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Download Article (PDF) Südosteuropa 61 (2013), H. 4, S. 522-534 PERCEPTIONS OF THE WARS IN YUGOSLAVIA Intellectual Relations NENAD STEFANOV Shared Concepts, Diverging Perceptions. Left-liberal Intellectuals and the Wars in Yugoslavia Abstract. This essay examines the “prehistory” of the relations between German and Yugoslav intellectuals concerning the war in Yugoslavia . In order to understand the “muteness” of German left-wing intellectuals regarding the violence in Yugoslavia, it is necessary to look at the relations during the preceding decades . Such a look reveals that there were contacts and relationships between Yugoslav left-wing dissidents and German left-liberal intellectuals after 1968 and throughout the 1970s and 80s . Against the background of muteness, it is even more surprising that in the 1980s a journal existed that was co-edited by German, North-American and Yugoslav intellectuals. This makes it all the more difficult to answer the question of why, despite such close contact, muteness emerged . The concluding section develops a perspective for further research and argues that attention should be paid to the theoretical framework through which the developments in Yugoslavia were perceived by German intellectuals . Nenad Stefanov is Research Associate at the Chair for Southeast European History at the Humboldt-University Berlin . “Daß ich mich nicht theoretisch mit dem Stalinismus auseinandergesetzt habe? Okay, ich akzeptiere den Vorwurf.” Jürgen Habermas in a conversation with Adam Michnik 1993 In his contribution to this issue, Wolfgang Höpken points out that the wars in Yugoslavia came as a great shock not only amongst the Western European public, but also, and with far greater significance, for a large part of Yugoslav society . This experience of shock and paralysis – or, as it is formulated in an- other context – demobilization,1 is a seminal moment in the establishment of ethnically homogeneous communities . As Hannes Grandits demonstrates in this issue, at least one finding of the increasing research on the dynamics of violence is that violence is not caused by assumed “ethnic differences”, but rather the opposite is true: violence serves as a means to create new collectives of victims and perpetrators, and in this way the ethnicization of society . This shock has 1 Valére Philip Gagnon, The Myth of Ethnic War. Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. Ithaca/N.Y. 2006 . Shared Concepts, Diverging Perceptions 523 turned out to be an integral part of the way modern warfare is carried out in creating ethnic homogeneous territories . The destructive force of ethnicized violence caused serious doubts amongst those intellectuals in West Germany who had maintained contact with their colleagues in Yugoslavia for many years . They began to suspect that the former Yugoslavia with its allegedly different socialism was nothing more than a chimera: a beautiful façade that was now in a state of eruption . Starting in 1989 in Eastern Europe, fundamental changes were challenging the convictions of a considerable part of the West-German left-liberal milieu with regards to the so-called “real socialist” societies,2 particularly those left-liberals that had been in contact with Yugoslav critical intellectuals since the 1970s and who found that a completely different picture of Yugoslavia had emerged. Their experiences of the 1970s – e .g . the philosophical summer school on the island of Korčula – were contrary and seemingly without any connection to the current impressions of cruelty and destruction . The predominant reaction to this was one of bemusement and helplessness . How could this basic Ratlosigkeit3 have emerged? It is often mentioned vis a vis left-liberal intellectuals in Germany, and for a considerable time it seemed to dominate their perspective on the war in Yugoslavia. The questions that in particular need to be posed are how such reticence could have emerged after more than a decade of cooperation with the Yugoslavs on a joint and very am- bitious journal, Praxis International . Other questions to be raised are how both of these experiences related to each other, and finally, what thisRatlosigkeit tells us about the intellectual impact of the contacts between intellectuals from West Germany and Yugoslavia . Evaluating the impact of these contacts is a crucial precondition in assessing how left-liberal intellectuals in Germany perceived and reacted to the Yugoslav crisis and war . It will become apparent that for these intellectuals, Yugoslavia was not unfamiliar, as this had been, and still was, a continuous relationship . The contradiction between the comparatively intensive contact until 1989 and the surprising muteness after 1991 will be examined in the conclusion . These are the general questions of this short insight. It will focus on a particular intellectual viewpoint based on the theoretical heritage of critical theory . Nota bene, this orientation consisted (and still consists) of the spectre of different intellectual circles with different inflections. Because Jürgen Habermas has on 2 I use this term here because it appears regularly in contemporary public discourse . 3 Ratlosigkeit is one of the words that is often used in the reactions towards the war in Yugoslavia. As it transports something of the specificity of the relationship towards the war in Yugoslavia, which is not completely synonymous with helplessness, I will use this term in some parts of the text . 524 Nenad Stefanov many occasions been assumed to be the most prominent representative of this viewpoint, this essay focuses on his statements in the conclusion 4. As pointed out, the focus on this intellectual tendency concerning Yugoslavia is no coincidence . A considerable part of this group had been in contact with their Yugoslav colleagues for a long period of time 5. Exchange, transfers and entanglements thereby are important keywords, which describe the story of these contacts . Conceptualizing these contacts in a transnational perspective does not necessarily mean focusing on “successful” exchanges and transfers, but also examining instances where they failed . Meanwhile, it is an integral part of transnational history to focus on all elements and moments of exchanges of ideas, including those which are forgotten, omitted, or modified during the process of adaption .6 When examining the history of instances where such ex- changes ended in failure, a fragile inter-relatedness becomes visible . This will be shown in the following analysis . When discussing contacts between intellectuals from West Germany and Yugoslavia, historians usually focus on the period between 1964 and 1974 . Based on this, it would be reasonable to question why the outbreak of the war was able to cause such deep irritation: this contacts and the discussions about Yugoslav society were part of a distant past, now long forgotten. Yet the curi- ous and paradoxical thing is that cooperation had intensified in 1981 and lasted until 1989, just two years before the outbreak of the war . It is remarkable that Praxis International, a continuation of some kind of the former journal Praxis,7 is rarely quoted by protagonists in West Germany as a medium of contact and exchange with their Yugoslav colleagues . It had existed for nearly a decade, and continued to exist throughout the Yugoslav crisis, yet the journal and its context do not appear in any of the remembrances concern- ing intellectuals in Yugoslavia . 4 Nevertheless, it has to be kept in mind that within this theory, Habermas’ claim on this legacy was actively contested. There existed serious critique concerning the notion of communicative reason as a neglection of the “limits of enlightenment”, formulated in a self- reflexive direction in the Dialectic of Enlightenment. However, in the general public perception in the 1980s, Habermas was regularly connected with this tradition . Here it is more about a left-liberal public sphere . Cf . GerhardBolte (ed .), Unkritische Theorie . Gegen Habermas . Lüneburg 1989; Helmut Dubiel, Ungewißheit und Politik. Frankfurt/M. 1994. 5 Cf. The memories of Jürgen Habermas concerning his friendship with Gajo Petrović: Jürgen Habermas, U spomen na Gaju Petrovića / Zum Gedenken an Gajo Petrović, in: Lino Veljak (ed.), Gajo Petrović, Čovjek i filozof. Zbornik radova s konferencije povodom 80. obljetnice . Zagreb 2008, 11-18 . 6 Martin Conway / Kiran Klaus Patel (eds .), Europeanization in the Twentieth Century . Historical Approaches . Basingstoke 2010 . 7 Concerning the journal see Gerson S. Sher, Praxis: Marxist Criticism and Dissent in Socialist Yugoslavia. Bloomington/IN 1977. Shared Concepts, Diverging Perceptions 525 It has to be stressed that this contribution is not about political positions and the pros and cons of military intervention. Instead, it describes the different attempts of West German intellectuals to find terms, notions and concepts for what was happening in a seemingly familiar country in order to overcome their own helplessness . As pointed out, the perception of contacts between Yugoslav dissident intel- lectuals and their colleagues from West Germany is usually placed in a some- what distant time, starting from the end of the 1960s . What is highly unusual, however, is the fact that after four years of inactivity and an exchange which was limited to petitions to Tito against the oppression of those expressing criti- cal opinions, suddenly, in 1981, a new journal, which was produced in a joint effort by western and Yugoslav intellectuals, appeared:Praxis International . In
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