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Notes 1 Introduction 1. For example, see F. Gregory Gause III, “Why Middle East Studies Missed the Arab Spring: The Myth of Authoritarian Stability,” Foreign Affairs 90, 4 (July/August 2011): 81–90; Kenneth McKenzie and Elizabeth Packard, “Enduring Interests and Partnerships: Military-to-Military Relationships in the Arab Spring,” Prism 3, 1 (December 2011): 99–106; Dennis Blair, “Military Support for Democracy,” Prism 3, 3 (June 2012): 3–16. 2. Roger Owen, The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). 3. H. E. Yithrak Levenon (former Israeli ambassador to Egypt), interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, 2012. 4. Ashraf Khalil, Liberation Square: Inside the Egyptian Revolution and the Rebirth of a Nation (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2011), 8. 5. See Anthony Cordesman’s 2011 report on turmoil in the Middle East: Stability in the Middle East: The Other Side of Security (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2011). 6. Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (New York: Crown Business, 2012), 68–81. 7. Ellen Lust-Kar, Structuring Conflict in the Arab World: Incumbents, Opponents, and Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 8. Owen, Presidents for Life, 54. 9. Ted Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1970), 13. 10. Louis Kriesberg and Bruce W. Dayton, Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution, 4th ed. (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2012), 49–80. 11. Suzanne Maloney, “The Economic Dimension: The Price of Freedom,” in The Arab Awakening: America and the Transformation of the Middle East, ed. Kenneth Pollack, et al. (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011), 66–75. 12. Alison Pargeter, Libya: the Rise and Fall of Gaddafi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), 6. 13. Owen, Presidents for Life, 52. 14. Bernard Lewis, “Freedom and Justice in the Modern Middle East,” Foreign Affairs (May/June 2005): 36–51. 212 / notes 15. Annia Ciezadlo, “Let Them Eat Bread: How Food Subsidies Prevent (and Provoke) Revolutions in the Middle East,” Foreign Affairs 23 (2011). 16. Kriesberg and Dayton, Constructive Conflicts, 49. 17. For a deeper discussion of social movement literature, see Dennis Chong, Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency 1930–1970 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1970); Terry Moe, The Organization of Interests: Incentives and the Internal Dynamics of Political Interest Groups (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980). 18. Shibley Telhami, “Arab Public Opinion: What Do They Want?” in The Arab Awakening: America and the Transformation of the Middle East, ed. Kenneth Pollack et al. (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2011), 13–20. 19. Ibid., 13. 20. The website www.internetworldstats.com lists the total population and the percentage of Internet users in each state. According to the website, Bahrain has 77 percent, Lebanon 52 percent, Tunisia 39 percent, Jordan 38 percent, Egypt 36 percent, Syria 22 percent, Libya 17 percent, and Yemen 15 percent. 21. Blair, “Military Support for Democracy,” 3–16. 22. John Cope, International Military Education and Training: An Assessment. McNair Paper 44 (Washington, DC: Institute for National Strategic Studies and National Defense University, 1996); Richard Grimmett and Mark P. Sullivan, “United States Army School of the Americas: Background and Congressional Concerns,” CRS Issue Brief (August 2000). 23. Jennifer Taw, Thailand and the Philippines: Case Studies in U.S. IMET Training and Its Role in Internal Defense and Development (Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 1994), 55. 24. Elizer Be’eri, Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society (New York: Praeger, 1970). 25. Amb. Daniel Kurtzer (former US ambassador to Egypt and Israel) interview by author, Princeton, New Jersey, 2011. 26. Amb. H. E. Yithrak Levenon, interview. 27. Assaf David and Oren Barak, “How the New Arab Media Challenges the Arab Militaries: The Case of the War between Israel and Hizbullah in 2006,” The Middle East Institute Policy Brief 20 (October 2008): 5. 28. Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrow of Egypt: A Tale of Two Men,” Foreign Affairs (September/October 1995): 72. 29. “Makhzen,” Encyclopedia of Islam (EI1), 1st ed., vol. 3, p. 170. Cited in J. C. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics: The Military Dimension (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), 46. 2 The Past and Future of Arab Civil-Military Relations 1. See Barry Rubin and Thomas Kearney, eds., Armed Forces in the Middle East: Politics and Strategy (London: Frank Cass, 2002), for their thoughts of the first two phases of civil-military relations in the Middle East. notes / 213 2. Phrase refers to historical warriors in the Middle East usurping political power. See S. E. Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1962). 3. Elizer Be’eri, Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society (New York: Praeger, 1970), 246–250. 4. Manfred Halpern, “Middle Eastern Armies and the New Middle Class,” in The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries, ed. John Johnson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962), 277. 5. Dr. Kenneth Pollack (Senior Fellow, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, Brookings Institution), interview by author, Washington, DC, July 2011. 6. J. C. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics: The Military Dimension (New York: Praeger, 1969), 16. 7. Of course, many scholars would disagree with this reductionist dichotomy of civil-military relations in the Western world. Haddad (1965) disagreed with scholars who suggested that a so-called “Oriental despotism” explained military coups in the Middle East. Haddad suggested that the military despotism that existed in Europe in the mid-nineteenth century as well as World War II far surpassed that in the Middle East. See George Haddad, Revolutions and Military Rule in the Middle East: The Northern Tier (New York: Robert Speller & Sons, 1965), 17. 8. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 280. 9. Karen Armstrong, Islam: A Short History (New York: Random House, 2002), 3–23. 10. D. Rustow, The Military in Middle Eastern Society and Politics (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1963), 9. 11. Majid Khadduri, “The Role of the Military in Middle East Politics,” The American Political Science Review 47, 2 (June 1953): 516. 12. Youssef Aboul-Enein, Militant Islamist Ideology: Understanding the Global Threat (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2010), 38–48. 13. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics, 18. 14. Finer, Man on Horseback, 25–28. 15. Amos Perlmutter, “From Obscurity to Rule: The Syrian Army and the Ba’ath Party,” The Western Political Quarterly 22 (1969): 827–845. 16. George Blanksten, Peron’s Argentina (New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), 307. Cited in Finer, Man on Horseback, 35. 17. Haddad, Revolutions and Military Rule, 217–219. 18. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 473. 19. Finer, Man on Horseback, 32. 20. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 298. 21. Samuel Huntington, The Soldier and the State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957). 22. Finer, Man on Horseback, 47. 23. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics, 420; Gabriel Ben-Dor, State, Society and Military Elites in the Middle East (Tel Aviv: Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern Studies, 1984), 164. 24. Morris Janowitz, The Military in the Political Development of New Nations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964). 25. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 9. 214 / notes 26. Halpern, “New Middle Class,” 286. 27. Lucian Pye, “Armies in the Process of Political Modernization,” in The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries, ed. John Johnson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962), 78. 28. Edward Shils, “The Military in the Political Development of the New States,” in The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries, ed. John Johnson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1962), 23. 29. Abbas Murad, Al-Dawr al-Siyasi Lil-Jaysh al-Urduni 1921–1973 (Beirut: Markaz al Abhath, Manamamat al-Tahrir al-Filastiniyyah, 1973). Cited in Carsten Jensen, ed., Developments in Civil-Military Relations in the Middle East (Copenhagen, Denmark: Royal Danish Defence College, 2008), 9. 30. Pye, “Political Modernization,” 77. 31. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 463. 32. Halpern, “New Middle Class,” 286. 33. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics, 435. 34. Gamal Abdul Nasser, “Foreword,” in Colonel Anwar El Sadat, Revolt on the Nile (London: Allan Wingate, 1957), p. ix. 35. P. J. Vatikiotis, The Egyptian Army in Politics: Patterns for new Nations? (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1961), 57. 36. Shils, “Political Development,” 24–25. 37. Alison Pargeter, Libya: The Rise and Fall of Gaddafi (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), 61. 38. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 465. 39. Ben-Dor, Military Elites, 5–7. 40. Hurewitz, Middle East Politics, 104. 41. Harold Lasswell, “The Garrison State,” American Journal of Sociology 46, 4 (January 1941): 455–468. 42. Rashed el-Barawy, The Military Coup in Egypt Renaissance (Cairo: Bookshop, 1952), 190, 193. Cited in Finer, Man on Horseback, 64–65. 43. Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt’s Liberation: The Philosophy of the Revolution. Introduction by Dorothy Thompson (Washington, DC: Public Affairs Press, 1955), 43. Cited in Roger Owen, The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012), 15. 44. A reference to Roman armies crossing the famed Roman river in order to overthrow the emperor. 45. Finer, Man on Horseback, 30–31. 46. Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), 193–198. 47. Khadduri, “Military in Middle East Politics,” 517. 48. Aharon Cohen, Ha’olam ha’aravi shel yameynu (Tel Aviv: Merhavia, 1958), 261. Quoted in Hurewitz, Middle East Politics. 49. Be’eri, Officers in Arab Politics, 3. 50. Nasser, Egypt’s Liberation. 51. Education Division of the Leader’s Comrades Forum, Al-Gaddafi and the 4000-Day Journey of Secret Work (Benghazi: unknown publisher, undated), p.
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  • Israel's Growing Ties with the Gulf Arab States

    Israel's Growing Ties with the Gulf Arab States

    Israel’s Growing Ties with the Gulf Arab States By Jonathan H. Ferziger and Gawdat Bahgat ABOUT THE SCOWCROFT MIDDLE EAST SECURITY INITIATIVE The Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative honors the legacy of Brent Scowcroft and his tireless efforts to build a new security architecture for the region. Our work in this area addresses the full range of security threats and challenges including the danger of interstate warfare, the role of terrorist groups and other nonstate actors, and the underlying security threats facing countries in the region. Through all of the Council’s Middle East programming, we work with allies and partners in Europe and the wider Middle East to protect US interests, build peace and security, and unlock the human potential of the region. You can read more about our programs at www.atlanticcouncil.org/ programs/middle-east-programs/. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. This report is made possible by general support to the Atlantic Council’s Middle East Programs. July 2020 ISBN-13: 978-1-61977-109-3 Cover photo: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu walks together with Sultan Qaboos bin Said in this undated handout provided by the Israel Prime Minister Office, in Oman. Reuters. Israel’s Growing Ties with the Gulf Arab States CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..............................................................................................................2 COOPERATION BETWEEN ISRAEL AND THE GCC STATES: WHY NOW? ......