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Contrastive Phonology Chapter 2 Contrastive Phonology Kurtöp phonology has been described in depth in several publications, first in Michailovsky & Mazaudon (1994) and then later in more detail in Hyslop (2006, 2008b, 2009). The current discussion on phonology summarizes these previous findings and includes an updated analysis. The data presented in this chapter is in IPA while the following chapters use the practical orthography (described in §2.6). The organization of this chapter is as follows: §2.1 presents the consonantal phonemes, beginning with the obstruents and then discussing sonorants; §2.2 shows the distribution of consonants in complex onsets; while §2.3 discusses their distribution as codas. §2.4 discusses vowels and §2.5 discuss supraseg- mental features, namely tone and vowel length. The final section, §2.6, intro- duces the practical orthography, which will be used from chapter 3 on. 2.1 Consonant Phonemes Kurtöp contrasts fifteen stops, three fricatives, two affricates, two laterals, one rhotic, four nasals, two glides and a glottal aspirate, shown in Table 21. A sub- set of the Kurtöp consonant phonemes may be combined to make complex onsets; these are illustrated in Figure 9. Table 2 Kurtöp consonant phonemes Labial Dental Retroflex Palatal Velar Glottal stops p, pʰ, b t, tʰ, d ʈ, ʈʰ, ɖ c, cʰ, ɟ k, kʰ, g (ʔ) affricates ts, tsʰ fricatives s, z ç h nasals m n ɲ ŋ laterals l, l̥ 1 The use of parentheses with the glottal stop indicates this segment has not been found to be phonemically contrastive; it only precedes vocalic high-toned initials and occurs occasion- ally in place of coda /k/. The glottal stop should not be confused with orthographic <’>, used to represent a high tone. See §2.6.2. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi ��.��63/97890043�8747_003 Contrastive Phonology 31 Labial Dental Retroflex Palatal Velar Glottal rhotics r glides w j 2.1.1 Obstruents Kurtöp stops make a three-way VOT (voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, voiced) contrast at five places of articulation, as shown in Table 2. There is a two-way VOT contrast amongst the affricates (aspirated and unaspirated) and the dental fricatives (voiced and voiceless), while the palatal fricative occurs only voiceless synchronically (see §2.5.1 for a description of a recent histori- cal sound change which has collapsed a previous voiced/voiceless distinction). With the exception of the voiceless palatal fricative, which can co-occur with both high and low tone, I am treating the pitch on the vowel following the obstruents as part of the voicing contrast. 2.1.1.1 Stops The contrast between the stops is illustrated by the near-minimal set in Table 32. Table 3 Minimal set showing Kurtöp stops Phoneme Example Gloss /p/ pɐ́: ‘slice.of.meat’ /pʰ/ pʰɐ́ʔ ~ pʰɐ́k ~ pʰɐ́: ‘pig’ /b/ bɐ̀ ‘target’ 2 The examples are not perfect minimal pairs for the following reasons. As described in §2.5.1, tone in Kurtöp is phonemically contrastive on initial syllables following sonorant onsets. Following most (all except the palatal fricative) obstruents, pitch is predictably high if the onset is voiceless and low if the onset is voiced; in other words, I treat the “voicing” contrast as a bundle of acoustic features, involving, minimally, voice onset time and pitch on the fol- lowing vowel. Other than different pitch, one may also note that in some cases a long vowel or vowel plus coda is contrasted with a short vowel. Despite these differences, the data suffice to show the contrast made between the different stop types..
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