Science, Technology and Development ISSN : 0950-0707

Radical, Progressive, Rationale: Aura of Abdu Rahiman Sahib in forming Community Consciousness and National Pride (Identity) (among the Muslims) in Colonial Malabar

Dr. Muhammed Maheen A. Professor. Department of History University of Calicut,

Abstract: The which started as an international Muslim agitation against the sovereignty of the British colonial forces all over the world had its repercussions in India also, and its effects were felt among the Muslims of Malabar too. The which started as a violent protest against the exploitation of the feudal landlords, who were mostly Hindus and the supporters of the British colonial rule, soon turned into a part of the freedom struggle and gathered momentum. But unfortunately due to the misguided directions of religions leadership what started as a struggle for freedom against oppression and exploitation soon deteriorated into the horrors of a series of communal conflicts. An examination of the Khilafat movement in Malabar would reveal that the Muslims of Malabar began to identify themselves as part of the National Muslim Community only by the dawn of the 20 th century. The political scenario of Malabar from 1920 to 1925 is specifically marked by the life and activities of Muhammed Abdurahiman. The present paper is an attempt to examine the political life of Abdurahiman.

Keywords: Nationalism, Khilafat, Non-Cooperation, Simon commission, .

I. INTRODUCTION

In the history of the development of Indian nationalism in the 20 th century, especially in Malabar, the role of Muslims like Muhammed Abdurahiman can be remembered only with great pride and honour 1. The non-cooperation movement started under the leadership of attracted the attention and participation for a large number of Muslims in Malabar. The Khilafat movement 2 which started as an international Muslim agitation against the sovereignty of the British colonial forces all over the world had its repercussions in India also, and its effects were felt among the Muslims of Malabar too. The Malabar Rebellion which started as a violent protest against the exploitation of the feudal landlords, who were mostly Hindus and the supporters of the British colonial rule, soon turned into a part of the freedom struggle and gathered momentum. But unfortunately, due to the misguided directions of religions leadership what started as a struggle for freedom against oppression and exploitation soon deteriorated into the horrors of a series of communal conflicts. An examination of the Khilafat movement in Malabar would reveal that the Muslims of Malabar began to identify themselves as part of the National Muslim Community only by the dawn of the 20 th century. It included the discursive and non-discursive practices of colonial governmentality, improved means of communication like printing technology, colonial education, Islamic reform movement, increased tension between Hindus and Muslims in the post-rebellion phase, national movement etc. These factors contributed to slow but steady growth of concrete community identity among the during the 20th century. In this context, the life and works of Muhammed Abdurahiman, the secular-minded Muslim leader of Malabar deserve special attention. For a period of twenty-five years from 1920 to 1945, Muhammed Abdurahiman dominated the political scenario of Malabar as a nationalist leader actively participating in the country's struggle for freedom from British colonial rule. 3 During the 1920s the nationalist sentiments were slow to develop in the regions of Malabar. There was no nationalist political agitation there till 1916, the year of the formation of the Home Rule

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League. The only remarkable incident was the establishment of the District Congress Committee in 1910. 4 In 1920 Tenancy issues were gathering momentum in Malabar, and the Khilafat and non- cooperation movements developed into matters of national interest. 5In places like Calicut and Kondotti the Khilafat issue was under heated discussion among the Muslim population. Pamphlets were issued by the Central Khilafat Committee at Karachi, and religious leaders had signed the Khilafat fatwa. . The Congress meeting at in 1920 accepted both Khilafat and non- cooperation movement as anti-British agitations, and used the opportunity to strengthen Hindu- Muslim unity. In due course, the religiousleadership of Malabar gave the Khilafat movement a purely religious or communal colour. ⁶ It is in this situation that Abdurahiman Sahib had the role to organize the Muslims of Malabar, and to lead them towards the freedom movement. He actively participated and gave courageous leadership to all activities of agitation organized by the , during the period from 1920 to 1945. The activities of Abdurahiman Sahib in Malabar's Socio-Political scenario for about a quarter-century could create nationalism and the feeling of oneness among the people of Malabar. In terms of the impact created in the minds of the people, his activities have added a glorious chapter in the history of Indian struggle for independence.⁷ Muhammed Abdurahiman was a native of Kodungallur in Malabar. He was born in a village called Eriyad, near Azhikode on 13 th May 1897 as the eldest son of Panakka Parambil Abdurahiman and Kochaisumma. ⁸ It is believed that his ancestors were the descendants of the family of Kunjali , the heroic sea captain of the of Calicut. ⁹ After completing primary and secondary education at Azhikode and Kodungallur he went for higher education to Madras. After Madrasa education at Vaniyampadi, Abdurahiman studied at Basal Mission College, Calicut and later at Mohammadan College, Madras. He was a student of the Presidency College, Madras for BA (Honours) in History, during his student days in Madras Abdurahiman was inspired by the speeches of national leaders like Moulana Azad, Maulana Shaukath Ali and fascinated by the appeal of Mahatma Gandhi to boycott educational institutions, he left the Presidency College in 1920. ¹⁰ However, he continued his studies at Jamia Millia Islamia where he was fortunate to be the disciple of Azad and the Ali Brothers. He was also in constant contact with national leaders such as M.A. Ansari, Hakkim Ajmal Khan, Khwaja Abdul Hameed and others. ¹1 In 1920, while at Jamia Millia Abdurahiman could participate in the Nagpur session of the Indian National Congress as a student delegate. In that meeting, a motion was moved by the famous leader from Kerala K. Madhavan , which was seconded by Abdurahiman, on December 1920. It was a demand for the formation of the Kerala Provincial Congress Committee (KPCC) consisting of all speaking areas of Kerala, and the demand was accepted by the session.¹²

II. KHILAFAT AND MALABAR REBELLION 1. In 1921, Abdurahiman discontinued his studies and joined the non-cooperation agitation in Malabar, as a part of the Khilafat Movement. It was the Ottappalam Provincial Conference (1921) that brought Abdurahiman into the middle of the freedom struggle in Malabar. 1³The British Government had resolved to crush the Khilafat movement in Malabar using brutal police force. Both the Khilafat and the non-cooperation movements were severely dealt with. All meetings were banned in Ernad and Valluvanadu Taluks under Section 144 by the District Magistrate E.F. Thomas. Many of the more famous leaders were arrested. ¹⁴ The police tried to cause provocations by arresting the leaders and violently driving away from the people who had gathered to express their protest. Amid this unrest and police atrocities, Abdurahiman tried desperately to convince the people the importance of non-violence. He realised that it was not a suitable time for declaring war against the British Government. He knew that the consequences of such a move would be disastrous to the people. He reminded the people: "Your wives will be molested, your mothers and children will be thrown to the street". ¹5 He reminded them that he too was a Muslim and he was also ready for martyrdom. But the time for action was not suitable. In a pamphlet, he declared that the rebellion was un-Islamic, and it was also against the interests of the nation. ¹⁶ He openly stated that the rebellion of Malabar was against the ideology of the Khilafat, and the principle of non-cooperation, which was non-violence. ¹⁷

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The effects produced by the Malabar Rebellion, which had deteriorated into a communal riot, were disastrous to the nationalist movement in and the freedom struggle in particular. ¹⁸ Both the Khilafat movement and the non-cooperation agitations were weakened at the national level. Mahatma Gandhi stopped the non-cooperation movement in February 1922 due to the causes and course of the rebellion also. ¹⁹ The reason why the Malabar rebellion took a communal turn towards the end, was the suspicion that the Hindu landlords had sided with the British. ²⁰ Though the rebellion was anti-colonial anti-feudalistic, when it reduced itself into a communal riot, it could produce far- reaching damage to the National Movement by creating a rift between the two communities. ²¹ At the same time, the religious leaders who had taken an adamant stand on the dogmatic principles of the Khilafat and the Malabar rebellion had the belief that the Congress leadership had betrayed the Muslim cause, and had thrown them into the hands of the British military forces. ²² In short, this propaganda had the effect of alienating, the Muslims from participating in the National Movement in Malabar. Despite all these drawbacks, the Malabar rebellion historically had some positive effects also. Among them, the first and foremost was the acceleration given to the land reforms in Malabar. ²³ As a result of the rebellion, in 1927 the British government constituted a Tenancy Committee to reform the tenancy system in Malabar. In continuation of the work, another Tenancy Committee was set up in 1939 in which E.M.S. Namboodiripad and Abdurahiman were members. ²⁴ Moreover among the Muslim nationalist leaders Abdurahiman and Moidu Moulavi of Malabar rose to national importance along with Azad, Ansari and Ajmal Khan. ²⁵ In 1922, after the failure of the Khilafat movement, there was nobody to look after the families of the rebels, who were the real martyrs of the rebellion. All national leaders like Mahatma Gandhi washed their hands off the responsibility of the violent rebellion. The whole blame of the Malabar rebellion fell on the Muslim leaders of Malabar, including the Congress leaders who supported the Khilafat movement.²⁶ On this occasion, Abdurahiman bravely came to the forefront and guided the leaderless people towards the path trodden by the congress with determination. ²⁷ He dared to take up the challenge of rehabilitating the Mappila women and children who were the riot victims .²8He informed the District Magistrate about the pitiable condition of the riot victims and requested for help. ²9But the requests were not heeded by the government and then he wrote about it in national newspapers. ³0 As a result of his endeavours, Abdurahiman was asked to come to Delhi and meet leaders like Ali Brothers, Jawaharlal Nehru, Ansari and Others. For the relief activities in Malabar an amount of Rs. One lakh rupees was granted from All India Khilafat Committee. ³¹ However, the British government considered him as a rebel, and he was arrested. Later, he was sentenced to two years rigorous imprisonment for the crime of spreading false information against the government.³² But Abdurahiman and his family members bravely faced the situation. His old mother Aysumma sent a telegram to the Khilafat office to tell his son that the family is ready to share his sufferings for the cause of religion and country. ³³ Abdurahiman questioned the cruel treatment given to the prisoners by the British government. He attracted the attention of the authorities about the inhuman treatment against the prisoners. He found that the Muslim prisoners were unable to perform the Namaz for want of primary and proper facilities in the prison. He demanded that the prisoners needed full trousers as a part of the jail uniform so that they could be comfortable while performing Namaz. ³⁴ He started a hunger strike in the prison till the demands were accepted by the authorities.³⁵ The hunger strike of Abdurahiman had to continue for 23 days for achieving success. ³⁶ On August 9, 1923, Abdurahiman was released from prison. Returning to Malabar he found that the people of Malabar were finding it difficult to earn a livelihood in Malabar after the rebellion. To help the people he introduced the Charka (spinning wheel) as a means of employment. At the same time, it could develop into a symbol of the national movement. ³7 The British government allowed him to propagate the use of 'Charka' on condition that it would not be used as a political symbol. ³⁸ Abdurahiman found that the spinning wheel could employ the helpless victims of the Malabar rebellion. It could also eradicate their disillusionment and could be a remedy for their poverty. Abdurahiman established several Khadi weaving centres in various places of the Ernad and Valluvanad Taluks. ³⁹ With the failure of the Khilafat movement worldwide its significance in India was also lost and Abdurahiman thought of bringing the Mappilas back to the Indian national movement.

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Soon there developed a situation for another protest in connection with the appointment of the Simon Commission. He journeyed through entire Malabar and preached the necessity of joint struggle against the Simon Commission. ⁴⁰ Abdurahiman's speeches had an inspiring effect on the minds of the people. They began to take part in the boycott movement with great enthusiasm. Even then, he had to struggle hard against the communal propaganda of the religious fundamentalists. Hence he advised the Muslims in Malabar to join hands with other communities like Hindus to make the boycott struggle a great success. ⁴¹ In the editorial of 'Al-Ameen,' Abdurahiman explained to the people the real nature of British rule in India and the responsibility undertaken by the Indian National Congress in the Freedom Movement. ⁴2 He informed the public that the congress had decided to boycott the Simon Commission and to observe hartal on 3 rd February. ⁴3 He exhorted the Muslims of Malabar not to lag behind others, and to join the struggle for the independence of the country. ⁴⁴ Consequently on the day of the visit of the Simon Commission (3 rd February) a nationwide hartal was observed, and the entire people of Malabar participated in it. Placards and banners were held and crowds shouted the slogan "Simon Go back". ⁴⁵ Abdurahiman addressed that, it was a mistake to think that British Rule was essential for the well being of the common man. Hence was a necessity and it was better for the Muslims and the Hindus to work for it together. ⁴⁶ He wanted them to join the Civil Disobedience Movement and to add strength to the Indian National Congress. ⁴⁷ In his articles published in the 'Mathrubhoomi' and 'Al-Ameen', Abdurahiman expressed the voice of the thousands of freedom fighters of Malabar ⁴⁸. At Payyannur Abdurahiman addressed a meeting of the Sathyagraha volunteers and reminded them that the Muslims could not keep away from the national movement started by Mahatma Gandhi ⁴⁹. On the 12 th May 1930, Abdurahiman addressed the large gathering assembled at Calicut beach to break the notorious Salt Law of the British Government. He reminded the people that Calicut beach was the venue of many historical incidents. Their predecessors had accepted martyrdom there while fighting against foreigners to protect the freedom of the country. ⁵⁰ The Salt Sathyagaha was a novel experiment in the history of the Indian freedom struggle. On that day at about 5.30 in the morning, about 40 volunteers had gathered near the premises of the Al-Ameen press. Under the leadership of Abdurahiman, Kelappan and P. Krishna Pillai, they marched forward towards the beach reciting "Bande Mataram", and shouting slogans like, "Bharat Mata Ki Jai", and Gandhiji Ki Jai". ⁵¹ As the British Government had prohibited the making of salt without paying a tax, the unlawful salt making was declared illegal. The British Governmentbeaten mercilessly and sentenced the Salt Sathyagrahis to 9 months rigorous imprisonment for illegal gathering under IPC 145 and also for violating the Madras Salt Tax Act 74 CF. ⁵² While Muhammed Abdurahiman was hailed as a patriotic national leader by all secular- minded people of Malabar, the Orthodox religious leaders branded him as a Kafir (infidel) and pronounced a fatwa (religious ex-communication) on him. ⁵³ All Kerala Political Conference had high regards for the great services rendered by leaders like Abdurahiman and Moidu Moulavi for bringing the Muslims of Malabar into the mainstream of the national movement. ⁵⁴ Kozhipurath Madhava Menon later pointed out that due to the influence of the supporters of the British regime even great leaders like Kelappan could not speak to a public meeting at Calicut. It was the work done by Abdurahiman and Moidu Maulavi, that attracted the Muslim masses into the national movement. ⁵⁵ However, in Kerala Provincial Congress Committee (KPCC) there were two channels of thought and the leaders also had ideological differences, which was a split inevitable. The congress leaders having socialist ideology like EMS, AKG and P. Krishna Pillai were the role models of the Nationalist Muslims, whereas the congressmen of the right-wing had firm faith in the Gandhian ideology of K. Kelappan and other Sarvodaya leaders. ⁵⁶ The split in the congress intensified due to a section of the Congress party openly disagreeing with Gandhiji due to his view that Indians were not mature enough for the final struggle with the British.⁵⁷During the 1930s when Gandhiji showed signs of permission about the immediate success of the freedom struggle, Abdurahiman sided with the socialists, and towards the 1940s when Gandhiji was disillusioned about the freedom struggle due to the world war, Abdurahiman became a rebel against Gandhian policies and became a strong follower of Subash Chandra Bose. ⁵⁸

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Abdurahiman was unhappy over the lethargy of the Muslims to take part in the freedom struggle.⁵⁹He exhorted the Muslims that they should work hard and be ready to make more sacrifices for the country. ⁶⁰ The differences with the leadership of Gandhiji and a right-wing group of Congress followers led Abdurahiman to the forward Bloc Political party of Subhash Chandra Bose. He became the president of Kerala Forward Bloc, and was arrested for opposing the war activities of Britain against Germany, on 3 rd July 1940, and release only on 4 th September 1945. III. PROPAGANDA AGAINST MUSLIM LEAGUE

After his release from prison, Abdurahiman organised people against the Muslim League's demand for a separate nation. He worked against the propaganda of Muslim League for Pakistan. He informed the people that the Muslims of Bengal and Punjab were not demanding for the establishment of Pakistan. He pointed out that Pakistan was the brainchild of some narrow minded leaders like Jinnah and others. He exposed the attempt made by the Muslim League to misinterpret the teachings of Islam for selfish political gains. He requested the people not to be misguided by malafide slogans like, "Pakistan or Kabarstan". ⁶¹ Abdurahiman explained to the people that the Quit India Movement of 1942had exhibited the strength of the unity of the Indian people. Alarmed by the might of the freedom struggle, the British Government was planning to sabotage the struggle by causing a rift between the Muslims and the Hindus. ⁶2 Abdurahiman influenced his listeners by his appeal to their reason and emotions at the same time. In his speech at a Calicut meeting, he could convince the masses that the Muslim League did not represent all the Muslims of Malabar, and showed that they had no right to demand a separate state for the Muslims. The congress also had no right to agree to this unjust demand. He emotionally asserted that the Muslims and Hindus of India are one and inseparable." ⁶³ Abdurahiman openly declared that as a Muslim he was feeling ashamed of the stand taken by the Muslim League to create obstacles to the country's independence. Islam is a religion which upholds the freedom of the believers and exhorts them to sacrifice their lives for the freedom of the country. ⁶⁴ Though Abdurahiman disagreed with many of Gandhiji's political principles, he considered him as the symbol of Hindu – Muslum unity. Gandhiji, he was convinced, never represent either the Hindus or the Muslims, but only their unity. ⁶⁵ Abdurahiman always believed that there were only two groups in India. Those who wanted India to be free, and those who opposed it. 66 In his last public address on 23 rd November 1945, he declared to the people: "if the people of Punjab and Bengal want Pakistan, let them have it. We the people of South India do not want Pakistan. Let us live together forever as we lived in the past." ⁶7p A few days later this great leader of Indian nationalism breathed his last due to a massive heart attack. The death of the real secular nationalist leader of Malabar was a great loss to the Freedom Movement. It was a pity that Abdurahiman who valued the freedom of India above his life and wealth could not see the dawn of Indian independence. Abdurahiman Sahib is remembered today, not for his selfless sacrifice for the cause of Indian nationalism, but also his services to the nation as a legislator and a journalist. He considered the Legislative bodies as the arena for his fight to protect the rights of the people. Journalism was to him an opportunity for the free expression of his thoughts on religion and politics. Every one of Malabar knows the sacrifices he made for the establishment of the journal "Al-Ameen", including the sale of his ancestral property. He was a member of the Calicut Municipal Council, Board and Madras Legislative Assembly. He worked hard for the implementation of the Agricultural Relief Bill. He took the initiative in establishing Land Mortgage Banks, the electrification of the Calicut city, and the improvement of the transport system in Malabar. His other notable services include the prohibition of liquor in the Congress-ruled provinces and the repealing of the Mappila Outrage Act of 1937. ⁶⁸ The birth of the newspaper 'Al Ameen' was an urgent need of the time during the freedom movement in Malabar. There were no effective media to convey the message of nationalism to the masses. Moreover, the anti-nationalist newspapers were pro-British and they distorted reports on nationalist activities. They tried to wreck the freedom movement for selfish gains. Hence it was inevitable that an independent journal should be started so that the anti-national propaganda could be prevented and exposed. Abdurahiman knew that it was an effective means to fight imperialism and

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communication. As a result, he started 'Al Ameen' at Calicut, first as a tri-weekly journal, and later as a daily. 69It was in the Al Ameen Press that many inspiring publications were printed including the Manifesto of the Communist Party. Though Abdurahiman was not a journalist by profession, his editorials, reports and activities later became valuable treasures of journalism. During the entire period of the freedom struggle, 'Al Ameen' remained as a trusted voice of the people. It was a messenger of independence against colonial oppression. ⁷⁰ The editorials of Al Ameen reminded the Muslims to sacrifice everything for the freedom of their country. ⁷¹ Al Ameen not only supported the decision to boycott the Simon Commission, but ⁷2but also raised its voice against the revival of the Press Act 73 and the imposition of the Police Act 144 in Malabar. ⁷4 As its fierce editorials provoked the British authorities Al Ameen was banned on August 4, 1930. ⁷5 However, after the expiry of the press ordinance, Al Ameen resumed its publication on 20 th November 1930. It continued its vehement attacks against the policies of the British Government 76and conveyed the message of boycotting foreign goods to the Muslim population of Malabar. 77The editorials of Al Ameen criticised even the policy of the British Viceroys. 78 'Al Ameen' rendered great service to the development of the unity and integrity of the nation. The British Government had carefully adopted a policy of dividing the Indians into, various groups such as 'the citizens of British India', 'the people of the Princely States', etc. The British regime had cleverly tried to see that the concept of a unified India should never materialise. They worked to obstruct the growth of nationalism among the people. 79The daily Al Ameen undertook the responsibility of highlighting the poverty, unemployment and the cruel exploitation of the European capitalists on the Indian labourers working in other countries. ⁸0Being a means to express the voice of the common man Al Ameen was at the forefront of the farmer's struggle for their rights. 81 In the international scenario also this Indian newspaper dared to say aloud the views of the people. It upheld the Palestinian issue and exposed the hollowness of the British stand ⁸² The daily also dared to attack the evil intentions of British imperialism in the African continent. 83 At the same time issues of national importance such as the Andaman scheme, ⁸⁴ the Mamburam Restoration Stir, etc. were also dealt with. ⁸⁵ The chief enemies of Abdurahiman Sahib, other than British colonial forces were the orthodox ulemas who were religious fanatics, the self-centred landlords, and the communal organizations, who were seeking power even at the cost of the nation. 86 More than all Abdurahiman Sahib was an ardent admirer of learning and enlightenment. He considered education as the most essential instrument for social awakening, and a potent tool for the liberation of the human mind from the darkness of dogmas. Moreover, he was aware of the power of education to save people from exploitation, and its capacity for economic development. ⁸7 It was with this intention that he founded the National Muslim Educational Institution at Valapattanam in Malabar. Abdurahiman was intensely moved by the plight of the victims of the Malabar rebellion that he could expose their miseries to the Muslims at the national level and with their co-generation open the J.D.T. Islam Orphanage at Calicut in 1921.⁸8 During the great flood of 1924 Abdurahiman was at the forefront of relief activities.⁸⁹ He was always active in the struggle against all aspects of religious orthodox and conservatism. While fighting against the anti-Islamic customs and traditions of Muslims he participated in the reform activities like the Vaikom Sathyagraha. ⁹⁰ He also took an active interest in the removal of Hitchcock memorial. ⁹¹

IV. CONCLUSION In many respects, Abdurahiman Sahib was the owner of a colourful personality. At the same time, he was a true nationalist, a patriot of secular principles, and a courageous leader of the people who were always ready to come to the aid of the people in distress. In every sense, he was a true Gandhian.⁹² As A. Sreedhara Menon said, "Kerala has produced only one historic figure, that was Muhammed Abdurahiman”. 93

REFERENCES

[1] Bipan Chandra, Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India, New Delhi, 1981; Richard Sisson, Stanley Wolpert (eds.), Congress and Indian Nationalism, The Pre-Independence phase, University of California Press, 1988.

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[2] K.N. Panikkar, Against Lord and State. Religion and Peasant Uprisings in Malabar, 1836-1921, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1992, pp. 116ff. Khilafat and Non Co-operation Movement succeeded in drawing the mappila peasantry into the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggle. Vide, David Arnold Islam, the Mappila and Peasant Revolt in Malabar, Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 9, No. 4, 1982. [3] Vide N.P. Cekkutti, Humammed Abdulrahiman (Biography) 1898-1945, N.B.T. New Delhi, 2005; Anitha Sarath, Muhammed Abdurahiman: Jiva Caritram (Mal.), Trivandrum, 2011; Rajan Kottappuram, Bharatha Puthran Muhammed Abdurahiman Sahib, N.B.S. Trivandrum, 2016. [4] K.Gopalan Kutty, ‘Rumour and Rebellion in ’ in Kesavan Veluthat and P.P. Sudhakaran (eds), Advances in History, Essays in Memory of Professor. M.P. Sridharan, Calicut, 2003, pp. 279 ff; ……… K. Gopalankutty, The National Movement in Malabar, 1930-47, unpublished ph.D Thesis, J.N.U, New Delhi 1985, p. 36; M.G.S. Narayanan (e.d), Malabar, Calicut, 1944, p. 464 [5] K.N. Panikkar, op.cit. [6] Ibid, p. 126. For, various facts of National Movement in Malabar see, Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: A Study of Indian Muslim Leadership 1919-1924. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1972. [7] M.G.S. Narayanan had stated, “The History of Freedom Struggle in Kerala would remain incomplete without reference to Abdurahiman and the role he played in it.” , dated 21 st November 1998. [8] M. Rasheed, Muhammed Abdurahiman Sahib, (Biography) (Mal.), Calicut, 1994. [9] Vide, N.P. Chekkutti, op. cit. [10] His education from primary level of Presidency College and his early influence towards Freedom Movement see M. Rasheed, op.cit; S.K. Pottekkatt, et.al; Muhammed Abdurahiman A Political Biography, Calicut, 1978, pp. 23 ff; K.A. Nizami, Maulana Azad (commemoration volume, Delhi) 1990, p.15. [11] E. Moidu Maulavi, Sahib Ente Ormakalil (Mal.), The Daily, dated 20 th November 1988. [12] A.A. Malayali, Swathandriya Samara Senanikal, (Mal.), , 1999, p.10. [13] E. Moidu Maulavi, op. cit; K.P. Kesava Menon, Kazhinja Kalam (Mal.), Calicut, 1969, pp.80 ff. [14] Vide, G.R.F. Tottenham, The Mappila Rebellion, 1921-22, Government Press, Madras, 1922. [15] K. Koyatti Maulavi, Ayirathi thollayirathi Irupathionnile Malabar Lahala, (Mal.), , 1953, p. 37. [16] Home (Political) Department, File No. 241/Ib/KW, Dated 25 th August 1921, National Archives of India, New Delhi. [17] Amid the Chaos, Ali Musaliar declared Khilafat Raj and acted himself as the head of the Khilafat Government with Chenimathil Lavakutty as a minister and Chittambalan Kunhalvi as the C.M.C, Musaliyar, from the very beginning of the rebellion, strictly vowed non-violence. The continuous brutality of the British officers especially the Tirurangadi police fixing, at his pressure, turned his rebel and violent. Meanwhile, the joint attempt of Abdurahiman and K.P. Kesavamenon to pacify Musaliar proved fertile. Later, even with the surrender of Ali Musaliyar on 30 th August, could not bring the revolt to an end. For details see Conrad Wood, The Moplah Rebellion and It’s Genesis, Delhi, 1987, pp.200 ff; Saumyendranath Tagore, Peasant Revolt in Malabar 1921, Bombay, 1937, p. 2077; K.N. Panikkar, Against Lord and State, op. cit; 129 ff; K.K.M.A Kareem, 1921 Le Khilafat Lahalayum Ali Musaliyarum, (Mal.), Tirurangadi; 1985. [18] S.M. Mohammed Koya, Mappila Khilafat struggle in Malabar As part of the National Movement, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 60, 1999, pp. 706-708; K.K.N. Kurup, The Malabar Rebellion. An Analysis of the Impact, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 57, 1998, pp. 440-45.The rebellion made an everlasting impact upon the life of the people of Malabar. The news of the rebellion induced communal tensions in North India. See, Nick Lloyd, Colonial Counter-Insurgency in Southern India. The Malabar Rebellion, 1921-22, Journal, Contemporary British History, Vol. 29, No. 3, 2015, pp. 297-317; Robert L. Hardgrave The Mappila Rebellion, 1921: Peasant Revolt in Malabar, modern Asian Studies, Coimbatore Press, Vol. 11, No.1, Feb 1977, pp. 57-99. [19] The chauri chaura incident which proved the last straw for Gandhi took place in Gorakhpur Village with a well organized volunteer body which had started picketing the local . Vide, Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, 1885-1947, pp. 224-26. For a critique of Chauri Chaura, see, Shahid Ameen, Event, Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura, 1922-1992, University of California Press, 1995. The suspicion was justifiable because a complex set of circumstances led to the turning of the rebellion into a communal one. Vide, David Arnold, Islam, the Mappilas and Peasant Revolt in Malabar, Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 9, No. 4, 1982. [20] About the various nature of the Revolt.See, Stephan F Dale, ‘The Mappila Outbreaks: Ideology and Social Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Kerala’, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXX, No.1, Nov 1975, p.87; Conrad wood, ‘The Mappila Outbreaks: A Discussion Contribution’, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, February 1977, pp. 391-99; E.M.S. Namboodiripad, A Short History of the Peasant Movement in Kerala (1943) in Selected Writings, Vol. II, Calcutta, 1985. [21] K.P. Kesava Menon, Kazhinjakalam, Calicut, 1957, p. 128; M.P.S. Menon; M.P. Narayana Menon – A Forgotton Pioneer, Angadipuram, 1992, p. 89; Moozhikunnath Brahmadathan Namburidipad, Khilafat Smaranakal, Calicut, 1965, p. 50. [22] For details of Land Tenur Structure in Malabar see, W. Thomas Shea. Jr., The Land Tenure structure of Malabar And Its’ Influence upon Capital Formation in Agriculture, Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1959, pp. 172 ff; V.V. Kunhikrishnan, Tenancy Legislation in Malabar, 1880-1970: A Historical Analysis, PhD. Thesis, Calicut, 1993. [23] About the Malabar Tenancy Act, M.A. Oommen, thinks that despite certain good aspects, the poor verumpattakkar were hit hard by this legislation. At the same time, the Janmis and the Kanakkar benefited by it. So another Committee was appointed in 1939 to study the Tenancy reforms in Malabar. Vide, M.A. Oommen, Land Reforms and Socio-Economic change in Kerala. An introductory study, Bangalore, 1971; P. Radhakrishnan, Peasant Struggles, Land Reforms and Social Change, Malabar 1836-1982, New Delhi, 1989. [24] Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan 1857- 1964, London, 1967, p.99. [25] Gandhiji had condemned the Mappilas and described the Rebellion as an act of Moplah madness. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. XXII, New Delhi, 1966, p. 267. [26] Sreevidhya Vattarampath, Aftermath of the Rebellion. A study of Political and Social Trends in Malabar from 1921-1935, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Calicut,2007. [27] A.M. Kadir, Sher-e-Malabar Muhammed Abdurahiman, Kodungallur.P.10 [28] M. Gangadhara Menon, Malabar Rebellion (1921-22), Allahabad, 1989, p. 500.S.K. Pottekkatt, op.cit ., p. 117 [29] A. Muhammed, Swathanthrya Samara Smaranakal (Mal.), Calicut, 1981, p. 79. [30] The Bombay Chronic, dated 1 st . [31] Ibid.

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[32] S.K. Pottekkatt, op. cit.; p. 127 [33] P.C. Sukumaran Nair, (ed.), History of the Mathrubhumi, Vol.3, Calicut, 1998, p. 279. [34] Charka through Gandhi’s advocacy acquired a social and political identity that was capable of generating multiple meanings. For details see, J.B. Kripalani, Politics of Charkha, Bombay, 1946, pp 31-32; Rahul Ramagundam, Gandhi's khadi. A History of contention and conciliation, New Delhi, 2008; The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vols. 14,19,24,28 op. cit. ; S.R. Bakshi, Gandhi and the Mass Movements, New Delhi, 1988; Mohit Chakrabarti, the Gandhian Philosophy of the Spinning Wheel, New Delhi, 2000; B. Richard Gregg, Economic of Khaddar, Madras, 1928; Y.C. Sharma, Cotton khadi in Indian Economy, Ahmedabad, 1999. His farsightedness made him to thinks in terms of Economy as well as a polity concerning the introduction of spinning. [35] Ibid. [36] Khadi acted as a powerful political weapon and an economic remedy. [37] Ibid. [38] Practically Abdurahiman introduced it in the taluks of ‘Ernad and Valluvanad’. [39] Ibid. [40] The Indian response to Simonwas by no means confined to constitutional discussions. ‘Go back Simon’ demonstrations, black flags and hartals rocked city after city as the Commission toured the country, and 1928 was marked by the beginnings of the renewed movement for a boycott of British goods. For details see Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885-1947, , 2010 (1983), pp. 261-66. [41] M. Rasheed, Muhammed Abdurahman Sahib, (Mal.), Calicut, 1994. p.53. [42] Mathrubhumi, dated 31 st January 1928. [43] For details see, Shashi Tharoor, An Era of Darkness. The in India, New Delhi, 2016. [44] Al-Ameen, dated 2 nd February 1928, quoted in E. Moidu Maulavi, Ente Koottukaran, Calicut, 1964, pp.144-47. [45] E-Moidu Maulavi, Ente Koottukaran, Ibid; For details of active political participation of Muslims in the freedom struggle, see P. Hardey, The Muslims of British India, Cambridge University Press, 1972. [46] For details see, T.A Mohammed, Leftist Movements and the Mappila Muslims, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol. 71, 2010-11, pp.722-731. [47] E. Moidu Maulavi, op. cit. ., S.K. Pottekkatt, op. cit. . [48] Mathrubhumi, dated 27 th April 1930. [49] Ibid, 6th May 1930 [50] Ibid, 7th May 1930 [51] S.K. Pottekkatt, op. cit. ., p. 215 [52] Moyarath Sankaran, Ente Jeevitha Katha (Mal.), Calicut, 1965, pp.250-51. [53] Mathrubhumi, dated 13 th May 1930. [54] Ibid, 15 th May 1930 [55] A.K. Pillai, Congressum Keralavum (Mal.) Trichur, 1935, p.537 (Rpt. Tvpm, 1982). [56] V.S. Keraleeyan, Keralathinte Veeraputhran, Aluva, 1998. [57] For the details of the rift within the Congress see, E.M.S. Namboodiripad, Keralam Malayalikalude Mathrubhumi, (Mal.), Trichur, 1964 (1948) pp. 348.ff, S.K. Pottekkat, et.al., op. cit. ., pp. 441 ff [58] Mathrubhumi, dated 16 th May 1939. [59] During this time several young rebels were attracted towards the radical ideas of Subhash Chandra Bose. To understand the views of M.N. Roy, Jayaprakash Narain and the flight of Subhash Chandra Bose and the formation of Forward Bloc etc see, Sumit Sarkar, Modern India 1885-1947, op. cit. ., pp. 382-83, 410-11. [60] Normally what the Ulemas did was to interpret, elaborate and propagate the religious ideology, to systematize religious practice and to provide an institutional structure by establishing a network of mosques for prayer and congregation. Their inventions in the social and religious life and their widely believed ability to work miracles feuded to reinforce the popular culture, based on religious faith and superstition. This blind belief put the majority illiterate and poor Mappilas in constant darkness. Vide, K.N. Panikkar, Against the Lord and the State, op. cit . [61] Ali Usman Jasmi, etal (eds.) Muslims Against the League, op. cit. , Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan (1891-1991) the Frontier Gandhi; Congress leader of the NWFP, organized non-violent resistance group called the Khudai Khimatgars opposed partition and repeatedly jailed for long periods by the govt of Pakistan. See, Shashi Tharoor Nehru, The Invention of India, Arcade Publishing, 2003. [62] Many nationalists were deadly against the partition. For eg: Shibili Nomani, Hasrat Mohani, Ashfaqullah Khan and other martyrs, Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, maulana Hussain Ahmad Madni, etc. See, David Lindsay, Confessions of an Old Labour High Tory, London, 2012, Ajaz Ashraf, “India’s Muslims and the price of partition”. The New York Times 17 Aug 2017. Ajaz also authored a novel based on partition ‘The Hour Before Dawn’. [63] Mathrubhumi dated 18 th October 1945. The similar cry of Abdurahiman later shadowed in many works and Articles countrywide. See, Shamsul Islam, Muslims Against Partition of India, New Delhi, 2015; William Dalrymple, “The Great Divide: The violent Legacy of Indian Partition”. The New Yorker, 29 June 2015. [64] Mathrubhumi, ibid. The patriotism of similar nationalists could be seen in so many books and articles countrywide. For eg: see Ishtiaq Ahmed, ‘The Dissenters’. The Friday Times. Pakistan First Independent Weekly Paper, 27 May 2016. [65] Mathrubhumi, dated 24 th October 1945. [66] Ibid. [67] Mathrubhumi, dated 25 th November 1945. To some extent, Muhammed Abdurahiman was more or less similar to one Muslim leader who steads fastly opposed the partition of India; Allah Bakhsh Soomro. . For details see, K.R. Malkani, The Sindh Story, Chapter II. Thrown To The Wolves, Allied Publishers, 1988; Christophe Jaffrelot, A History of Pakistan And Its Origins, London, 2002, p.14. [68] For details of Proceedings of the Municipal Council Meeting and District Board Meeting see The Malabar District Gazette Supplement, March, April 1933, July 1934, April 1934, June 1933, November 1933 (Regional Archives Calicut), Madras Legislative Assembly Debates Vols. 1, 2, 5, 4, 3, 6, 1937, 1938 (Tamil Nadu Archives); Reports of the Malabar Tenancy Committee, Vol. 1, Madras, 1940.

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[69] Abdurahiman was not a journalist by profession. But he was quite conscious about the importance of printing and the role of media, as a potential instrument of the fight against Colonialism and British imperialism. For the importance of print see, Stuart Blackburn, Vasudha Dalmia (eds.), India’s Literary History: Essays on the Nineteenth Century, Orient Blackswan, 2004; Robin Jeffrey, India’s Newspaper Revolution, Capitalism, Politics and the Indian – Language Press, 1977-79, London, 2000; Harold Innis, Empire and Communications, Oxford University Press, 1950; Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, op. cit .John B Thompson, The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Media, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995; C.A. Bayly, Empire and Information, Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780-1870, Cambridge University Press, 1996; Jurgen Habermas, ‘The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, Trans. Thomas Burger, Cambridge, 1989, Brian Winston, Media Technology and Society: A History From the Telegraph to the Internet, Routledge, 1998. [70] Al-Ameen Company was registered in Dec. 1923. The First issue come out on 12 th October 1924. At first, it was published as a tri-weekly on Sunday, Tuesday and Thursday. On 25 th June 1930, it became a daily. The write-ups in Al-Ameen was noted for its liberty, democracy, anti-imperialistic and anti-fascist stance till forced to stop its publication on 28 th September 1939. [71] Al-Ameen,dated 6 th July 1930 Madras Native News Paper Report (M.N.N.P.R), July-August 1930, p. 1040 Tamil Nadu Archives (Hereafter TNA) [72] Al-Ameen was primarily intended for diffusing nationalism and patriotism. The boycott of the Simon Commission was one among the programmes. Through the colours, Al-Ameen wrote, “The task before the freedom-loving Indians is not to be frightened by the threats of the British and not to be misled by their pretty promises.” See Al-Ameen, dated 2 nd Feb 1928. [73] When Lord Irwin, the Governor-General of India, revived the Press Act, Al-Ameen wrote The Law is intended to reduce the newspaper from public organs to a government gazette. See Al-Ameen, dated 1 st May 1930. MNNPR, May-June, 1930, p.810 (TNA) [74] The Govt imposed Police Act 144 over Malabar. Al-Ameen issued an article sarcastically captioned Pandeeru Pandrandu (12x12= 144), that virtually led to the banning of the newspaper on 4 th August 1930. See, Fortnightly Report, First Half of August 1930 (TNA) [75] Ibid. [76] A-Ameen, dated 20 th November 1930, MNNPR, Nov- Dec 1930, p.1778 (TNA) [77] Al-Ameen exhorted the public especially Muslims to boycott foreign cloth. Wearing of foreign cloth will be an unpardonable sin and it indirectly helped foreign capitalism, which has sucked India to a dry skeleton, that will not be approved even by Allah. See Al-Ameen, dated 21 st Nov. 1930, MNNPR, Nov-Dec 1930, p.1779 (TNA) [78] In an article entitled “The Outgoing and Incoming Viceroys” Al-Ameen ironically recorded “Lord Irwin’s rule undoubtedly opened a new chapter in the history of India but the question is. Whether that chapter should be written in letters of gold or letters of blood.” On Lord Wellington’s accession as Viceroy, Al-Ameen wrote: “if our new captain proposes to steer the ship through the old channels, it would likely fall into terrible Whirl Pool.” See Al-Ameen dated 19 th April 1932, 22 nd April 1932, MNNPR, March-April 1931, p. 584 (TNA) [79] Al-Ameen, dated 13 th Feb 1934 MNNPR, Jan-June 1934, p. 220 (TNA) [80] About the exploitation, Al-Ameen wrote editorial captioned “The Indian Milch Cow”. To the Europeans, Indians ate mere milch cows. See, Al-Ameen, dated 5 th July 1934, MNNPR July 1934, p. 380 (TNA). [81] Al-Ameen pointed out the hardships of coconut cultivators in the Conferences of Simla and Ottawa due to mistaken policies of the administrators. See, Al-Ameen, dated 11 th June 1934, M.N.N.P.R June 1934, p.348; 16 th August 1934, MNNPR August 1934, p. 451 (TNA) [82] It points out the International understanding and world view of the Newspaper. See Al-Ameen, dated 16 th August 1934, MNNPR, August 1934, p. 451 (TNA) [83] Ibid, dated 31 st July 1930, MNNPR, July-August- 1930, p. 1192 (TNA) [84] Andaman Scheme was hatched by the Company officials, immediately after the Revolt 1921, intended to take the Mappilas away from their homeland to alien lands and to decimate them there. For details see, Albrecht Frenz, “Report Regarding the Uprisings of the Mappilas in Gunderts’ Letters”, in V.J. Varghese (ed.), Anjuru Varshathe Keralam Chila Arivatayalangal (Mal.), Kottayam, 1999, p. 432; William Logan Malabar, Vol.1, Madras, 1951, p.577; G.P.F. Tottenham, The Malabar Rebellion 1921-1922, Madras, 1922, p. 407; F.B. Ivans, (ed.), The Madras District Gazetteer, Malabar District, Vol. II, Madras, 1933. Appendix p.viii. [85] The Mamburam restoration stir was an attempt to bringback the only surviving son of Sayyid Fazl, one of the most revered leaders of Malabar, treacherously deported to Arabia on the charge of inciting the Mappilas against the government, to Malabar. Though all the efforts of Abdurahiman did not achieve success, it served as a strong catharsis and catalyst to the Mappila community in their struggle for freedom. For details see, C.A. Innes, Malabar Gazetteer, Trivandrum, 1997 (1908), p. 79; Stephen Frederic Dale, The Mappilas of Malabar 1498-1922, O.U.P, 1980, p. 113; E. Keys (ed.), Manual Administration of the , Vol. II, Madras, 1885, p. 102 (RAC). [86] Mathrubhumi, dated 9 th August 1923. [87] For the importance of education see, Education as Social Capital: Pierre Bourdieu, French Sociologist.For details see, Pierre Bourdieu, ‘The Forms of Capital’ in J. Richardson (ed.), Handbook of theory and research for the Sociology of education, New York, 1986, pp. 241-58. [88] K.T. Mohammed Ali, The Development of Education Among the Mappilas of Malabar 1800-1965, New Delhi, 1990, pp. 164-65. [89] Mathrubhumi, dated 5 th August, 8 th August, 10 th August, 12 th August, 14 th August, 16 th September 1924 and Mathrubhumi, dated 11 th April 1925. [90] Even though Gandhi did not support the participation of Abdurahiman in Vaikom Satyagraha as a non-Hindu, for the latter it was not merely a religious issue but a matter of social importance. Later, the perspective of Gandhi on this issue made Abdurahiman sceptical of Gandhian ideology. See, The Bombay Chronicle, dated 19 th May 1924; Mathrubhumi, dated 20 th and 22 nd May 1924. [91] Considering the service in the suppression of the Malabar Rebellion of 1921, the authorities erected a memorial for Hitchcock. For Abdurahiman it was a calculated insult to the religious sentiments of the Mappilas and national pride of the whole of Malabar. Amidst the storm of protest, finally, the authorities removed the memorial. See

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(MSP) File No. 725 dated 1 st May 1927 (RAC); Mathrubhumi dated 9 th October 1938, 3 rd November 1938, 18 th November, 22 nd November 1938, 8 th January 1939. [92] He was against unnecessary and meaningless religious rites and mores prevailed in the society, which he believed, as a tool of exploitation. See S.K. Pottekkatt, etal., op. cit. , p. 274; E. Moidu Maulavi, Ente Koottukaran, (Mal.), Calicut, 1964, p. 199 ff; Madras Legislative Assembly Debates; Vol. VI, Nos. 1-15, Madras 25 th March 1938, p. 1157 (TNA); Al-Ameen, dated 19 th July 1925. MNNPR July 1925, p. 980 (TNA). [93] , Sunday Supplement, dated 29th June 1997, p. 1

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