Tamba Moustapha Démocratie Senegal Avril 2011
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The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy?
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 14, Issue 3 | March 2014 The Rise of a New Senegalese Cultural Philosophy? DEVIN BRYSON Abstract: The Senegalese social movement Y’en a Marre formed in 2011 in response to political stagnation and a lack of key public services. It played a decisive role in defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade in his unconstitutional reelection campaign in 2012. This article considers the movement within the context of postcolonial Senegalese cultural politics. After a brief survey of the recent forms of hip-hop engagement with social issues in other African countries, this study presents Y’en a Marre as articulating a social identity, a collective movement, and a cultural/musical form that are distinct from these other examples of hip-hop activism because they are continuations of a specifically Senegalese hybrid of art and social engagement imagined first by Senghor. Y’en a Marre is a culminating articulation of various trends within post-independence Senegalese culture by bridging the divide between tradition and modernity, between the national and the local, between elders and youth. Y’en a Marre combatted the threat to Senegal’s prized political stability, and has continued to challenge social and political stagnation, by reconfiguring, but also confirming, Senegalese cultural philosophy for a diverse, inclusive audience. Introduction In the summer of 2011, when President Abdoulaye Wade announced his intention to seek an unprecedented third term in the presidential office and began tinkering with the two-term limit of the constitution to assure his re-election in 2012, Senegalese society was forced into an unwelcomed and unusual position. -
Assemblée Nationale SOUS LE SIGNE DE LA PARITÉ
N°17 - Mai 2014 12è législature (2012 - 2017) Assemblée Nationale SOUS LE SIGNE DE LA PARITÉ Partenariat : Fondation Konrad Adenauer (FKA) Centre d’Étude des Sciences et Techniques de l’Information (CESTI) «Le journalisme, c’est voir, savoir, savoir-faire et faire savoir» (Gaston Leroux) Partenariat Fondation Konrad Adenauer (FKA) Centres d’Etudes des Sciences et Techniques de l’Information (CESTI) Université Cheikh Anta Diop «La paix et la liberté sont les bases de toutes existence humaine digne de ce nom» (Konrad Adenauer) Sommaire Présentation ..........................................................................................7 Avant propos ..........................................................................................9 Le mot du Directeur du CESTI ............................................................. 11 Assemblée nationale .............................................................................13 Le secrétariat général ............................................................................15 Le cabinet du président de l’Assemblée nationale ............................16 Bureau de l’Assemblée nationale ........................................................18 Les groupes parlementaires .................................................................19 Les partis politiques présents à l’Assemblée nationale .....................20 Portrait des députés ..............................................................................21 Administration de l’Assemblée nationale ........................................273 -
Les Aspects De Mouridisme Au Senegal
UNIVERSITE DE SIEGEN DÉPARTEMENT DE SCIENCES POLITIQUES FACULTÉ DES SCIENCES SOCIALES THÈSE DE DOCTORAT DE 3e CYCLE EN SCIENCES POLITIQUES Présentée à la faculté des sciences sociales de l'Université de Siegen dans le cadre du programme de doctorat de 3e cycle en sciences politiques pour l'obtention du grade de « Philosophie Doctor » (Ph. D.) THIAM, El Hadji Ibrahima Sakho TITRE: Thèse dirigée par Professeur Dr. Jürgen Bellers (Directeur de thèse) Professeur Dr. Bernhard Oltersdorf (Co-directeur de thèse) Jury Professor Dr. Jürgen BELLERS (Université - Siegen) Professor Dr. Bernhard OLTERSDORF (Université - Siegen) PDin Dr. Leila BENTABED (Université - Siegen) Professeur des Universités (Université Sorbonne-Paris IV) Professor Dr. Jürgen SCHLÖSSER (Université - Siegen) 1 Ibrahim Thiam Les aspects du mouridisme au senegal Ibrahim Thiam Les aspects du mouridisme au senegal Tectum Verlag Ibrahim Thiam Les aspects du mouridisme au senegal Zugl.: Siegen, Univ. Diss. 2010 ISBN: 978-3-8288-2311-2 Umschlaggestaltung: Ina Beneke Umschlagabbildung: Atamari, www.wikipedia.de, Touba mosque Tectum Verlag Marburg, 2010 Besuchen Sie uns im Internet www.tectum-verlag.de Bibliografische Informationen der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Angaben sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. El Hadji Ousmane Thiam Adja Ngoné Wade Toute la famille Meissa Deguène Thiam Préface Le développement économique semble être une réalité ayant échappé aux pays où la religion majoritaire est musulmane. A l’exception de quelques uns, ces pays donnent la triste impression que cette orientation religieuse est un obstacle au dé- veloppement. Les nombreuses études relatives à la communauté religieuse mouride du Sénégal conceptualisent et précisent la question centrale de l´économie dans l’enseigne- ment islamique. -
Senegal Country Report BTI 2010
BTI 2010 | Senegal Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.53 # 71 of 128 Democracy 1-10 6.30 # 53 of 128 Market Economy 1-10 4.75 # 88 of 128 Management Index 1-10 5.66 # 44 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Transformation Index (BTI) 2010. The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C•A•P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/ Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2010 — Senegal Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2009. © 2009 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2010 | Senegal 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 11.9 HDI 0.46 GDP p.c. $ 1737 Pop. growth % p.a. 2.6 HDI rank of 182 166 Gini Index 39.2 Life expectancy years 55 UN Education Index 0.42 Poverty2 % 60.3 Urban population % 42.1 Gender equality1 - Aid per capita $ 67.9 Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2009 | The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2009. Footnotes: (1) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (2) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Historically, Senegal has been one of the showcases for democracy and a market economy in West Africa. Despite only modest – if any – economic success, the country has remained politically stable and has seen uninterrupted civilian rule since its independence. -
Senegal Since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou
Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou To cite this version: Vincent Foucher, Tarik Dahou. Senegal since 2000. Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age. Turning Points in African Democracy, 2009. hal-02614085 HAL Id: hal-02614085 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02614085 Submitted on 20 May 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Mustapha_01 1/5/09 15:48 Page 13 2 Senegal since 2000 Rebuilding Hegemony in a Global Age TARIK DAHOU & VINCENT FOUCHER Senegal is often seen as a model of democracy in Africa. The changing character of Senegalese political life since independence has been paralleled by just as many changes in the literature about it. Initially most work tended to focus on the long history and rooted character of Senegalese democratic culture. This was essentially an urban-based political history centred on the lives of an enlightened class of évolués, African elites with a French education. In various shades, subse- quent authors described how the powerful Muslim brotherhoods functioned as mechanisms for political integration in the countryside: in exchange for agricultural services and other resources channelled to client marabouts, the party-state could count on the votes of the disciples attached to these marabouts (Copans 1980; Coulon 1981). -
Avhandilng Selboe.Pdf (1.284Mb)
Elin Selboe Changing continuities: Multi-activity in the network politics of Colobane, Dakar Dissertation submitted for the PhD degree in Human Geography Faculty of Social Sciences Department of Sociology and Human Geography University of Oslo August 2008 Table of Contents List of acronyms ................................................................................................................... vii Summary ............................................................................................................................... ix Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................... xi 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1 Research questions ................................................................................................................. 4 Outline of the dissertation ...................................................................................................... 6 2. Ethnography and fieldwork in Colobane .................................................... 11 Introduction to Senegal, Dakar and Colobane ..................................................................... 11 Researching local political practices through ethnographic fieldwork ................................ 14 The choice of Colobane as the setting for research and fieldwork .................................. 16 Working in the field: participation, observation and conversations/ -
Presidential Elections in Senegal: a Brief Overview of the First Round
Presidential elections in Senegal: a brief overview of the first round Senegal is a small country of West Africa known for its democratic achievements. Dominated by Muslims who represent more than 90 per cent of a population of little more than 13 million, le pays de la Teranga (the country of hospitality in Wolof) has preserved traditions of tolerance, religious pluralism and peace. 1. Type of elections The first round of Senegal’s 10th presidential elections – the 7th in the era of multipartism - has taken place on February 26th 2012. A second round will be probably be required as according to provisional results no candidate has attained the absolute majority. 2. Short evaluation of the political situation related to the elections According to the Mission of Observation of the European Union, the commission of observation sent by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the numerous observers of the African and Senegalese civil society, the elections have been regular and transparent. This achievement is in itself very laudable given a very gloomy pre-electoral context. When the Constitutional Council has decided to validate the candidature of the incumbent President Wade - against the spirit of the Senegalese constitution and despite earlier statements made by Wade himself related to the fact that the constitution does not allow him to postulate for a third mandate - a divided opposition regrouped under the M23 (Movement of June 23rd) has organized many demonstrations in order to demand the withdrawal of the candidature of Wade. Unfortunately, this has occasioned six deaths and many wounded persons. -
Senegal and Mali 9
Senegal and Mali 9 MACARTAN HUMPHREYS and HABAYE AG MOHAMED n mid-December 1983, hundreds of demonstrators—armed with spears, machetes, and hunting rifles, covered in protective charms, and chanting Iincantations to render them invulnerable to bullets—invaded the streets of Ziguinchor to call for the independence of a region in the southwest corner of Senegal—the Casamance.1 The government responded with a heavy hand, leaving an official toll of 80 injured and 29 dead.2 A handful of those retreating, led by vet- erans from the Senegalese army, under the banner of the Mouvement des Forces Démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC), headed to the mangroves and dense forest of lower Casamance to set up rebel bases.They started military training and planning attacks on government positions.In doing so,they began a guerrilla war that has left thousands killed and the south of Senegal strewn with land mines.After 20 years of failed negotiations and aborted attempts at achieving military victory,no end to the war is in sight. The civil war in Mali started very differently.On the morning of June 28, 1990, a small group of Libyan-trained fighters belonging to the Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Azawad (MPLA), also hoping to gain independence for their region, Azawad, attacked a small government position in Tideremen in the far northeast of Mali.They killed four and gained control of a dozen automatic rifles.Moving south- west,the group attacked more government positions that same evening.In an attack at the town of Méneka, they seized 124 automatic rifles.These attacks were the beginning of a war that would engulf the region in intercommunal conflict, pitting northern “whites” against northern “blacks.”After extensive and broad-based nego- tiations, the war ended with a weapons-burning ceremony in 1996. -
Echogéo , Sur Le Vif Sopi Or Not Sopi ? 2
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenEdition EchoGéo Sur le Vif | 2007 Sopi or not sopi ? A propos des élections présidentielles de février 2007 au Sénégal Géraud Magrin Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/echogeo/838 DOI : 10.4000/echogeo.838 ISSN : 1963-1197 Éditeur Pôle de recherche pour l'organisation et la diffusion de l'information géographique (CNRS UMR 8586) Référence électronique Géraud Magrin, « Sopi or not sopi ? », EchoGéo [En ligne], Sur le Vif, mis en ligne le 20 juin 2007, consulté le 19 avril 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/echogeo/838 ; DOI : 10.4000/ echogeo.838 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 19 avril 2019. EchoGéo est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International Sopi or not sopi ? 1 Sopi1 or not sopi ? A propos des élections présidentielles de février 2007 au Sénégal Géraud Magrin Introduction 1 Lors des élections sénégalaises du 25 février 2007, le président sortant, Abdoulaye Wade, a été réélu dès le premier tour avec près de 57 % des voix2. Ce fut une surprise, sauf peut- être pour le président et quelques uns de ses partisans. La grande majorité des observateurs, qu’ils soient sénégalais ou étrangers3, annonçaient une élection très ouverte. En effet, l’alternance de mars 2000, qui avait vu l’arrivée au pouvoir d’Abdoulaye Wade après quatre décennies de règne du Parti socialiste (PS), s’était accompagnée d’un immense espoir de changement. -
Essays on the Ineffectiveness of the Principle Of
ESSAYS ON THE INEFFECTIVENESS OF THE PRINCIPLE OF SEPARATION OF POWERS ON THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EXECUTIVE AND THE JUDICIARY AFTER CHANGE OF POLITICAL POWER IN SENEGAL. By Papa Fodé Kanté Drawing inspiration for democratic principles originating from the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 which provides that « any society in which guarantee of rights is not ensured nor the separation of powers is determined does not have a Constitution »,1 and driven by the desire to establish a state governed by the rule of law, Senegal addressed in her constitution of 22nd January 2001 the principle of separation of powers. « Separation and balance of powers designed and exercised through democratic procedures... »2. The content of this principle is extremely simple: « Powers should not be concentrated in the same individual or on one group of individuals, there is need to distribute them among distinct organs; allocated to distinct constitutional organs the exercise of a specific social function ». It is this principle which Montesquieu put forward by stating that « when on the same person on the same body of judicature, the legislative power is joined together with the executive power, there is no freedom, because we can fear that the same monarch or the same senate will make tyrannical laws to be executed tyrannically ».This principle, contrary to a very well known opinion, Montesquieu had neither discovered it nor invented it. Indeed the doctrine of separation of powers was invented by Aristotle, taken over by Locke and systematized by Montesquieu who gave it current aura. -
23 3 Kelly.Pdf
Access Provided by Harvard University at 07/13/12 4:30PM GMT Senegal: What Will turnover Bring? Catherine Lena Kelly Catherine Lena Kelly is a doctoral candidate in government at Har- vard University. She is writing a dissertation on the formation, co- alition-building strategies, and durability of political parties in sub- Saharan Africa, and has spent fifteen months in Senegal. On 25 March 2012, Macky Sall of the Alliance for the Republic (APR) won the second round of Senegal’s presidential election with 65.8 per- cent of the vote, handily defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), who had won the most votes in the first round. In contrast to a tumultuous campaign season, elec- tion day itself was relatively peaceful. Wade graciously accepted defeat, phoning Sall to congratulate him several hours after the polls closed. French president Nicolas Sarkozy called this gesture “proof of [Wade’s] attachment to democracy.”1 This appraisal is too generous, however. The peaceful turnover followed months of protests and violent repres- sion, as well as a rumored intervention by military officials to force Wade to accept defeat after the second-round voting. 2 Debates about the constitutionality of Wade’s candidacy, as well as an earlier change that he had proposed in the election law, helped to generate this turmoil, which included at least ten deaths, dozens of arrests, and many injuries. 3 Wade’s quest for a third term belied Senegal’s democratic reputation. In fact, the country’s regime would be better described as competitive authoritarian—democratic rules exist, but “incumbents violate those rules so often and to such an extent . -
Saliou Ndour Université Gaston Berger
CODESRIA 12th General Assembly Governing the African Public Sphere 12e Assemblée générale Administrer l’espace public africain 12a Assembleia Geral Governar o Espaço Público Africano ةيعمجلا ةيمومعلا ةيناثلا رشع ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻔﻀﺎء اﻟﻌﺎم اﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻰ L’espace public au Sénégal : la « pollution verbale » comme forme de communication politique ? Saliou Ndour Université Gaston Berger 07-11/12/2008 Yaoundé, Cameroun « L’ennui avec nos hommes politiques, C’est qu’on croit faire leur caricature, Alors qu’on fait leur portrait » Jean Sennep Introduction L’espace public est une notion inventée par Kant dans un contexte de naissance de l’Europe moderne où il sied de tenir l’Etat responsable devant la société à travers le commerce des idées. Elle (cette notion) fut définie par Hannah Arendt comme relevant du domaine de l'action. Pour elle, il s’agit d’un espace de liberté de l’individu qui a la possibilité de se consacrer aux affaires publiques et qui intègre des relations d’égalité, découlant d’une expression du ravissement. C’est aussi un lieu d’interpénétration de l’individu et de la communauté ; bref une quête de sa part d'immortalité. Vulgarisée et modernisé par Habermas, celui-ci le conçoit comme un cadre ouvert à tous les citoyens qui se réunissent pour constituer une opinion publique. Elle est essentielle dans une démocratie et ne saurait être appréhendée sans l’idée de communication politique. Dans les pays d’Europe de vielles traditions démocratiques, elle a fini de faire sa mue, on ne pourrait pas, actuellement, la détacher de la publicité (au sens « de large diffusion des informations et des sujets de débats via les médias »).