Intellectuals As Spokespersons for the Nation in the Post-Yugoslav Context
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Intellectuals as spokespersons for the nation in the post-Yugoslav context. A critical discourse study Federico Giulio Sicurella A thesis submitted to Lancaster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2015 Abstract In contemporary post-Yugoslav societies, the ongoing processes of nation-building interact and intersect with the manifold challenges of post-socialist transition, post- conflict reconciliation, democratisation and European integration. Amid growing uncertainty and insecurity, public intellectuals may play a key role in ‘making sense’ of these complexities, in particular by shaping shared representations of the nation and by defining national identities in public discourse. Engaging in symbolic practices of nation-building, however, also enables intellectuals to legitimise their own authority and social status, as reflected in the concept of national intellectual practice elaborated by Suny and Kennedy (1999). This thesis explores the multifaceted power dynamics underlying post-Yugoslav intellectuals’ engagement in nation-building from the perspective of the Discourse- Historical Approach to critical discourse studies (Reisigl & Wodak, 2009; Wodak, 2011). Using an innovative methodological framework based on the original notion of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation (drawing on Pels, 2000), I examine a sample of published opinion pieces addressing three key recent events, i.e. Kosovo’s declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008, Croatia’s accession into the EU in 2013, and the anti-government protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014. Detailed analysis of the patterns of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation that are distinctive to each case leads to the following conclusions. The Kosovo issue seems to have led Serbian intellectuals to refurbish their attitude as ‘saviours of the nation’, similarly to what had happened during the crisis of Yugoslavia. Croatian intellectuals, on the other hand, appear to be engaged in an effort to (re)define the role and place of the Croatian nation within the volatile context of European integration. Lastly, the ambivalent stance of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s intellectuals concerning the potential of the protest movement to undermine the status quo suggests that their involvement is chiefly aimed at strengthening their influence over the country’s public opinion. 2 Declaration I hereby declare that the thesis is my own work, and has not been submitted in substantially the same form for the award of a higher degree elsewhere. 3 Acknowledgements Nobody knows how much this work means to me better than Tijana. I would like to express my love and gratitude to her for easing my worries and embracing my playfulness, and for her unwavering support. I can only hope to be as generous and supportive to her, particularly now that she is doing a PhD herself. I will always be indebted to Ruth, my supervisor. She has been the best captain that someone wanting to learn how to navigate critical discourse studies, and academic life in general, could wish for. I would also like to thank my parents, Maria Pia and Guido, for caring about my well- being and providing me with the best possible environment to pursue my work and fulfill my ambitions. When I was a child I asked my mother what an ‘intellectual’ was. She replied, “That’s a difficult question! Well, I guess your dad is one.” This thesis is perhaps the most compelling proof of how deeply that little talk shaped my future path. I feel thankful and lucky to have two sisters like Beatrice and Irene, and a brother like Pietro. They have always been my best pals, and being around them always reminds me of how simple and fun life can be. My final thanks go to all my Lancaster friends, with whom I have shared the pleasure, the difficulties and the thrill of this beautiful endeavour. This work was supported by the UK Economic and Social Research Council [ES/J500094/1], the European Commission Basileus IV project, by the Italian cultural association Il Circolo, as well as by the William Ritchie Travel Fund. 4 Table of Contents Abstract 3 Declaration 4 Acknowledgements 6 1. Introduction 9 2. The post-Yugoslav context: intellectuals and nations in transition 18 2.1 Origins and crisis of the Yugoslav project 18 2.2 (Post-)Yugoslav transition: the unique trajectory of intellectuals from 25 Yugoslavism to ethno-nationalism 2.2.1 Post-communist transition in Europe: intellectuals from a 25 position of primacy to marginalisation 2.2.2 Uncovering the Yugoslav ‘paradox’ 28 2.3 Unfinished transition: contemporary challenges facing post-Yugoslav 34 societies 2.3.1 Post-communist transition: an unfinished process 34 2.3.2 The post-conflict situation 37 2.3.3 Democratisation and European integration 39 2.3.4 Transition and its (social) discontents 43 3. Intellectuals and nation-building: towards an interdisciplinary critical 46 discourse-analytical approach 3.1 The Discourse-Historical Approach: principles, methods and existing 45 research on discourse and national identity 3.1.1 Critical discourse studies: key notions and principles 47 3.1.2 The Discourse-Historical Approach 49 3.1.3 The DHA and the study of the discursive construction of national 52 identities 3.2 Intellectuals and discourse: between estrangement and social spokespersonship 54 3.2.1 Pels’ theory of intellectual spokespersonship 59 5 3.3 Spokespersonship for the nation: intellectuals as nation-makers 61 3.3.1 The modern intellectual as a ‘nation-maker’ 61 3.3.2 Intellectuals and nation-building in the contemporary world 65 3.4 The representation of the nation in public discourse 69 3.4.1 The discursive representation of the nation: macro-topics 70 3.5 A methodological framework for the analysis of intellectual 76 spokespersonship for the nation in discourse 3.5.1 First component: intellectual self-legitimation 78 3.5.2 Second component: intellectual spokespersonship for the nation 80 3.5.3 The third component: the representation of the nation in public 82 discourse 4. Design of the research: data selection, case studies and creation of the 85 sample 4.1 Conveying intellectual viewpoints: opinion pieces as a relevant genre 85 4.2 The case studies: Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina 88 4.2.1 Serbia: the aftermath of the declaration of independence of 89 Kosovo in 2008 4.2.2 Croatia’s accession into the European Union in 2013 89 4.2.3 Bosnia and Herzegovina: the 2014 anti-government protests 90 4.3 Creation of the data sample 91 4.3.1 Step 1: selection of newspapers and magazines 92 4.3.2 Step 2: data gathering (creation of the initial samples) 95 4.3.3 Step 3: downsizing of the Serbia sample through quantitative 96 techniques 4.3.4 Step 4: creation of the final samples through downsizing based 98 on thematic analysis 4.4 Overview of the final samples for the three case studies 99 4.4.1 The Serbia sample 99 4.4.2 The Croatia sample 101 4.4.3 The Bosnia and Herzegovina sample 104 6 5. Serbia: the aftermath of the declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008 108 5.1 Strategies of intellectual self-legitimation 108 5.1.1 Intellectual self-legitimation based on engagement and attitude 108 5.1.2 Intellectual self-legitimation based on knowledge and expertise 111 5.1.3 Intellectual self-legitimation based on status and membership 115 5.2 Strategies of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation 118 5.2.1 The intellectual as political guide for the nation 119 5.2.2 The intellectual as educator/emancipator of the nation 124 5.2.3 The intellectual as promoter/defender of the nation’s values and 126 distinctive character 5.3 The discursive representation of Serbia as a nation 128 5.3.1 Serbian society as being in a chronic state of crisis 128 5.3.2 Serbia as a deeply divided society 130 5.3.3 Serbia as a weak and isolated player on the international stage 133 5.3.4 Serbia as a nation driven by its historical and mythical past 136 6. Croatia’s accession into the European Union in 2013 140 6.1 Strategies of intellectual self-legitimation 140 6.1.1 Intellectual self-legitimation based on engagement and attitude 140 6.1.2 Intellectual self-legitimation based on knowledge and expertise 143 6.2 Strategies of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation 149 6.2.1 The intellectual as political guide for the nation 150 6.2.2 The intellectual as promoter/defender of the nation’s values and 155 distinctive character 6.2.3 The intellectual as educator/emancipator of the nation 159 6.3 The discursive representation of Croatia as a nation 161 6.3.1 The uniqueness and specificity of Croatian identity 162 6.3.2 European integration as a chance for Croatia to achieve social 165 and political consensus? 7 6.3.3 The controversial narrative of Croatia’s ‘return to Europe’: a 168 break away from the Yugoslav legacy and the Balkans, or rather a new role in the region? 6.3.4 Croatia and the EU: from dependency to equal partnership 172 7. Bosnia and Herzegovina: the 2014 anti-government protests 175 7.1 Strategies of intellectual self-legitimation 175 7.1.1 Intellectual self-legitimation based on engagement and attitude 175 7.1.2 Intellectual self-legitimation based on knowledge and expertise 178 7.1.3 Intellectual self-legitimation based on status and membership 182 7.2 Strategies of intellectual spokespersonship for the nation 187 7.2.1 The intellectual as political guide for the nation 188 7.2.2 The intellectual as emancipator/educator of the nation 193 7.3 The discursive representation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a nation 195 7.3.1 Bosnia and Herzegovina as a dysfunctional society facing an 195 uncertain future 7.3.2 Bosnia and Herzegovina as a political community dominated by 198 corrupt elites 7.3.3 Bosnia and Herzegovina as a nation marked by a deep divide 200 between the people and the elites 7.3.4 The increasingly contested hegemony of the ethno-political 203 paradigm 8.