DOCSLIB.ORG

Chapter One Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Chapter One Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa NOTES Chapter One Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa 1 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America. Edited by J.P. Mayer (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1988), p. 9. 2 For some of the rare examples of scholars systematically using Tocqueville to understand democracy in the non-Western world see Vincent Ostrom, The Meaning of Democracy and the Vulnerability of Democracies: A Response to Tocqueville’s Challenge (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1997); Carlos A. Forment, Democracy in Latin America, 1760–1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); and Sombat Chantornvong,“Tocqueville’s Democracy in America and the Third World,” in Vincent Ostrom, David Feeny, and Hartmut Picht (eds.), Rethinking Institutional Analysis and Development: Issues, Alternatives and Choices (San Francisco: Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1988), pp. 69–99. 3 The metaphor of waves to describe movement toward and away from democracy in modern societies was first popularized by Robert Michels, the German sociologist in 1911, in his Political Parties:A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracies (New York:Free Press, 1966). 4 According to Huntington, the Third Wave began with the overthrow of the Salazar regime in Portugal in 1975 and was followed by the demise of authoritarian regimes and their replacement by democratic regimes in Europe,Asia, and Latin America. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 17. Huntington had little to say about Africa because the Third Wave did not begin there before 1990. For an overview of the Third Wave in Africa, see Larry Diamond,“Introduction,” in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner (eds.), Democratization in Africa (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), pp. ix–xxvii. 5 Tocqueville, Democracy in America, pp. 58–60. 6 For a discussion of Tocqueville’s overturning of the prevalent European idea of the state and sovereignty,see Larry Siedentop, Tocqueville (New York:Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 41–43. 7 Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 26. 8 Huntington, The Third Wave,p.16. 9 For a vigorous defense of Tocqueville’s approach affirming the importance of decentralized politics and local self-government in fostering freedom, see Michael Hereth, Alexis de Tocqueville:Threats to Freedom in Democracy (Durham: Duke University Press, 1986), pp. 39–44. 10 Huntington, The Third Wave,p.9. 11 James T. Schleifer, The Making of Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (Chapel Hill:The University of North Carolina Press), pp. 263–274. Equality was such a major component of his definition of democracy that Tocqueville once thought of naming the second volume of his study of American democracy,which appeared in 1840, Equality in America. 12 For example, there are no entries for equality in the index of The Third Wave. 13 Tocqueville, The Old Régime and the French Revolution (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1955), pp. xiv–xv. 14 Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, pp. 7–8. Notes 189 15 Ostrom, The Meaning of Democracy and the Vulnerability of Democracies,p.17. 16 Democratic despotism came to France during the course of the French Revolution. The liberal phase of the French Revolution gave way to the Reign of Terror, Napoleon, and the Bourbon Restoration.The 1830 Revolution failed to transform France into a democracy because it restricted participation to a tiny minority of educated men of wealth and property.As a deputy in the French Parliament (1839–1851),Tocqueville witnessed the overthrow of the July Monarchy in the 1848 Revolution and the 1851 coup d’état engineered by Louis Napoléon that shelved the Second Republic’s embryonic democratic institutions. France did not become a liberal democracy until the establishment of the Third Republic (1879–1940) until twenty years after Tocqueville’s death in 1859. 17 For the coining of the concept and its implication, see Mahmoud Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Colonialism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 62–108. 18 Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution, pp. 146–147. 19 This section owes a great debt to the work of Frederick C. Schaeffer’s Democracy in Translation: Understanding Politics in an Unfamiliar Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998). His book, a linguistic inquiry that uses Senegal as a case study, looks at the interaction of culture and institu- tions and the formation and use of social science concepts like democracy in different cultural settings. 20 Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary,Tenth Edition (Springfield,MA:Merriam-Webster Incorporated, 1993), pp. 446, 670. 21 Schaeffer, Democracy in Translation, pp. 1–20. 22 Scholars have described countries that hold free and fair elections but restrict civil rights and other basic freedoms as illiberal democracies. Fareed Zakaria,“The Rise of Illiberal Democracy,” Foreign Affairs,Vol.76, No. 6 (1997), pp. 181–195. 23 For an analysis of the trend to differentiate among different strands of democracy by adding an adjective in front of the term, see David Collier and Steven Levitsky,“Democracy ‘with Adjectives’: Conceptual Innovation in Comparative Research,” World Politics,Vol.49 (April 1997), pp. 430–451. For a review of the literature on these themes and a spirited defense of the use of clientelist democracy, see Linda Beck, Clientelist Democracy, Unpublished paper for a conference on “Mapping the ‘Gray Zone’: Clientelist Democracy and the Boundary between Democratic and Democratizing,” Columbia University,April 4–5, 2003. 24 For critiques of the Western developmental model based on the nation-state, see Basil Davidson, The Black Man’s Burden:Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State, 1992; Sheldon Gellar,“State-Building and Nation-Building in West Africa,” Building States and Nations: Models, Analyses, and Data Across Three Worlds,Vol.2 (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1973), pp. 384–426. 25 Gerti Hesseling, Histoire Politique du Sénégal (Paris: Karthala, 1985), p. 349. 26 For a detailed discussion and analysis of the different usages of the term démocratie by politicians from the ruling party and the opposition, see Schaffer, Democracy in Translation, pp. 21–36. 27 In recent years, there has been a new literature arising that looks at local understandings of democracy in Africa. For example, see Maxwell Owusu,“Democracy and Africa—A View From the Village,” The Journal of Modern African Studies,Vol.30, No. 3 (1992), pp. 369–396; Mikael Karlstrom, “Imagining Democracy: Political Culture and Democratization in Buganda,” Africa,Vol. 66, No. 4 (1996), pp. 485–505; and Davidson, The Black Man’s Burden. 28 Schaeffer, Democracy in Translation,p.84. Chapter Two Point of Departure 1 Tocqueville, Democracy in America,p.26. 2 For discussions of Senegal’s geographical features and the physical environment shaping Senegalese history and culture, see George E. Brooks, Landlords and Strangers: Ecology,Society,and Trade in Western Africa, 1000–1630 (Boulder:Westview Press, 1993); Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), pp. 13–29 and Paul Pélissier, Les Paysans du Sénégal: Les Civilisations Agraires du Cayor à la Casamance (Saint Yrieux: Imprimérie Fabregue, 1966). 190 Notes 3 Nehemia Levtzion, Ancient Ghana and Mali (London: Methuen, 1973) and Djibril Tamsir Niane, Le Soudan Occidental au temps des grands empires (XIe-XVIe Siècles) (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1975). 4 The tiny band of fertile land touched by the overflowing of the Senegal River was called walo, while the land outside the flood plain was designated diéri. 5 Even today,these regions remain relatively marginalized, especially in the political arena. Inhabitants of the Casamance region still speak of going to Senegal when leaving for visits to Dakar and other locations to the north. 6 For a detailed description of the Diola rice civilization, see Pélissier, Les Paysans du Sénégal, pp. 646–689. 7 On this point, see Pathé Diagne,“Pluralism and Plurality in Africa,”in Dov Ronen (ed.), Democracy and Pluralism in Africa (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1986), pp. 68–69. 8 For more on this theme, see Sheldon Gellar,“State-Building and Nation-Building in West Africa,” pp. 384–426. 9 See Cheikh Anta Diop, L’Afrique Noire précoloniale (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1960). 10 The term Halpulaar refers to people who speak the Pulaar language. For many years, distinctions were made between the sedentarized Halpulaar, called Tukulor and the nomadic Halpulaar called Fulbe or Peul in French.Today,the census statistics list both groups as Halpulaar. 11 For the history of Tekrur, see Abdourhamane Ba, La Takrur, des origines à la conquête par le Mali (VIe-XIII siècles) (Nouakchott: Imprimerie Nouvelle, 2002). 12 Gajaaga was reputed to be what was left of the ancient Ghana Empire. Boubacar Barry, La Sénégambie du XVe au XIXe siècle:Traite négrière, Islam, conquête coloniale (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1988), p. 40. 13 Jean Boulégue, Le Grand Jolof (XIII–XVIe) (Blois: Editions Facades, 1987). 14 For the evolution of the two Serer kingdoms, see Pathé Diagne, Pouvoir traditionnel en Afrique occidentale (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1967), pp. 56–94. 15 Charlotte Quinn, Mandingo Kingdoms of the Senegambia:Traditionalism, Islam, and European Expansion (London: Longman, 1972). 16 For details on the revolt of the Lebus, see Mamadou Diouf, Le Kajoor au XIXe siècle: pouvoir ceddo et conquête coloniale (Paris: Karthala, 1990), pp. 96–103. 17 Malick Ndiaye has labeled this school the Dakar school and has been critical of historians like Boubacar Barry,Abdoulaye Bathily, and Mamadou Diouf for exaggerating the impact of external forces on Senegalese society. See Malick Ndiaye, L’Ethique Ceddo et la Société d’Accaparement ou les conduites culturelles des Sénégalais d’audjourd’hui (Dakar: Presses Universitaires de Dakar, 1996), pp. 79–86.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy?
    African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy? DEVIN BRYSON Abstract: The Senegalese social movement Y’en a Marre formed in 2011 in response to political stagnation and a lack of key public services. It played a decisive role in defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade in his unconstitutional reelection campaign in 2012. This article considers the movement within the context of postcolonial Senegalese cultural politics. After a brief survey of the recent forms of hip-hop engagement with social issues in other African countries, this study presents Y’en a Marre as articulating a social identity, a collective movement, and a cultural/musical form that are distinct from these other examples of hip-hop activism because they are continuations of a specifically Senegalese hybrid of art and social engagement imagined first by Senghor. Y’en a Marre is a culminating articulation of various trends within post-independence Senegalese culture by bridging the divide between tradition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth. Y’en a Marre combatted the threat to Senegal’s prized political stability, and has continued to challenge social and political stagnation, by reconfiguring, but also confirming, Senegalese cultural philosophy for a diverse, inclusive audience. Introduction In the summer of 2011, when President Abdoulaye Wade announced his intention to seek an unprecedented third term in the presidential office and began tinkering with the two-term limit of the constitution to assure his re-election in 2012, Senegalese society was forced into an unwelcomed and unusual position.
    [Show full text]
  • Saliou Ndour Université Gaston Berger
    CODESRIA 12th General Assembly Governing the African Public Sphere 12e Assemblée générale Administrer l’espace public africain 12a Assembleia Geral Governar o Espaço Público Africano ةيعمجلا ةيمومعلا ةيناثلا رشع ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺎم اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻰ L’espace public au Sénégal : la « pollution verbale » comme forme de communication politique ? Saliou Ndour Université Gaston Berger 07-11/12/2008 Yaoundé, Cameroun « L’ennui avec nos hommes politiques, C’est qu’on croit faire leur caricature, Alors qu’on fait leur portrait » Jean Sennep Introduction L’espace public est une notion inventée par Kant dans un contexte de naissance de l’Europe moderne où il sied de tenir l’Etat responsable devant la société à travers le commerce des idées. Elle (cette notion) fut définie par Hannah Arendt comme relevant du domaine de l'action. Pour elle, il s’agit d’un espace de liberté de l’individu qui a la possibilité de se consacrer aux affaires publiques et qui intègre des relations d’égalité, découlant d’une expression du ravissement. C’est aussi un lieu d’interpénétration de l’individu et de la communauté ; bref une quête de sa part d'immortalité. Vulgarisée et modernisé par Habermas, celui-ci le conçoit comme un cadre ouvert à tous les citoyens qui se réunissent pour constituer une opinion publique. Elle est essentielle dans une démocratie et ne saurait être appréhendée sans l’idée de communication politique. Dans les pays d’Europe de vielles traditions démocratiques, elle a fini de faire sa mue, on ne pourrait pas, actuellement, la détacher de la publicité (au sens « de large diffusion des informations et des sujets de débats via les médias »).
    [Show full text]
  • Tamba Moustapha Démocratie Senegal Avril 2011
    Mutations politiques au Sénégal : Bilan de cinquante ans d’indépendance (1960 – 2010) Moustapha TAMBA Maître de conférences de Sociologie F.L.S.H, UCAD Sénégal 0 INTRODUCTION Depuis l’indépendance survenue en 1960, le Sénégal a connu de profondes mutations dans beaucoup de domaines. Ces mutations sont perceptibles dans l’économie, dans l’administration, dans l’éducation, dans l’urbanisation, dans la santé, dans la politique, etc. Toutefois, le champ politique demeure de loin celui où la mutation reste visible. En effet, en cinquante ans (1960-2010), le Sénégal a connu trois (3) présidents démocratiquement élus (Léopold Sédar Senghor, Abdou Diouf et Abdoulaye WADE), onze (11) législatures et cent cinquante et un (151) partis politiques. Il faut dire que cinquante (50) années dans l’histoire politique d’une nation est une période assez récente et encore fraîche dans les mémoires pourqu’on soit en mesure de se souvenir dans les détails, des rêves de ceux qui ont fondé l’État, les défis qu’ils eurent à relever aussi bien en termes d’obstacles à surmonter, les difficultés initiales auxquelles ils durent faire face, les sacrifices individuels et collectifs qu’ils eurent à consentir pour faire démarrer et assurer la pérennité des institutions. Mais également dire que cinquante années constituent une période assez longue pour qu’on puisse mettre au clair les phases, les réformes et les orientations importantes dans le processus d’installation d’une démocratie achevée. Cet article se propose de faire un bilan partiel de la situation politique du Sénégal après un demi-siècle d’indépendance. 1 I- L’ÉVOLUTION CONSTITUTIONNELLE DU SENEGAL L’État moderne du Sénégal a hérité ses institutions de la colonisation française (1816 – 1960).
    [Show full text]
  • Blue Marches. Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal Vincent Foucher
    Blue Marches. Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal Vincent Foucher To cite this version: Vincent Foucher. Blue Marches. Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal. Staging Politics: Power and Performance in Asia and Africa, 2007. hal-02614157 HAL Id: hal-02614157 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614157 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 6 BLUE MARCHES Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal Vincent Foucher Researching the birth of the separatist movement in Casamance, the southern region of Senegal, I kept an eye on legal politics and happened to witness several political shows, from local meetings to mass rallies, organized by legal parties. Attending these shows became particularly interesting during the campaign for the presidential election of March 2000, the one that was to bring about the first political turnover (alternance) in Senegalese history. During this campaign, the opposition coalition staged huge street marches throughout the country, the so- called marches bleues (blue marches). Initially received with scepticism by many politicians and journalists, these rallies are retrospectively regarded as having played a key role in the eventual alternance.
    [Show full text]
  • KAS International Reports 10/2012
    10|2012 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 105 Senegal after the 2012 PreSidential and Parliamentary electionS Pole of Stability in volatile region Ute Gierczynski-Bocandé After a pre-election and election period in the first half of 2012 that put the country under a great amount of tension and was marred by violence, Senegal is back on course to become one of the more stable democracies of the conti- nent. But relief about the elections running smoothly can- not obscure the fact that Senegal was at a crossroads and may even have been teetering on the edge of an abyss. An aged, autocratic head of state, a government party intent on holding on to power, a highly dissatisfied population full Dr. Ute Gierczynski- of anger and the desolate state of the country’s economy Bocandé is a Pro- gramme Officer and made for a situation fraught with risks. Looking back, the Research Associate presence of thousands of domestic and foreign election at the Senegal/Mali observers and the reporting by the media confirmed that office of the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. many of Senegal’s inhabitants and observers feared the country could descend into a continuing cycle of violence. With it being the last stable “buffer country” in a region affected greatly by geopolitical tensions, particularly in the neighbouring country of Mali, Senegal sliding into chaos might have resulted in a West African catastrophe. In the post-election period, the country believes that it is once again making progress in stabilising its democracy. Senegal will, however, have to retain its course in a volatile region.
    [Show full text]
  • Health Care Systems: Time for a Rethink Pain from Crash in Commodity Prices
    December 2016–March 2017 www.un.org/africarenewal Health care systems: time for a rethink Pain from crash in commodity prices Migrants risk all for Africa's hopes for "better" lives new UN chief CONTENTS December 2016–March 2017 | Vol. 30 No. 3 4 SPECIAL FEATURE COVER STORY Health care: from commitments to action 5 Gains made in fight against malaria 6 It’s time to rethink medical insurance Exercise is key to good health. AMO/T. Omondi 8 Diagnosing Africa’s medical brain drain 10 Lifestyle diseases pose new burden for Africa 12 Public health schemes: Getting it right Dr. Matshidiso Moeti : We can improve health systems in Africa 14 Editor-in-Chief 18 Mental illness: Invisible but devastating Masimba Tafirenyika 20 India’s medical tourism gets Africans’ attention Managing Editor Taking health services to remote areas 22 Zipporah Musau 24 Dying from lack of medicines Sub-editor ALSO IN THIS ISSUE Kingsley Ighobor 26 Young Ghanaians risk all for a "better" life Staff Writer 28 Africa most affected by refugee crisis Franck Kuwonu 30 Commodity prices crash hits Africa Research & Media Liaison 32 Africa welcomes new trade initiatives from Japanese investors Pavithra Rao 34 Morocco flexes muscles as it seeks AU reinstatement Ihuoma Atanga Design & Production DEPARTMENTS Paddy D. Ilos, II 3 Watch: Africa’s high hopes for the new UN chief Administration 38 Wired: Portable ultrasound device to tackle child mortality Dona Joseph 39 Book review 39 Appointments Distribution Atar Markman Cover photo: A doctor examines a young girl in Nairobi, Kenya. AMO/ George Philipas Interns Amelia Tan Africa Renewal (ISSN 2517-9829) is published in supporting organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • Planning for the 1993 National Elections in Senegal: an Evaluation
    IrES - InternationalFoundation for Electoral Systems 1620 I STREET, '.W.- SUITE 611 * WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006 • (202) 828-8507 * FAX (202) 452-0804 PLANNING FOR THE 1993 NATIONAL ELECTIONS IN SENEGAL: AN EVALUATION April 16, 1992 Henriette Guerin, Montreal, Quebec Lorenzo Morris, Ph.D., Washington, D.C. Pierre Tessier, Montreal, Quebec This report was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development material is in the (USAID). This public domain and may be reproduced without permission, provided IFES is cited as the source. -30,RD OF F CPf(-,'-r>, Htlar Jame, ,, C,.non RincaI C Teac.j DPRECTOPS Cnarmcu Counsel Ch ' le3, r j, f c 'A' f,',he Richxd V,/ Sc,uette ire rha~~-"-:"urr~r Pert C \. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .............................................. 1 A. Political History Since Independence 3.............................3 B. Effica;y of the Electoral Process. ................................ 4 C. Equity in the Electoral Process..................................... 6 D. Efficiency in Election Procedures. ................................ 7 II. ELECTORAL LEGISLATION. ...................................... 9 A. The Constitution and Recent Constitutional Acts 9......................9 B. The Current Electoral Code....................................... 9 1. Development 9.......................................9 2. Concerns Raised by the Reform Commi.,-:'~on ...................... 10 3. Recommendations of the Reform Commission ..................... 10 4. Legislative Component ................................
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in Senegal Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa This Page Intentionally Left Blank Democracy in Senegal Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa
    Democracy in Senegal Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa This page intentionally left blank Democracy in Senegal Tocquevillian Analytics in Africa Sheldon Gellar DEMOCRACY IN SENEGAL © Sheldon Gellar, 2005. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2005 978-1-4039-7026-8 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published in 2005 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-53192-9 ISBN 978-1-4039-8216-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781403982162 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gellar, Sheldon. Democracy in Senegal : Tocquevillian analytics in Africa / Sheldon Gellar. p. cm. “Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, Indiana University.” Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Democracy—Senegal—History. 2. Political culture—Senegal—History. 3. Senegal—Politics and government. I. Indiana University, Bloomington. Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis. II. Title. III. Series. JQ3396.A91G43
    [Show full text]
  • AC Vol 42 No 11
    www.africa-confidential.com 1 June 2001 Vol 42 No 11 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ANGOLA 2 ANGOLA Lev Leviev takes on De Beers Who blinks first? Government and UNITA rebels edge reluctantly towards a ceasefire De Beers announced on 24 May that it was halting its diamond and new negotiations in one of Africa’s longest-running wars business in Angola. This is a Rebel leader Jonas Savimbi has a cruel sense of timing. For 18 months, he has been calling on the triumph for Israeli-based tycoon Leviev, whose diamond interests ruling Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola to start talking again to his União Nacional para spread across Africa and Russia. a Independência Total de Angola. On 2 May, President José Eduardo dos Santos made his most conciliatory statement for a year, talking of a ‘route to peace’ and a dialogue with UNITA (AC Vol 42 No 9). Three days later, Savimbi’s fighters killed at least 80 people in Caxito, abducting 60 GHANA 3 children from a local orphanage. Many in Luanda believe both leaders are inching towards new negotiations but want to save face Ole Kufuor! and get the best negotiating position beforehand. Dos Santos is under pressure from the growing Coup rumours don’t faze President popularity of Luanda’s peace movement and needs a ceasefire if he’s to hold elections next year. John Kufuor. This week Kufuor Savimbi is feeling the pressure of sanctions, the government’s military efforts and the factionalising flew into Valencia to speak at the African Development Bank’s of his UNITA organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • African Studies Quarterly
    African Studies Quarterly Volume 14, Issue 3 March 2014 Special Issue Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal through the Arts Guest Editors: Molly Krueger Enz and Devin Bryson Published by the Center for African Studies, University of Florida ISSN: 2152-2448 African Studies Quarterly Executive Staff R. Hunt Davis, Jr. - Editor-in-Chief Todd H. Leedy - Associate Editor Emily Hauser - Managing Editor Corinna Greene - Production Editor Anna Mwaba - Book Review Editor Editorial Committee Oumar Ba Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim Lina Benabdallah Therese Kennelly-Okraku Mamadou Bodian Aaron King Jennifer Boylan Nicholas Knowlton Ben Burgen Chesney McOmber Leandra Clough Asmeret G. Mehari Amanda Edgell Stuart Mueller Dan Eizenga Anna Mwaba Timothy Fullman Collins R. Nunyonameh Ryan Good Sam Schramski Victoria Gorham Abiyot Seifu Cari Beth Head Donald Underwood Advisory Board Adélékè Adéèko Richard Marcus Ohio State University California State University, Long Beach Timothy Ajani Kelli Moore Fayetteville State University James Madison University Abubakar Alhassan Mantoa Rose Motinyane Bayero University University of Cape Town John W. Arthur James T. Murphy University of South Florida, St. Clark University Petersburg Lilian Temu Osaki Nanette Barkey University of Dar es Salaam Plan International USA Dianne White Oyler Susan Cooksey Fayetteville State University University of Florida Alex Rödlach Mark Davidheiser Creighton University Nova Southeastern University Jan Shetler Kristin Davis Goshen College International Food Policy Research Roos Willems Institute Catholic University of Leuven Parakh Hoon Peter VonDoepp Virginia Tech University of Vermont Andrew Lepp Kent State University African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 http://www.africa.ufl.edu/asq © University of Florida Board of Trustees, a public corporation of the State of Florida; permission is hereby granted for individuals to download articles for their own personal use.
    [Show full text]
  • The World Factbook
    The World Factbook Africa :: Senegal Introduction :: Senegal Background: The French colonies of Senegal and the French Sudan were merged in 1959 and granted their independence as the Mali Federation in 1960. The union broke up after only a few months. Senegal joined with The Gambia to form the nominal confederation of Senegambia in 1982. The envisaged integration of the two countries was never carried out, and the union was dissolved in 1989. The Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC) has led a low-level separatist insurgency in southern Senegal since the 1980s, and several peace deals have failed to resolve the conflict. Nevertheless, Senegal remains one of the most stable democracies in Africa and has a long history of participating in international peacekeeping and regional mediation. Senegal was ruled by a Socialist Party for 40 years until Abdoulaye WADE was elected president in 2000. He was reelected in 2007 and during his two terms amended Senegal's constitution over a dozen times to increase executive power and to weaken the opposition. His decision to run for a third presidential term sparked a large public backlash that led to his defeat in a March 2012 runoff election with Macky SALL. Geography :: Senegal Location: Western Africa, bordering the North Atlantic Ocean, between Guinea-Bissau and Mauritania Geographic coordinates: 14 00 N, 14 00 W Map references: Africa Area: total: 196,722 sq km country comparison to the world: 88 land: 192,530 sq km water: 4,192 sq km Area - comparative: slightly smaller than South
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    SENEGAL COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Walter J. Silva 1952-1954 General Services Clerk, Dakar Cecil S. Richardson 1956-1959 GSO/Consular/Admin Officer, Dakar Pearl Richardson 1956-1959 Spouse of GSO/Consular/Admin Officer, Dakar Arva C. Floyd 1960-1961 Office in charge of Senegal, Mali and Mauritania, African Bureau, Washington, DC Henry S. Villard 1960-1961 Ambassador, Senegal Stephen Low 1960-1963 Labor Officer / Political Officer, Dakar Helen C. (Sue) Low 1960-1963 Spouse of Labor Officer / Political Officer, Dakar Phillip M Kaiser 1961-1964 Ambassador, Senegal Hannah Greeley Kaiser 1961-1964 Spouse of Ambassador, Senegal Harriet Curry 1961-1964 Secretary to Ambassador Kaiser, Dakar Walter C. Carrington 1952 Delegate, Conference of the World Assembly of Youth, Dakar, Senegal 1965-1967 Peace Corps Director, Senegal Mercer Cook 1965-1966 Ambassador, Senegal and Gambia Philip C. Brown 1966-1967 Junior Officer Trainee, USIS, Dakar John A. McKesson, III 1966-1968 Deputy Chief of Mission, Dakar Irvin D. Coker 1967 USAID, Washington, DC Albert E. Fairchild 1967-1969 Central Complement Officer, Dakar L. Dean Brown 1967-1970 Ambassador, Senegal 1 Alan W. Lukens 1967-1970 Deputy Chief of Mission, Dakar Walter J. Sherwin 1969-1970 Program Officer, USAID, Dakar John L. Loughran 1970-1972 Chargé d’Affaires, Senegal Edward C. McBride 1970-1973 USIA, Cultural Attaché, Dakar David Shear 1970-1972 USAID Africa Bureau, Washington, DC Derek S. Singer 1972-1973 Office of Technical Cooperation, United Nations, Senegal Eric J. Boswell 1973-1975 General Services Officer, Dakar Frances Cook 1973-1975 Cultural Affairs Officer, USIS, Dakar Rudolph Aggrey 1973-1976 Ambassador, Senegal Allen C.
    [Show full text]