Health Care Systems: Time for a Rethink Pain from Crash in Commodity Prices
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The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy?
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy? DEVIN BRYSON Abstract: The Senegalese social movement Y’en a Marre formed in 2011 in response to political stagnation and a lack of key public services. It played a decisive role in defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade in his unconstitutional reelection campaign in 2012. This article considers the movement within the context of postcolonial Senegalese cultural politics. After a brief survey of the recent forms of hip-hop engagement with social issues in other African countries, this study presents Y’en a Marre as articulating a social identity, a collective movement, and a cultural/musical form that are distinct from these other examples of hip-hop activism because they are continuations of a specifically Senegalese hybrid of art and social engagement imagined first by Senghor. Y’en a Marre is a culminating articulation of various trends within post-independence Senegalese culture by bridging the divide between tradition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth. Y’en a Marre combatted the threat to Senegal’s prized political stability, and has continued to challenge social and political stagnation, by reconfiguring, but also confirming, Senegalese cultural philosophy for a diverse, inclusive audience. Introduction In the summer of 2011, when President Abdoulaye Wade announced his intention to seek an unprecedented third term in the presidential office and began tinkering with the two-term limit of the constitution to assure his re-election in 2012, Senegalese society was forced into an unwelcomed and unusual position. -
State of African Youth Report Foreword
State of African Youth Report Foreword In 2016, African Member States agreed to dedicate the year 2017 to the youth of Africa under the theme “Harnessing the Demographic Dividend through investments in Youth”. This decision reinforced the commitment of Member States to Aspiration 6 “An Africa where development is people-driven, unleashing the potential of its women and youth” of the African Union Agenda 2063 with emphasis on the aspiration that young Africans are engaged and empowered. With the mandate from the heads of State and Governments, the African Union Commission (AUC) and other partners developed a roadmap that will guide the implementation of the continental initiative through programmes, activities, establish key milestones and concrete actions. Bearing in mind that Africa has the youngest population, and the youth population is estimated to grow exponentially, the youth demography presents to the continent a huge dividend to be harnessed for socio-economic transformation. As a result, the roadmap was built on 4 thematic pillars: Pillar 1: Employment and Entrepreneurship, Pillar 2: Education and Skills Development, Pillar 3: Health and Wellbeing, and Pillar 4: Rights, Governance and Youth Empowerment). These pillars were developed with accompanying actions and deliverables to assess implementation and progress. Under the leadership of the African Union Commission (AUC), this State of African Youth Report was developed as a synopsis the progress and achievements Member States have made on the 4 pillars agreed on in the roadmap. This report also critically analyses achievements in the 4 pillars using indicators developed in consultation with National Statistical Offices (NSOs) and data provided by Member States, National Statistical Offices (NSOs), Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), development partners such as UNstats, International Labour Organization (ILO), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and Inter-Parliamentary Union for each of the pillars. -
Saliou Ndour Université Gaston Berger
CODESRIA 12th General Assembly Governing the African Public Sphere 12e Assemblée générale Administrer l’espace public africain 12a Assembleia Geral Governar o Espaço Público Africano ةيعمجلا ةيمومعلا ةيناثلا رشع ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺎم اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻰ L’espace public au Sénégal : la « pollution verbale » comme forme de communication politique ? Saliou Ndour Université Gaston Berger 07-11/12/2008 Yaoundé, Cameroun « L’ennui avec nos hommes politiques, C’est qu’on croit faire leur caricature, Alors qu’on fait leur portrait » Jean Sennep Introduction L’espace public est une notion inventée par Kant dans un contexte de naissance de l’Europe moderne où il sied de tenir l’Etat responsable devant la société à travers le commerce des idées. Elle (cette notion) fut définie par Hannah Arendt comme relevant du domaine de l'action. Pour elle, il s’agit d’un espace de liberté de l’individu qui a la possibilité de se consacrer aux affaires publiques et qui intègre des relations d’égalité, découlant d’une expression du ravissement. C’est aussi un lieu d’interpénétration de l’individu et de la communauté ; bref une quête de sa part d'immortalité. Vulgarisée et modernisé par Habermas, celui-ci le conçoit comme un cadre ouvert à tous les citoyens qui se réunissent pour constituer une opinion publique. Elle est essentielle dans une démocratie et ne saurait être appréhendée sans l’idée de communication politique. Dans les pays d’Europe de vielles traditions démocratiques, elle a fini de faire sa mue, on ne pourrait pas, actuellement, la détacher de la publicité (au sens « de large diffusion des informations et des sujets de débats via les médias »). -
Report on Labour Migration Statistics in Africa Second Edition (2017)
REPORT ON LABOUR MIGRATION STATISTICS IN AFRICA SECOND EDITION (2017) African Union Headquarters P.O. Box 3243, Roosvelt Street W21K19, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: +251 (0) 11 551 77 00 Fax: +251 (0) 11 551 78 44 www.au.int Joint Labour Migration Programme | JLMP | REPORT ON LABOUR MIGRATION STATISTICS IN AFRICA SECOND EDITION (2017) JLMP partners Financial partner December 2019 – the African Union Commission First published in 2020 Fifth edition African Union Commission © 2020 ISBN: 978-92-95119-02-4 (Print) ISBN: 978-92-95119-03-1 (Web) Jointly published by the African Union Commission and JLMP partners (ILO, IOM, UNECA) African Union Commission PO Box 3243 Roosevelt Street, W21K19, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Website: www.au.int Email: [email protected] Website: www.au.int A PDF version of this book is available on the AU website www.au.int and the JLMP partners websites (www.ilo.org, www.iom.org, www.uneca.org) The African Union Commission and JLMP partners shall not be under any liability to any person or organisation in respect of any loss or damage (including consequential loss or damage), however, caused, which may be incurred or which arises directly or indirectly from reliance on the information in this publication. Photos used © ILO - reference database, all rights reserved. Any redistribution or reproduction of part or all in any form is prohibited. You may not, except with AUC and JLMP partners express written permission, copy, reproduce, distribute or exploit the content. Nor may you transmit it or store it in any other website or other forms of the electronic retrieval system. -
Tamba Moustapha Démocratie Senegal Avril 2011
Mutations politiques au Sénégal : Bilan de cinquante ans d’indépendance (1960 – 2010) Moustapha TAMBA Maître de conférences de Sociologie F.L.S.H, UCAD Sénégal 0 INTRODUCTION Depuis l’indépendance survenue en 1960, le Sénégal a connu de profondes mutations dans beaucoup de domaines. Ces mutations sont perceptibles dans l’économie, dans l’administration, dans l’éducation, dans l’urbanisation, dans la santé, dans la politique, etc. Toutefois, le champ politique demeure de loin celui où la mutation reste visible. En effet, en cinquante ans (1960-2010), le Sénégal a connu trois (3) présidents démocratiquement élus (Léopold Sédar Senghor, Abdou Diouf et Abdoulaye WADE), onze (11) législatures et cent cinquante et un (151) partis politiques. Il faut dire que cinquante (50) années dans l’histoire politique d’une nation est une période assez récente et encore fraîche dans les mémoires pourqu’on soit en mesure de se souvenir dans les détails, des rêves de ceux qui ont fondé l’État, les défis qu’ils eurent à relever aussi bien en termes d’obstacles à surmonter, les difficultés initiales auxquelles ils durent faire face, les sacrifices individuels et collectifs qu’ils eurent à consentir pour faire démarrer et assurer la pérennité des institutions. Mais également dire que cinquante années constituent une période assez longue pour qu’on puisse mettre au clair les phases, les réformes et les orientations importantes dans le processus d’installation d’une démocratie achevée. Cet article se propose de faire un bilan partiel de la situation politique du Sénégal après un demi-siècle d’indépendance. 1 I- L’ÉVOLUTION CONSTITUTIONNELLE DU SENEGAL L’État moderne du Sénégal a hérité ses institutions de la colonisation française (1816 – 1960). -
Blue Marches. Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal Vincent Foucher
Blue Marches. Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal Vincent Foucher To cite this version: Vincent Foucher. Blue Marches. Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal. Staging Politics: Power and Performance in Asia and Africa, 2007. hal-02614157 HAL Id: hal-02614157 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614157 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. 6 BLUE MARCHES Public Performance and Political Turnover in Senegal Vincent Foucher Researching the birth of the separatist movement in Casamance, the southern region of Senegal, I kept an eye on legal politics and happened to witness several political shows, from local meetings to mass rallies, organized by legal parties. Attending these shows became particularly interesting during the campaign for the presidential election of March 2000, the one that was to bring about the first political turnover (alternance) in Senegalese history. During this campaign, the opposition coalition staged huge street marches throughout the country, the so- called marches bleues (blue marches). Initially received with scepticism by many politicians and journalists, these rallies are retrospectively regarded as having played a key role in the eventual alternance. -
KAS International Reports 10/2012
10|2012 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 105 Senegal after the 2012 PreSidential and Parliamentary electionS Pole of Stability in volatile region Ute Gierczynski-Bocandé After a pre-election and election period in the first half of 2012 that put the country under a great amount of tension and was marred by violence, Senegal is back on course to become one of the more stable democracies of the conti- nent. But relief about the elections running smoothly can- not obscure the fact that Senegal was at a crossroads and may even have been teetering on the edge of an abyss. An aged, autocratic head of state, a government party intent on holding on to power, a highly dissatisfied population full Dr. Ute Gierczynski- of anger and the desolate state of the country’s economy Bocandé is a Pro- gramme Officer and made for a situation fraught with risks. Looking back, the Research Associate presence of thousands of domestic and foreign election at the Senegal/Mali observers and the reporting by the media confirmed that office of the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. many of Senegal’s inhabitants and observers feared the country could descend into a continuing cycle of violence. With it being the last stable “buffer country” in a region affected greatly by geopolitical tensions, particularly in the neighbouring country of Mali, Senegal sliding into chaos might have resulted in a West African catastrophe. In the post-election period, the country believes that it is once again making progress in stabilising its democracy. Senegal will, however, have to retain its course in a volatile region. -
AFCONE-AUC-IAEA Webinar on Nuclear Power in Africa
PRESENTATION BY THE HEAD OF ENERGY DIVISION DEPARTMENT OF INFRASTRUCTURE AND ENERGY, THE AFRICAN UNION COMMISSION DURING THE AFCONE-AUC-IAEA Webinar on Nuclear Power in Africa December, 10- 2020 Distinguished Participants Ladies and Gentlemen Good morning, I would like, to first of all congratulate the AFCONE and the IAEA for this great sign in collaboration with the AUC. This is an indication that, the IAEA work closely with the AU and its Member States towards the achievement of Africa’s Developmental goals within the Continent’s Agenda 2063. Distinguished Participants Ladies and Gentlemen I am formally invited to contribute my insights regarding the AU Agenda 2063- and 10-Years Programme on Energy and Infrastructure. AU Agenda 2063- Background: 1. Agenda 2063 “The future we want for Africa” is an endogenous shared strategic framework for inclusive growth and sustainable development for African transformation and a continuation of the Pan African drive for self- determination, freedom, progress and collective prosperity. Agenda 2063 has a wide and diversified scope of operation. Geographically it concerns the whole of Africa as a continent and all 55 African countries and members of the AU. 2. The AU envisions that by 2023, the first ten years, all kinds of domination including gender, ethnic and other forms of discrimination will be ended. The Agenda assumes the political unity of Africa will be the conclusion of the integration process, which includes free movement of people establishment of continental institutions leading to full economic integration, and that by 2030 African governments will have arrived at a consensus on the form of continental governments and institutions. -
Africas Agenda for Children(En)
1 Africa’s Agenda for Children 2040 Fostering an Africa Fit for Children Background to the Agenda Africa is set on a course towards a different and better Africa. The vision that inspires this course is captured in the African Union (AU)’s Agenda 2063. Because the ideals in Agenda 2063 will not be achieved overnight, young people – and children, in particular – have to be the drivers of Africa’s renaissance. Securing future progress, peaceful co-existence and welfare lies in their hands. In order to allow them to take charge of Africa’s future, their full potential has to be unlocked by fully protecting and realising their rights. Agenda 2063 lists the following ‘aspirations’ for the Africa ‘we want’: ● a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development; ● an integrated continent, politically united, based on the ideals of Pan- Africanism and the vision of Africa’s Renaissance; ● an Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law; ● a peaceful and secure Africa; ● an Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and ethics ● an Africa whose development is people-driven, relying on the potential of African people, especially its women and youth, and caring for children; ● Africa as a strong, united, resilient and influential global player and partner. By 2015, 25 years have lapsed since the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government (AU Assembly), adopted the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (African Children’s Charter) on 1 June 1990. This landmark moment provided an opportunity to reflect on the accomplishments over a quarter of a century, to identify the remaining challenges and to plan ahead. -
04 Key Agenda 2063 Flagship
04 The AFRICA We Want THE KEY AGENDA 2063 FLAGSHIP PROGRAMMES PROJECTS Integrated High Speed Train Network Connecting all African capitals and commercial centres through an African High Speed Train to facilitate movement of goods, factor services and people, reduce transport costs and relieve congestion of current and future systems. An African Virtual and E-University Increasing access to tertiary and continuing education in Africa by reaching large numbers of students and professionals in multiple sites simultaneously and developing relevant and high quality Open Distance and eLearning (ODeL) resources to offer the prospective student guaranteed access to the University from anywhere in the world and anytime (24 hours a day, 7 days a week). Formulation of a commodities strategy Enabling African countries add value, extract higher rents from their commodities, integrate into the Global Value chains, and promote vertical and horizontal diversification anchored in value addition and local content development. Establishment of an annual African forum This is designed to bring together, once a year, the African political leadership, the private sector, academia and civil society to discuss developments and constraints as well as measures to be taken to realize the Aspirations and goals of Agenda 2063. Establishment of the Continental Free Trade Area by 2017 To significantly accelerate growth of Intra-Africa trade and use trade more effectively as an engine of growth and sustainable development, through doubling of intra-Africa trade by 2022, strengthen Africa’s common voice and policy space in global trade negotiations and establish the following financial institutions within agreed upon timeframes: African Investment Bank and Pan African Stock Exchange (2016); the African Monetary Fund (2018); and the African Central Bank (2028/34). -
Implementing African Development Initiatives
No. 65 – June 2014 Implementing African Development Initiatives: Opportunities and challenges to securing alternative financing for the Agenda 2063 Sahra El Fassi and Faten Aggad1 Key messages There is recognition within Africa Significant efforts have been made A range of issues related directly that the continent needs to tap to map the untapped alternative to financing (accessibility, into its own wealth to finance its sources of financing from within feasibility, costs, etc.) need to be development agendas, most Africa. These show that significant addressed. However, there is a notably the African Union’s resources could be raised from need to take a step back and Agenda 2063. within Africa, enough to cover refocus the discussion around about 70% of the development financing from a ‘demand-driven’ financing needs. to a ‘supply-driven’ debate around the questions of incentives, political buy-in and ownership to be able to turn ‘potential’ sources into ‘accessible’ sources. 1 The authors are grateful to Jan Vanheukelom, Bruce Byiers, Sebastian Grosse-Puppendahl, Isabelle Ramdoo, Gabila Nubong, Florian Krätke, James Mackie and San Bilal for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. www.ecdpm.org/65 Implementing African Development Initiatives 1. Introduction The African Union Commission (AUC), under the leadership of Madame Dlamini-Zuma, has put Africa’s responsibility for its own development back under the spotlight with the Agenda 2063. This new African development framework is meant to provide a vision of where Africa should be in 50 years. The vision will be implemented through consecutive 10-year Action Plans that are meant to provide more concrete guidance for the AU, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), African countries, the private sector as well as civil society. -
Is Africa on Track?
AGENDAS 2063 AFRICAN GOVERNANCE REPORT & 2030: IS AFRICA ON TRACK? _ MO IBRAHIM FOUNDATION Africa’s Agenda 2063 First Ten-year Implementation Plan covers 7 Aspirations, 20 Goals, 13 Fast-Track Projects, 39 Priority Areas, 255 targets Global 2030 Agenda covers 17 SDGs, 169 targets, 232 indicators Inclusive socioeconomic development, peaceful societies, accountable institutions and environmental sustainability are core for both Agendas Agenda 2063 has a distinct focus on democracy, cultural identity and continental integration, while Agenda 2030 has a stronger emphasis on climate change related issues and inequalities The IIAG shows that since the beginning of the First Ten-year Implementation Plan (2014), average continental performance in Education has deteriorated While indicators show access to all levels of education is increasing, a decrease in the quality of education and the growing mismatch between the education system and job market requirements have led to a decline in the performance of Education since 2014 4 out of the 5 worst-scoring countries in Education in 2017 are fragile states, such as Chad, Libya, Central African Republic and Somalia IIAG’s Reliability of Electricity Supply is the most strongly correlated indicator with Education performance, and the second-best correlated with Health performance IIAG’s Absence of Undernourishment indicator has registered a continental average decline since 2014 DRC, Gambia, Madagascar and Nigeria have all deteriorated since 2014 in IIAG’s Access to Sanitation indicator At the continental