in society. A peaceful Africa has no place for xenophobia, and for this reason, I incorporate iwa-pele symbols in this series to disclose Yoruba people’s narrative with regard to Orunmila’s intention

on the importance of understanding one another to create a culture of communalism that contextualises ubuntu in the society.53

This chapter explains Yoruba knowledge on essential nature of human being through seven symbols in this study. The explanations of the seven symbols can be use to determine if iwa l ewa and ubuntu are depicts in South African society. As I explained in the third series (on page 64), creating an understanding on importance of human dignity and communalism among people that staying in post-aparthied South African is the context of this dissertation.

53 I explain earlier in this chapter that Iwa is a goddess and she is wife to the god Orunmila and Iwa- pele contextualising suuru that means patience.

CHAPTER FOUR: In Conclusion

The objective of this dissertation is to promote the purpose of African humanist and communalist philosophies among people living in the South African community through art. I identified ubuntu, ajobe and ajobi as examples of African humanism among Yoruba people and South African society. I argue that the seven qualities drawn from Yoruba iwa l ewa theory resonate with ubuntu in South African society. The philosophical functions of the theories and philosophies in this dissertation express the knowledge of creating egalitarian and communal unity in society. I explain in Chapter One and Three my experiences of xenophobic violence in South African society. However, I likewise experienced love and warm welcomes from South African citizens. Although, after the incidents at MTN taxi rank and other xenophobic experiences, my relationship with South African society was restricted to be among South Africa’s educated milieu. The truth is that I am scared to communicate and relate with local black South Africans, most especially in the country’s townships, as I believe it is dangerous to live and work in these areas. It has been documented that the majority of xenophobia violence begins in South African townships (Glaser 2008:53). I suggest that the government must take action to resolve xenophobic violence in townships and South African society. Likewise, political and traditional elders such as Goodwill Zwelithini kaBhekuzulu of the Zulu kingdom must take responsibility to promote African humanism in South African society. Consequently, the academic sector needs to enlighten local South Africans on the idea of extending ubuntu philosophy to other non-South Africans living in their society. As a politically engaged visual artist, I am involved in the construction of knowledge on African humanism, ubuntu and a deconstruction of political issues around African unity in South African society. I argue that African people should draw on and from the philosophies of iwa- pele (calm character), suuru (patience), Imoju-mora (sensibility), Ifarabale (calmness), iluti (good hearing) and tito (preservation of culture), to promote love, humanism, communalism and ubuntu in South African and other African societies.

Sources consulted

Abimbola, W. 1976. Ifa: An Exploration of Literacy Corpus. Ibadan: Oxford University Press. Abimbola, W. and Pemberton III, J. (eds). 2000. Continuity and Change in the Verbal, Artistic, Ritualistic, and Performance Traditions of Ifa Divination: Insight and Artistry in African Divination. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institute Press, p 177. Abiodun, R. 2014. Yoruba Art and Language. [O]. New York: Cambridge University Press. Available: http://0-web.a.ebscohost.com Accessed 5 October 2018 Abiodun, R. & Drewal, HJ (eds). 1994. Introduction: An African(?) Art history: promising theoretical approaches in Yoruba art studies. The Yoruba artist. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institute Press. Adi, H. and Sherwood, M. 2003. Pan-African history: Political figures from African and the diaspora. New York: Routledge. Aremu, JO. 2017. Midwifing Nigeria’s fragile unity: The role of Obafemi Awolowo in the Nigerian civil war. European Journal of Social Sciences Studies 2(9), September: 165-166. Adedeji, A, Amuwo, K, Egwu, S, Eteng, L, Kawonise, S, Ofondu, N, Okorie, A, Yaqub, N, Otite,O. 1997. Popular participation, democracy and development: Is there a dialectical linkage? Nigeria: Rewewal from the roots? The struggle for democratic development. London: Zed Books. Adegbite, AA, Balogun, BO, and Buba, FN. 2016. Impact of Ife-Modakeke intra- communal conflicts on spatial realignment of Ile-Ife city. Global Journal of Science Frontier Research, 16(2), October: 5. Areo, MO, and Odebunmi, A (eds). 2015. The visual semantics of adire: Essays on language, communication and literature in Africa. [O]. Newcastle: Cambridge scholars publisher. Available: http://0-web.a.ebscohost.com Accessed 7 March 2018. Areo, MO, and Razaq, KO. 2013. Adire in South-west Nigeria: Geography of centres. An international multidisciplinary journal, Kenya, 7(2), April: 97. Albertyn, C and Hassim, E (eds) 2008. Beyond citizenship: Human rights and democracy: Go home or die here. Johannesburg: Wits University Press.175-188 Appiah, A and Binder, L (eds). 2010. El Anatsui: The early work. El Anatsui: when I last wrote to you about Africa. New York: Museum of African art. 63-73 Bascom, W. 1991. Ifa divination: Communication between men and God in West Africa. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Bery, A. 2012. Connecting with South Africa: cultural communication and understanding. Texas. Texas A&M University Press. Bullock, A. 1988. Stallybrass, O & Trombley, S (eds). The Fontana dictionary of modern thought. 2nd edition. London: Harper Collins.

Battestini, SP and Ottenburg, S (eds). 2002. Nsibidi. The Nsukka artists and Nigerian Contemporary Art. Washington: University of Washington Press & Smithsonian National Museum of African art. Campbell, B and Olupona, JK (eds). 2016.Of colour, character, attributes, and values of Orunmila. Ifa divination, knowledge, power, and performance [O]. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Available: http://0-ebookcentral-proqu... Accessed 12 June 2018. Does Gini index really show SA? 2019. [O]. Available: http://www.politicsweb.co.za/.. Accessed 13 August 2019. Drewal, H and Frankel, S (eds) 2009. Dynasty and Divinity Ife Art I Ancient Nigeria, The splendour of ancient ife: art is an early west African state. University of Washington Press. London: 70-168 Drewal HJ and Drewal, MT. 1983. Gelede: Art and female power among the Yoruba. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Drewal, MT and Abiodun, R. (eds). 1994. Embodied practice/Embodied history: mastery of metaphor in the performances of diviner Kolawole Ositola. The Yoruba artist. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institute Press.171-190 Diakhate, L. 2008. Cross-cultural patterns: “cloth is like a DNA swatch”. Journal for contemporary African art (Duke University press), New York, September: 166. Eluyemi, O. and Nettleton, A. (ed). 2002. Ife art history. Nigerian Art: The Meneghelli Collection. Johannesburg: Totem Galleries.35-59 Effiong, P. 2014. Nsibidi: Indigenous African inscription. [Sn Exhibition catalogue, October gallery. 2006 El Anatsui. 1975. [O]. Available: http://elanatsui.art Accessed 23 June 2018 El Anatsui. 1980. [O]. Available: http://elanatsui.art Accessed 26 June 2018 Esu and Orere, 2006. Terracotta (coloured earth) on wood, dimension unknown [O]. Available:facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1621079094571430&set=9.922995077 12729&type=3&theather. Accessed 6 May 2019 Female Figure, 2017. Terracotta (coloured earth) on wood, dimension unknown [O]. Available:facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1621079094571430&set=9.922995077 12729&type=3&theather. Accessed 6 May 2019 Fragments of the shattered gourd, 2008. Terracotta (coloured earth) on canvas, 270×350cm [O].Available:facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=2168001773212490&set=9.922995 07712729&type=3&theather. Accessed 13 May 2019 Gini coefficient.1912. [O]. Available: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wik.. Accessed 13 August 2019 Gaylary, R. 2007. “Welcome to the world of humanity”: (African) humanism, ubuntu, and black South African writing. Literary studies 20(1) July:267.

Garba, A. 2012. Secondary Education in Nigeria: A Synthesis of Basic Student- Specific Concerns from Guidance and Counselling Perspective. Journal of International Cooperation in Education 15(2),199. Glaser, D and Hassim, E.(eds) 2008. (Dis)connections: Elite and Popular ‘Common Sense’ on the Matter of ‘Foreigners’: Go home or die here. Johannesburg. Wits University Press. 53-64 Hassim, S, Kupe, T and Worby, E. 2008. Introduction, in Go home or die here. Johannesburg. Wits University Press.1-11 Harris, B. 2002. Xenophobia: A new pathology of a new South Africa? Psychopathology and social prejudice. Cape Town: University of Cape Town. Hord, LF and Scott, J. 2016. Nelson Mandela (1918-2013): we are committed to building a single nation in our country: speech at rally in Durban, February 25, 1990 in I am because we are. Massachusetts? University of Massachusetts Press. Houghton, G and Rizvi, E (eds) 1998. El Anatsui and the transvangarde: El Anatsui: A sculpted history of Africa. London: Saffron books.27-55 Harris, MD and Abiodun, R. (eds) 1994. Beyond aesthetic: visual activism in Ile-Ife. The Yoruba artist. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institute Press. 203- 214 Hartwig, KC. 2019. Interview by Samuel Oyebode. [Transcipt]. 14 August. Johannesburg. Haus der Kunst. 2019. Artist talk with El Anatsui [O]. Munich: Available: http://youtu.be/-HMX _9UKAS.Accessed 29 June 2019. Kawaguchi, Y. (ed). 2010. Africa in the works of El Anatsui: locating a site where multiple narratives can coexist: A fateful journey: Africa in the works of El Anatsui. Tokyo: The Yomiuri Shimbun, The Japan Association of Art Museums.57-64 Kgomotso,M. 2015. Selected Adrinkra symbols. MA dissertation, University of Pretoria. 30 Lawal, B. and Netttleton, A. (eds). 2002. Art and life in Yoruba culture. Nigerian art: the Meneghelli collection. Johannesburg: Totem Galleries.111-114 Masikane,CM. 2012. Xenophobia as a contextual factor in South Africa. MA dissertation, University of Johannesburg. Metz, T. 2015. Ubuntu and the value of self-expression in the mass media. South African journal for communication theory and research 41(3), October: 391. Mack, J (ed). 2000. Africa: Arts and cultures. Bloomsburg: British Museum Press. Nussbaum, B. 2003. Ubuntu: reflections of a South African on our common humanity. The society for organisational learning and the Massachusetts institute of technology, 4(4), Feburary: 2-12.

Nieftagodien, N and Hassim, E (eds) 2008. Xenophobia in Alexandra, in Go home or die here. Johannesburg: Wits University Press.65-78 Okediji, M and Mack, J (eds). 2000. Africa: Arts and cultures. Bloomsburg. British Museum Press. Okediji, M. 2019. Personal interview [Transcript]. 12 June. Telephonic conversation. Okediji, M. 2017a [O]. Available: http://art.utexas.edu/node/.Accessed 07 February 2018 Okediji, M. 2002b. African Renaissance: olds forms, new images in Yoruba art. Colorado: Colorado University Press. Okediji, M. 1997c. Art of the Yoruba. Art institute of Chicago Museum Studies, 23(2), October: 165. Okediji, M. 1991d. The naked truth: Nude figures in Yoruba art. Journal of Black Studies, 22(1), September 1991: 31. Oyebode, S. 2015. Culture and politics: the growth and development of visual arts in Nigeria and South Africa. Hon. dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria Oke, F, 2019. Personal Interview 9 May. Telephonic conversation. Ottenberg, S. (ed). 2002. Reflections on a symposium and an exhibition. The Nsukka artists and Nigerian contemporary art. Washington: University of Washington Press & Smithsonian National Museum of African art. Owusu, M. 1970. Uses and abused of political power: A case study of continuity and change in the political of Ghana. Chicago and London: Chicago University Press. Owusu, H. 2000. African symbols. New York: Sterling publishing company. Oguibe, O and Binder, L (eds) 2010. El Anatsui: The early work in. El Anatsui: when I last wrote to you about Africa. New York: Museum of African Art. 23-32 Okeke-Agulu, C and Binder, L (eds). 2010. Mark-making and El Anatsui’s reinvention of sculpture in. El Anatsui: when I last wrote to you about Africa. New York: Museum of African art. Oguibe, O. 1998. El Anatsui: beyond death and nothingness. African Art 31(1), March 2013: 52. Owoeye, OIO. 2014. Textiles, texts and symbols: women dyers symbols in the indigo textile dying production process in Osogbo, Nigeria. Dphil dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria. Owoeye, OIO and Falola, T (eds). 2014. The changing images and representations of adire technology in Nigerian politics: Education, creativity, and economic empowerment in Africa. [O]. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Available: http://books.google.co.za/boo.Accessed 7 June 2017

Odu Ifa Signature, 2017. American soil on canvas, 330×330cm [O].Available:facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1530831190262888&set=9.922995 07712729&type=3&theather. Accessed 12 May 2019 Pemberton, J (ed) 2000. Introduction in Insight and Artistry in African Divination. Washington: Smithsonian Institute Press. 4 Peri-Willis, E and Rizvi, E (eds) 1998. Chambers of memory in El Anatsui: A sculpted history of Africa. London: Saffron. 17-26 Picton, J and Rizvi, E (eds) 1998. ‘Patches of history’ patching up my art history: some reflexions on the sculpture of El Anatsui in El Anatsui: A sculpted history of Africa. London: Saffron. Picton, J and Mack, J. 1989. African textiles. London: British Museum Press. Schildkrout, E and Frankel, S (eds) 2009. Introduction to the Exhibition in Dynasty and Divinity Ife Art I Ancient Nigeria. London: University of Washington Press. 2- 67 Spider. 2013. [O]. Available: http://www.abovetopsecret.com Accessed 24 August 2019 Tomaselli, KG. 2016. Ubuntu and intercultural communication: power, inclusion and exclusion. University of Johannesburg, XXV(2): 2. Taiwo, O. 2016.Kin ifa wi? Philosophical issues in ifa divination. Ifa divination, knowledge, power, and performance [O]. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Available: http://0-ebookcentral-proqu. Accessed 12 June 2018 Thompson, RF. 1983. Flash of the spirit. New York: Random House. Tromp, B. 2015. SA’s Xenophobia shame: ‘burning man’ case shut. 15 February. [O]. Available: http://www.Timeslive.co.za Accessed 27 August 2019. Wake up to the realisation. 1999.[O]. Available:www.lyricfind.com. Accessed 27 August 2019 Witte, H and Abiodun, R (eds). 1994. Ifa trays from the Osogbo and Ijebu regions in The Yoruba artist. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institute Press. 59-77 Xenophobic attack on Ernesto Nhamuave. [O]. Available:http:umthwakazireview.com Accessed 04 April 2019.