Looking Ahead

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Looking Ahead 4 LOOKING AHEAD By Len De Caux “How much longer can be continue on the as- 1943 sumption that somehow we shall muddle through ?” That was Philip Murray’s leading question to tha 29, U. S. Senators, when he appeared before the Truman committee to investigate the national war program. The CIO leader cited instance after instance of muddling in production, manpower distribution, food March supply, price control, wage stabilization, etc. In every case he put forward practical proposals to remedy such muddles—all of them fitting into the NEWS, pattern of labor’s most insistent demand for total war mobilization and over-all planning. ★ ★ ★ CIO Production of war materials Is reaching unan- ticipated proportions, Murray pointed out, due to labor’s efforts. The But far greater production is necessary for vic- tory. This is increasingly threatened by present muddling. There is no central and planned control of scheduling of material, manpower and plant facili- ties. The War Production Board, War and Navy Departments, War Manpower Commission have overlapping jurisdictions and frequent friction. Results: Over-production of some materials, un- der-production of others; shortages of labor here, n hoarding and over-supply there; unused small plant facilities, due to concentration of war orders with big concerns. Murray told of plants where thousands of war workers have been laid off, due to such muddling, and of other plants that are being used to only one- half or one-third capacity. He warned that the present absence of over-all planning and control will lead to hundreds of thousands of essential war workers being without jobs by late summer or fall. ★ ★ ★ As to food production, Murray pointed out that “agriculture remains the last great industry uncon- All of which reminds us of the government verted to a war-time basis.” of non-essential crops like tobacco official who once said: “I see the CIO, the AFL, Production The Ruml Plum has been increased tremendously. This the railroad Brotherhoods and other unions are and cotton The Ruml plan is a snare and a delusion. a shortage of farm workers for the more represented here. But how about a representative has led to The CIO Is 100 per cent in favor of the pay-as- essential crops. of the unorganized?” you-go principle. It is urging Congress to adopt big business “farm bloc” presses Neither he nor the Senators seemed to realize Meanwhile the proposals whereby workers can pay their current price increases, through the Bankhead and Pace there is no way the unorganized can be represent* for tax obligations through deductions each payroll pe- bills, that will raise living costs about 20%. And ed. They are voiceless, because they can have no riod throughout the year—instead of having to pay of farmers, who could add spokesmen without organization. the interests the small them all at one time and a year late. so much to our food production, are neglected. plan—not Many politicians, employers and the like will But that isn’t the big idea of the Ruml to farmers falsely claim to speak for them. But true represen- Murray called for incentive payments by a long shot. for increasing production of essential crops, and for AH the big interests and their press tation requires election of representatives, and that business more funds for the Farm Security Administration to are spending good money to promote the Ruml In turn calls for organization of some kind. So "rep- resentation of the unorganized" is a contradiction in aid small farmers to maximum production. plan, because they hope to put in their thumb and ★ ★ ★ a plum. terms. pull out nice juicy Inflation is one of the most serious dangers that Ruml plan is provide big What were the Senators driving at then? Do The big idea of the to threatens as a result of present muddling and lack eash windfalls for the rich through cancellation they want the government to "destroy free enter- prise” by going into every plant to fight for the un- of planning. of 1942 taxes. Any pay-as-you-go features added and the organized (as unions do for their members) by Labor is compelled to ask higher wages later are purely incidental. of handling their grievances, demanding better condi- scrapping of the Little Steel formula—which one If the Ruml plan is adopted, the rich will benefit the Senators appropriately referred to as “the Lit- automatically by of taxes for a year of tions, and taking up their cases for higher wages? cancellation tle Wage formula”—because only wages have been At the time of death there We doubt it. •xtremely high profits. stabilized, while prices and living costs have re- will be particularly large windfalls for the estates Or do they think the government should every- where raise the wages of the unorganized to the mained uncontrolled. of the wealthy—a saving of a whole year’s taxes. Solution: Stabilize prices by over-all rationing Moreover, the savings will be much larger pro- level of the organized? That would be too great a favor for labor to expect from the none-too-pro-labor and rigid price control. Enact a fair tax program, portionately for the rich than for the poor. The by taking money from inflated profits and surplus Ruml plan means a saving of $64,000 or 64% Senators who asked the questions. Or were they just being demagogic then? Per- wealth and leaving workers with enough income for on an income of SIOO,OOO, as against a saving of health and productive efficiency. $l4O or only 7% on an income of $2,000. ish the thought. proposal is no We’re frankly puzzled. For If these Senators are ★ ★ ★ The House committee’s solution Murray quoted the profit figures of the United require a worker to pay really concerned about the unorganized, the only either. For it would two States, Republic and Bethlehem Steel corporations. order to become up-to-date way they can aid them is by helping them to organ- years’ taxes this year in The war profits of these three companies alone in on his taxes. ize—which they oppose. the last three years, after taxes and after extrava- solution Is that proposed by Pres. But, whether these proclaimed “friends of the The real gant depreciation reserves, will amount to about embodied unorganized” like it or not, the CIO will show its Murray, on behalf of the CIO, and in half a billion dollars. the Robertson-Forand proposal—namely to limit real friendship, and its patriotism, by continuing organization unor- Yet Congress tenderly protects such war profits the cancellation of 1942 taxes to a single low to offer the benefits of to the ganized, so they may play their full organized from adequate taxation, while it concentrates on level, such as the normal tax and first surtax soaking the poor to the limit. bracket. part with full voice in the promotion of our war What’s more, it has thrown out the President’s This will enable all taxpayers to effort. lower-income $25,000-a-year limit—as if to emphasize that wage immediate pay-as-you-go basis, without un- go on an ceilings are only for the poor, and not for the rich. justified for the wealthy. Urge your rep- windfalls The steelworkers’ wages have been kept down by resentatives in Congress to vote down the Ruml the Little Steel formula. But not so the wages of to real pay-as-you-go plan. plum, and adopt this Eugene Grace, president of Bethlehem Steel. He’s Published Weekly had a nice little wage boost of $60,000, Murray Congress of Industrial Organizations noted, from $478,144 a year in 1940 to $537,724 in The Unorganized Philip Murray President 1942. Some Senators who questioned labor leaders James B. Carey Secretary-Treasurer ★ ★ ★ Philip Murray and William Green, when they ap- Vice-Presidents What’s the chief step necessary to change from peared before the Truman committee, exhibited a Joseph Curran Allan S. Haywood the present muddling and injustices to real plan- curious but most persistent interest in "the unor- S. H. Dalrymple Emil Rieve ning and war efficiency? ganized." Albert Fitzgerald Reid Robinson Adopt the proposals of the Tolan-Kilgore-Pep- wanted know if some 25 unor- John Green Frank Rosenblum per They to million R. J. Thomas bills. That’s the answer of Murray and the CIO ganized workers were not worse off than the organ- and of the more far-sighted members of Congress. ized workers—and conceded that they were. Len De Caux Editor and Publicity Director This means setting up an Office of War Mobiliza- know these unorganized They wanted to how Special rates for block subscriptions and bundle tion to coordinate all present government activities fared before the War Labor Board; and whether the orders upon application. for production and manpower planning and econom- government should not give them the kind of pro- ic stabilization. Publication and Editorial Office: tection the unions give the organized. Such centralized planning and control is abso- Place, N. W., Washington, C. Finally, they seemed to want to "protect” the un- 718 Jackson D. lutely essential if we are to mobilize all our material organized from organization, by suggesting an end 1943 and manpower resources, and to organize our whole Vol. VI March• 29,9 No. 13 to organizing for the duration. economy on the most efficient possible war basis..
Recommended publications
  • Youngstown State University Oral History Program
    YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY ORAL HISTORY PROGRAM 1952 Youngstown Sheet & Tube Steel Strike Personal Experience O.H. 1218 RUSSELL L. THOMAS Interviewed by Andrew Russ on October 28, 1988 Russell Thomas resides in North Jackson, Ohio and was born on January 18, 1908 in East Palestine, Ohio. He attended high school in Coitsville, Ohio and eventually was employed for the United Steel Workers of America in the capacity of local union representative. Tn this capacity, he worked closely with the Youngstown's local steel workers' unions. It was from this position that he experienced the steel strike of 1952. Mr. Thomas, after relating his biography, went on to discuss the organization of the Youngstown contingent of the United Steel Workers of America. He went into depth into the union's genera- tion, it's struggle with management, and the rights it obtained for the average worker employed in the various steel mills of Youngstown. He recollected that the steel strike of 1952 was one that was different in the respect that President Truman had taken over the operation of the mills in order to prosecute the Korean War effort. He also discussed local labor politics as he had run for the posiUon of local union president. Although he was unsuccessful in this bid for office, his account of just how the local labor political game was played provided great insight into the labor movement's influence upon economic issues and public opinion. His interview was different in that it discussed not only particular issues that affected the average Youngstown worker employed in steel, but also broad political and economic ones that molded this period of American labor history.
    [Show full text]
  • Experiences of C.W. Editor in Steel Towns with C.I.O
    Experiences of C.W. Editor in Steel Towns with C.I.O. Dorothy Day The Catholic Worker, August 1936, 1, 2. *Summary: Impressions from a fact-finding tour of Pennsylvania steel towns and interviews with such figures as Bishop Boyle of Pittsburgh; John L. Lewis, chairman of the CIO; Kathryn Lewis, his daughter; and John Brophy, Director of the CIO. For readers seeking background information on the steel/labor struggle, she recommends several books. Applauds church and government efforts to support labor in its struggle to organize and notes with satisfaction The CW ’s ability to transcend race and ethnic boundaries. Keywords: labor, unions, social teaching (DDLW #302).* A story like this is too big to compress in one column. Impressions crowded upon one over two weeks of constant observation are hard to put down on paper. There could be an interview with Bishop Boyle of Pittsburgh; with John L. Lewis, chairman of the Committee on Industrial Organization; with John Brophy, director of the committee; with Philip Murray, head of the Steel Workers’ Organization Committee (SWOC); with Pat Fagin, president of District No. 5 of the United Mine Workers; with the wives and mothers of steel workers; with Father Kazincy, who spoke from a wooden platform out in an open air mass meeting at Braddock last Sunday; with Smiley Chatak, the young organizer of the Allegheny Valley; with the Slovaks, the Croatians, the Syrians, the Italians and the Americans I have been seeing this past month–individuals among the 500,000 steel workers who have been unorganized, oppressed and enslaved for the last half century in the giant mills of the American Iron and Steel Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of the Pension and Social Insurance Program of the United Steelworkers of America, 1941-1960
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2019 Bargaining for Security: The Rise of the Pension and Social Insurance Program of the United Steelworkers of America, 1941-1960 Henry Edward Himes III [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the Labor History Commons, Social History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Himes, Henry Edward III, "Bargaining for Security: The Rise of the Pension and Social Insurance Program of the United Steelworkers of America, 1941-1960" (2019). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 3917. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/3917 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bargaining for Security: The Rise of the Pension and Social Insurance Program of the United Steelworkers of America, 1941-1960 Henry E. Himes III Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Ken Fones-Wolf, PhD., Chair Elizabeth Fones-Wolf, PhD.
    [Show full text]
  • Soviet Union
    REPORT of the CIO DELEGATION to the SOVIET UNION Submitted by JAMES B. CAREY Secretary-Treasurer, CIO Chairman of the Delegation Other Members of the Delegation: JOSEPH CURRAN REID ROBINSON rice-President, CIO Fice-P resident , CIO President, N at ional M arit ime Union President , Lnt crnational Union of .lIint', J / ill and Smelt er Il'orkers ALBERTJ . FITZGERALD r ice-Pre siden t, CIO LEE PRESSMAN President , Un ited E lect rical, R adio and General Couusrl, c/o JIacliine W orkers 0/ .Inisr ica JOHN GREEN JOHN ABT rice-President, CIO General Cou nsel, Amalgamat ed Clot hing President, Indust rial Union 0/ M an ne and W orku 5 0/ .lmeri ca Sh ipb uilding W orlecrs LEN DE CAUX ALLAN S. HAYWOOD Pu blicit y D irect or, CIO, and E dit or, Tilt' Fice -President, CIO C/O N m 's D irector 0/ Organization, CIO EMIL RIEVE VINCENT SWEENEY r ia-President, CIO Pu blicit y D irect or, United St rrlzcorlerrs President, T ext ile W orkers Union oi A merica 0/ A merica; Editor, St eel Labor Publication No. 128 Price 15c per copy; 100 for $10.00; 500 for $40.00 D epartment of International Affairs Order Literature from Publicity Department CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS 718 JACKSON PLACE, N. W. WASHINGTON 6, D. C. \ -- . ~ 2 rr To Promote Friendship And Understanding... " H E victo ry of the United Nations over the military power of fascism T opened up prospects of a new era of int ern ational understanding, democratic progress, world peace and prosperity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Little Steel Strike of 1937
    This dissertation has been Mic 61-2851 microfilmed exactly as received SOFCHALK, Donald Gene. THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1961 History, modem ; n University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan THE LITTLE STEEL STRIKE OF 1937 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Donald Gene Sofchalk, B. A., M. A. ***** The Ohio State University 1961 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE On Sunday, May 30, 1937, a crowd of strikers and sympathizers marched toward the South Chicago plant of the Republic Steel Corpora­ tion. The strikers came abreast a line of two hundred Chicago police, a scuffle ensued, and the police opened fire with tear gas and revolvers. Within minutes, ten people were dead or critically injured and scores wounded. This sanguinary incident, which came to be known as the "Memorial Day Massacre," grew out of a strike called by the Steel Workers Or&soizing Committee of the CIO against the so-called Little Steel companies. Two months previously the U. S. Steel Corporation, traditional "citadel of the open shop," had come to terms with SWOC, but several independent steel firms had refused to recognize the new union. Nego­ tiations, never really under way, had broken down, and SWOC had issued a strike call affecting about eighty thousand workers in the plants of Republic, Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company, and Inland Steel Company in six states. The Memorial Day clash, occurring only a few days after the * strike began, epitomized and undoubtedly intensified the atmosphere of mutual hostility which characterized the strike.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effects of Radical Groups on the Labor Movement
    THE EFFECTS OF RADICAL GROUPS ON THE LABOR MOVEMENT By HUGHi G. CLELAND* T HIS paper is, in a sense, a response to what was a most im- Tportant presidential address by Dr. Philip S. Klein at our meeting last year in Philadelphia. One of the striking points that Dr. Klein made at that time was that our journal, PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY, has devoted only one half of one per cent of its articles to Pennsylvania history since 1865. "Pennsylvania historians," said Dr. Klein, "know almost nothing about their state since the end of the Civil War, and do not seem to be doing very much about it."' Dr. Klein noted that we have also been somewhat unbalanced in our treatment of ethnic groups in the Commonwealth. The Scotch-Irish, the German church people and the Plain Sects, whose history has been treated quite extensively, today make up only about ten per cent of our population. The history of ethnic or cultural groups who have arrived more recently is still largely unwritten. One could not help but be struck by Dr. Klein's state- ment that there are now 200 Catholics in Pennsylvania for every Quaker and 200 people of Jewish faith for every Amishman. Dr. Klein believes that the study of the period since the Civil War and of the contributions of newer ethnic and religious groups is "the primary challenge of the next 25 years for the Pennsylvania Historical Association." This paper is an attempt to contribute in a very small way to filling the void. Primarily it is an attempt to indicate some of the areas where research would seem to be indicated for graduate students or more mature investigators in the next few years.
    [Show full text]
  • First to the Party: the Group Origins of the Partisan Transformation on Civil Rights, 1940–1960
    Studies in American Political Development, 27 (October 2013), 1–31. ISSN 0898-588X/13 doi:10.1017/S0898588X13000072 # Cambridge University Press 2013 First to the Party: The Group Origins of the Partisan Transformation on Civil Rights, 1940–1960 Christopher A. Baylor, College of the Holy Cross One of the most momentous shifts in twentieth-century party politics was the Democratic Party’s embrace of civil rights. Recent scholarship finds that this realignment began as early as the 1940s and traces it to pressure groups, especially organized labor. But such scholarship does not explain why labor, which was traditionally hostile to African Americans, began to work with them. Nor does it ascribe agency to the efforts of African American pressure groups. Focusing on the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), this article attempts to fill these gaps in the literature. It explains why civil rights and labor leaders reassessed their traditional animosities and began to work as allies in the Democratic Party. It further shows how pressure from the new black-blue alliance forced the national Democratic Party to stop straddling civil rights issues and to become instead the vehicle for promoting civil rights. NAACP and CIO leaders consciously sought to remake the Democratic Party by marginalizing conservative Southerners, and eventually succeeded. The partisan transformation on civil rights is arguably became the party of states’ rights. The civil rights the most important twentieth-century case in Ameri- transformation arguably presaged the future partisan can politics in which parties changed positions on division on cultural issues as well.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1952 Steel Seizure Revisited: a Systematic Study in Presidential Decision Making Author(S): Chong-Do Hah and Robert M
    The 1952 Steel Seizure Revisited: A Systematic Study in Presidential Decision Making Author(s): Chong-do Hah and Robert M. Lindquist Source: Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Dec., 1975), pp. 587-605 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of the Johnson Graduate School of Management, Cornell University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2392025 Accessed: 26-02-2015 21:54 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sage Publications, Inc. and Johnson Graduate School of Management, Cornell University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Administrative Science Quarterly. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.83.205.78 on Thu, 26 Feb 2015 21:54:11 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The 1952 Steel Seizure There is a paucity of conceptual approaches to and sys- Revisited: A Systematic tematic case studies of presidential decision making, especially in the area of domestic policy. The three mod- Study in Presidential els advanced by Graham T. Allison in Essence of Decision Decision Making are applied to the 1952 steel seizure to explain why Presi- dent Truman decided to seize the mills.
    [Show full text]
  • A Program for Militant Trade Unionism
    WHERE IS THE CIO GOING? By GEORGE MORRIS What happened to the c.I.O.? The question is heard on all sides. For some time it has been evident that the c.I.O. was being led away from the fighting, drive-ahead spirit that won it great sup­ port in earlier days. The sweeping organizing drives and pace­ setting economic gains that made it so attractive to the workers in the past are now giving way to internal strife, inter-union raid­ ing, Red-baiting, witch-hunting, stagnation and decline. The c.I.O.'s leaders were once the targets of union-haters. They were Red-baited. Today the union-haters sing hosannas to most of these very leaders beCause they themselves picked up Red-baiting and witch-hunting as weapons against progressives in the unions. The recent C.1.O. convention in Portland brought the long de­ veloping situation to a head. Differences carne out into the open and were fought out between the dominant Right and progressive Left. For the first time a c.I.O. convention faced two sets of resolutions. What's behind this · division in the C.1.O.? Who is responsible for it? How can the c.I.O. be brought back to the forward-looking path it followed in its earlier days? For an adequate answer to those questions we should first retrace the c.I.O.'s development both to the time of its birth-days when it was united and progressive -and further back, to the historic conditions that led to its rise.
    [Show full text]
  • Amalgamated, PAC Back
    Amalgamated, PAC 5 ——- ——— Back FDR > U. S. Needs Clothing 'Workers The Leadership, . ■' j CIO PAC Warns tit'll. Parley in Unanimous May NEWS, CHICAGO, 20—President Franklin I). Roosevelt is the na- Vote For 4th Term tional leader best fitted to guide CHICAGO, May 20—FDR in definitely the choice of the May this nation to a victorious peace, Amalgamated Clothing Workers. From start to finish of the the CIO Political Action Com- j union’s week-long convention, the 971 delegates, representing 22, mittee said this week in calling a peak membership of 325.000, refused to leave anyone in doubt unanimously for his re-nomina- for a moment. tion, and re-election as Com- , Nearly every mention of the President’s name—and there mander-in-Chief. were plenty—was greeted with an ■ 1944 ovation. The climax was a cheerful, In a meeting participated In by again into competing groups— wo snake-dancing demonstration when CIO Pres. Philip Murray, Chairman must have no dollar imperialism." the convention unanimously called Sidney Hillman of the PAC said Murray praised upon “the American people to make Hillman’s lead- that at a later meeting Vice-Pres. ership of ClO's political manifest their common will to draft activities. Henry A. Wallace probably would He compared Franklin D. Roosevelt for another the attacks on the also be endorsed for CPAC way re-nomination term in office.” with the the CIO it- and re-election, since nearly all CIO self was “castigated in the press." The resolution was adopted im- ; unions have endorsed him as well ClO’s political as FDR.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Security Advisory Councils
    +ocial Security Advisory Councils* by JAMES E. MARQUIS* A THIRTEEN-MEMBER advisory council, of the Eaton Manufacturing Company, Cleveland, Ohio. representing employers, employees, self-employed Leonard Woodcock, vice president of the United Auto- persons, and the public, was convened on June 10, mobile, Aircraft and Agricultural Implement Workers 1963, to begin a comprehensive review of the of America, Detroit, Mich. Nation’s old-age, survivors, and disability sys- tem. This is the second in a series of councils The study being undertaken by the 1963 ,4d- provided for under the 1956 amendments to the visory Council points up the continuing impor- Social Security A&; in 1966 and every fifth year tance tllat is attached to examination of the old- thereafter an advisory council will be appointed age, survivors, and disability insurance program to study and report on the financing of the by independent citizen groups. In the relatively program. brief history of the program, advisory councils The law gives the current council a special have contributed immensely to the planning and mission in addition to its function of considering development of old-age, survivors, and disability the financing of the program: It is directed to insurance protection. There is a long tradition study coverage, adequacy of benefits, and all dating back to 1934, before the passage of the other aspects of the program. A4 report of its Social Security Act, of seeking from representa- findings and recommendations must be submitted tive groups advice and guidance on the social to the Board of Trustees of the old-age and sur- securit,y program.
    [Show full text]
  • Roosevelt and the Protest of the 1930S Seymour Martin Lipset
    University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1984 Roosevelt and the Protest of the 1930s Seymour Martin Lipset Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lipset, Seymour Martin, "Roosevelt and the Protest of the 1930s" (1984). Minnesota Law Review. 2317. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/2317 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Roosevelt and the Protest of the 1930s* Seymour Martin Lipset** INTRODUCTION The Great Depression sparked mass discontent and polit- ical crisis throughout the Western world. The economic break- down was most severe in the United States and Germany, yet the political outcome differed markedly in the two countries. In Germany the government collapsed, ushering the Nazis into power. In the United States, on the other hand, no sustained upheaval occurred and political change resulting from the eco- nomic crisis was apparently limited to the Democrats replacing the Republicans as the dominant party.' Why was the United States government able to survive intact the worst depression in modern times? Much of the answer lies in the social forces that have his- torically inhibited class conscious politics in the United States. Factors such as the unique character of the American class structure (the result of the absence of feudal hierarchical so- cial relations in its past), the great wealth of the country, the * This Article is part of a larger work dealing with the reasons why the United States is the only industrialized democratic country without a significant socialist or labor party.
    [Show full text]