STEPPING AWAY from the ABYSS: a Gradual Approach Towards a New Security System in the Persian Gulf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

STEPPING AWAY from the ABYSS: a Gradual Approach Towards a New Security System in the Persian Gulf STEPPING AWAY FROM THE ABYSS: A Gradual Approach Towards a New Security System in the Persian Gulf Edited by Luigi Narbone & Abdolrasool Divsallar © European University Institute, 2021 Editorial matter and selection © Luigi Narbone, Abdolrasool Divsallar, 2021. Chapters © authors individually 2021. This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional reproduction for other pur- poses, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the year and the publisher. Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual authors and not those of the European Uni- versity Institute. Published by European University Institute (EUI) Via dei Roccettini 9, I-50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy doi:10.2870/39131 ISBN:978-92-9466-011-4 © Artwork: Schutterstock: Sunshine Seeds STEPPING AWAY FROM THE ABYSS: A Gradual Approach Towards a New Security System in the Persian Gulf Edited by: Luigi Narbone & Abdolrasool Divsallar Table of Content Contributors i Introduction The Uncertain Future of the Security System in the Persian Gulf Region vi Luigi Narbone & Abdolrasool Divsallar Section 1: Framing the Future Regional Security System Peace in the Persian Gulf: An Assessment 1 Gawdat Bahgat Cooperation: The Gordian Knot 13 Ross Harrison Why do regional security plans fail? 27 Abdolrasool Divsallar Meeting Security Challenges in the Gulf: Ideal Solutions and Practical Steps 35 Andrey Kortunov Section 2: Enhancing Multilateral Approaches to the Restructuring of the Security System What European Mediation in the Persian Gulf Should Look Like 49 Joost R. Hiltermann The US Strategy in Building a Persian Gulf Security Framework 57 Caroline Rose Russia, the GCC and Iran: Moscow’s Approach to the Regional Security Architecture 68 Maxim A. Suchkov, Artem K. Adrianov and Viktoria V. Yanina China’s Policy and Practice Regarding the Gulf Security 81 Liu Lanyu Section 3: De-escalating Risks of Military Outbreaks Saudi Arabia and Iran: Exploring Theoretical Pathways Towards Desecuritisation 95 David Roberts Responding to US-Iran Military Escalation 106 Mahsa Rouhi Section 4: Exploring the Potential of Non-Traditional Security Instruments A Process “Good in Itself” or a “Waste of Time”? Assessing the Values and Limits of Track-2 Programmes in the Gulf 123 Riccardo Redaelli Iran-Saudi Relations: Is Pilgrimage a Mirror of Conflict? 133 Mahjoob Zweiri The Religious Potential for De-escalation of Iran-Saudi Tension: The Case of the Hajj 144 Ghadir Nasri The Politics of Pilgrimage: Exploring the Hajj as a Site for Dialogue between Saudi Arabia and Iran 153 Simon Mabon and Lucia Ardovini Smart Context-Based Investments in the Persian Gulf’s Economic Security 163 Robert Mogielnicki Environmental cooperation in the Gulf region: Why it matters and why it is failing 175 Tobias Zumbrägel Conclusion Towards a Security-Building Continuum in the Persian Gulf 186 Abdolrasool Divsallar and Luigi Narbone CONTRIBUTORS Luigi Narbone is the Director of the Middle Georgetown University’s School of Foreign East Direc tions Programme at the Robert Service for 16 years. He is the author of ‘Strategic Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies as well Thinking in 3D: A guide for National Security, as coordinator of the Peace and Security cluster Foreign Policy and Business Professionals’ and at the School of Transnational Governance, with Paul Salem ‘Escaping the Conflict Trap: European University Institute. Previous ly, he was Toward Ending Civil Wars in the Middle East’ and Ambassador, Head of the EU Delegation to Saudi ‘From Chaos to Cooperation: Toward Regional Arabia, and non-resident Ambassador to Qatar, Order in the Middle East.’ He is currently working Oman, Bahrain, the UAE, and Kuwait and has on a book on Iranian Foreign Policy. held several positions in foreign affairs in the EU and the UN. His main research interests are in MENA geopoli tics, security and political economy, Andrey Kortunov is the Director General of Gulf studies and peacebuilding. the Russian International Affairs Council. He graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) in 1979 and Abdolrasool Divsallar co-leads the Regional completed his postgraduate studies at the Security Initiative at the Middle East Directions Institute for U.S. and Canada Studies of the USSR Programme of the Robert Schuman Centre for Academy of Sciences in 1982. He holds a PhD Advanced Studies at the European University in History. Dr Kortunov completed internships at Institute. He is also an Adjunct Professor in Middle the Soviet embassies in London and Washington, Eastern Studies at the Catholic University of the and at the Permanent Delegation of the USSR to S. Heart in Milan. Previously, he was a Policy the UN. In 1982–1995, Dr Kortunov held various Leader Fellow at the EUI School of Transnational positions in the Institute for U.S. and Canada Governance, senior fellow at the Institute for Studies, including Deputy Director. He taught Middle East Strategic Studies (2017-2019). at universities around the world, including the Between 2005 and 2012 he worked as an advisor University of California, Berkeley. In addition, and researcher at both the Defense Industries he led several public organisations involved in Training and Research Institute and the Center higher education, social sciences and social for Strategic Studies of Expediency Council in development. Since 2011, Andrey Kortunov has Tehran. Divsallar holds a PhD in Iranian studies been the Director General of RIAC. He is a member from University of Tehran and his main research of expert and supervisory committees and boards interests include Iran’s defense policy, US-Iran of trustees of several Russian and international and Russia-Iran relations, comparative threat organisations. His academic interests include perception and strategic studies. contemporary international relations and Russian foreign policy. Gawdat Bahgat is a professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies at the Joost Hiltermann is the Middle East and North National Defense University in Washington DC. Africa Programme Director at the International He is the author of 12 books and more than 200 Crisis Group. He has followed developments in articles on the Middle East. the region ever since the Iran-Iraq war. His book A Poisonous Affair (Cambridge, 2007) discusses the U.S. role in Iraq’s use of chemical weapons Ross Harrison is a Senior Fellow and Director during that conflict. of Research at the Middle East Institute in Washington, DC and is on the faculty of the Political Science Department at the University Caroline Rose is a Senior Analyst and Head of of Pittsburgh. Harrison was on the faculty of the Strategic Vacuums program at the think tank, ii CONTRIBUTORS Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy, where relations, foreign policy and soft power of the she analyses contested territories, ungoverned Persian Gulf countries. spaces, and security landscapes in the Levant, Eastern Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, Europe, and other theaters. Before her role at Viktoria V. Yanina is affiliated with the Global Newlines Institute, she served as an analyst at Politics and International Political Analysis the forecasting firm, Geopolitical Futures, where Program, MGIMO University. She is a graduate she analysed defense, economic, and political of St. Petersburg State University majored in developments in the Middle East and Europe. Asian and African studies. Her research interests Caroline also served as a research associate at include Iran’s foreign policy and Russian-Iranian the London School of Economic’s International relations. Drug Policy Unit (IDPU) where she conducted field research and co-authored a special policy report on the Captagon drug trade in Syria and Liu Lanyua is an Assistant Professor at the Lebanon and its evolving role within the context Institute for International and Area Studies, of Middle Eastern illicit economies. Caroline is Tsinghua University. His research focuses on a graduate of the London School of Economics Iran’s domestic politics and foreign policies after with a Master of Science in International History the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Besides, he is also and from The American University’s School of interested in Chinese foreign policy after 2010. International Service with a Bachelors of Arts in International Studies. Her work and commentary David Roberts is an Associate Professor at have been featured in Al Jazeera, Arab News, King’s College London and the lead on Regional Foreign Policy Magazine, al-Hurra, al-Ghad TV, Security and Development in the School of and the Atlantic Council, among others. Security Studies. He is also Adjunct Faculty at Sciences Po. Previously, David taught for King’s at the Qatar Defence Academy, and he was the Maxim A. Suchkov is Associate Professor at the Department of Applied International Analysis, Director of the Gulf office of the Royal United Moscow State Institute of International Relations, Services Institute for Defence and Security MGIMO University. Dr. Suchkov is also an studies think-tank (RUSI Qatar). associate research fellow at the Italian Institute for International Political Studies (ISPI) and a non- Mahsa Rouhi is a Research Fellow for Iran, the resident scholar at the Washington-based Middle Levant and Turkey at the Institute for National East Institute (MEI). Earlier, he was a Fulbright Strategic Studies, at the National Defense Visiting Fellow at Georgetown University (2010- University; and an Associate Fellow at the 2011), Visiting Fellow at New York University International Institute for Strategic Studies. (2015) and adjunct professor at the IE University in Spain (2020). He was also the editor of Al- Monitor’s Russia-Mideast coverage (2016-2020). Riccardo Redaelli is the director of the Center for Research on the Southern System and the Wider Mediterranean (CRiSSMA) and Director of is a professor at the Artem K. Adrianov the Master in Middle Eastern Studies (MIMES), International Relations and Energy Diplomacy Catholic University of the S.
Recommended publications
  • Chapter Ii Foreign Policy Foundation of Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabia Relations with Several International Organizations
    CHAPTER II FOREIGN POLICY FOUNDATION OF SAUDI ARABIA AND SAUDI ARABIA RELATIONS WITH SEVERAL INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS This chapter discusses the foreign policy foundation of Saudi Arabia including the general introduction about the State of Saudi Arabia, Saudi Arabia political system, the ruling family, Saudi’s Arabia foreign policy. This chapter also discusses the Saudi Arabia relations with several international organizations. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a country that has many roles, well in the country of the Arabian Peninsula as well as the global environment. The country that still adhere this royal system reserves and abundant oil production as the supporter, the economy of their country then make the country to be respected by the entire of international community. Regardless of the reason, Saudi Arabia also became the Qibla for Muslims around the world because there are two of the holiest city which is Mecca and Medina, at once the birth of Muslim civilization in the era of Prophet Muhammad SAW. A. Geography of Saudi Arabia The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a country located in Southwest Asia, the largest country in the Arabian Peninsula, bordering with the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, as well as Northern Yemen. The extensive coastlines in the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea provide a great influence on shipping (especially crude oil) through the Persian Gulf and the Suez Canal. The Kingdom occupies 80 percent of the Arabian Peninsula. Estimates of the Saudi government are at 2,217,949 15 square kilometres, while other leading estimates vary between 2,149,690 and 2,240,000 kilometres.
    [Show full text]
  • A WAY FORWARD with IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy
    A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? Options for Crafting a U.S. Strategy THE SOUFAN CENTER FEBRUARY 2021 Cover photo: Associated Press Photo/Photographer: Mohammad Berno 2 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY CONTENTS List of Abbreviations 4 List of Figures 5 Key Findings 6 How Did We Reach This Point? 7 Roots of the U.S.-Iran Relationship 9 The Results of the Maximum Pressure Policy 13 Any Change in Iranian Behavior? 21 Biden Administration Policy and Implementation Options 31 Conclusion 48 Contributors 49 About The Soufan Center 51 3 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BPD Barrels Per Day FTO Foreign Terrorist Organization GCC Gulf Cooperation Council IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency ICBM Intercontinental Ballistic Missile IMF International Monetary Fund IMSC International Maritime Security Construct INARA Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act INSTEX Instrument for Supporting Trade Exchanges IRGC Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps IRGC-QF Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps - Qods Force JCPOA Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action MBD Million Barrels Per Day PMF Popular Mobilization Forces SRE Significant Reduction Exception 4 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S. STRATEGY LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Iran Annual GDP Growth and Change in Crude Oil Exports 18 Figure 2: Economic Effects of Maximum Pressure 19 Figure 3: Armed Factions Supported by Iran 25 Figure 4: Comparison of Iran Nuclear Program with JCPOA Limitations 28 5 A WAY FORWARD WITH IRAN? OPTIONS FOR CRAFTING A U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • An International Armed Conflict of Low Intensity
    THE WAR REPORT THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN: AN INTERNATIONAL ARMED CONFLICT OF LOW INTENSITY Aeria view of the Persian Gulf, © NASA DECEMBER 2019 I MILOŠ HRNJAZ THE GENEVA ACADEMY A JOINT CENTER OF Iranian Prime Minister, Mohammed Mosaddeq, pushed CLASSIFICATION OF THE CONFLICT for nationalization of the oil fields and the Shah signed The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of this decision. The response of the British was harsh as they Iran were engaged in an international armed conflict (IAC) saw oil from Iran as a strategic interest. Both Iranians and in June 2019 by virtue of Iran’s shooting down a US military the British expected the support of the US. The Americans drone and the alleged counter cyber-attack by the US. pushed Britain to cancel plans for a military invasion, so the British decided to look for alternative ways to overthrow Mosaddeq. The new US administration wasn’t impressed HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT with Mosaddeq either (especially his flirting with the USSR and the communist Tudeh Party of Iran), so it decided to BACKGROUND actively participate in his overthrow and arrest. This was It has been more than 160 years since the first Treaty perceived by Iranians as the ultimate betrayal by America of Friendship and Commerce was signed between Iran and the event played an important role in the development and the US, exactly 140 years since the first US warship of Iranian political identity and anti-Americanism since entered the Persian Gulf and almost 140 years since Iran then.5 Mosadeqq became the brave figure who represented (Persia) and the US established diplomatic relations.1 Since the fight for independent Iran, free from the influence of then, their relationship has oscillated between cooperation the West.
    [Show full text]
  • EU-Iran Relations After the Nuclear Deal
    EU-Iran Relations after the Nuclear Deal Steven Blockmans, Anoushiravan Ehteshami and Gawdat Bahgat (eds) May 2016 Abstract The signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action between Iran and global powers on 14 July 2015 was a major turning point in the emerging strategic landscape of the Middle East. The ‘nuclear deal’ led to the lifting by the EU and the US of nuclear-related sanctions and is now operational. Other sanctions remain in place, however. Nevertheless, unhindered by US competition, European trade delegations have entered into a latter-day gold rush, led by the promise of the biggest untapped market in the world. As such, the EU has both an opportunity and a responsibility to help Iran reintegrate properly into the international system. But, faced with a system of governance where the lines of command and control are not always clear to the outside observer, Europe stands to lose if it continues to pursue its uncoordinated approach towards the Islamic Republic. This report offers recommendations to guide the EU towards a comprehensive EU strategy for relations with Iran. It maintains that there is no other option but to keep universal values and the rule of law at the core of the emerging bilateral relationship. In fact, the protection of the economic rights of European traders and investors would allow the EU to push for wider reforms and the normalisation of relations. ISBN 978-94-6138-527-7 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of CEPS.
    [Show full text]
  • The Destruction of Religious and Cultural Sites I. Introduction The
    Mapping the Saudi State, Chapter 7: The Destruction of Religious and Cultural Sites I. Introduction The Ministry for Islamic Affairs, Endowments, Da’wah, and Guidance, commonly abbreviated to the Ministry of Islamic Affairs (MOIA), supervises and regulates religious activity in Saudi Arabia. Whereas the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (CPVPV) directly enforces religious law, as seen in Mapping the Saudi State, Chapter 1,1 the MOIA is responsible for the administration of broader religious services. According to the MOIA, its primary duties include overseeing the coordination of Islamic societies and organizations, the appointment of clergy, and the maintenance and construction of mosques.2 Yet, despite its official mission to “preserve Islamic values” and protect mosques “in a manner that fits their sacred status,”3 the MOIA is complicit in a longstanding government campaign against the peninsula’s traditional heritage – Islamic or otherwise. Since 1925, the Al Saud family has overseen the destruction of tombs, mosques, and historical artifacts in Jeddah, Medina, Mecca, al-Khobar, Awamiyah, and Jabal al-Uhud. According to the Islamic Heritage Research Foundation, between just 1985 and 2014 – through the MOIA’s founding in 1993 –the government demolished 98% of the religious and historical sites located in Saudi Arabia.4 The MOIA’s seemingly contradictory role in the destruction of Islamic holy places, commentators suggest, is actually the byproduct of an equally incongruous alliance between the forces of Wahhabism and commercialism.5 Compelled to acknowledge larger demographic and economic trends in Saudi Arabia – rapid population growth, increased urbanization, and declining oil revenues chief among them6 – the government has increasingly worked to satisfy both the Wahhabi religious establishment and the kingdom’s financial elite.
    [Show full text]
  • Mohammed Bin Salman Doesn't Want to Talk About Jerusalem by Robert Satloff
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Mohammed bin Salman Doesn't Want to Talk About Jerusalem by Robert Satloff Dec 14, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Robert Satloff Robert Satloff is executive director of The Washington Institute, a post he assumed in January 1993. Articles & Testimony Saudi Arabia's rulers have lots of worries, but Trump's announcement about the holy city isn't one of them. audi Arabia, the protector of Islam and home to its two holiest sites, is a good place to judge the impact of S President Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital on U.S. interests in the region. Set aside the reaction of terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, and their state sponsors in Tehran and Damascus. And the angry responses from the Palestinian Authority and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, with its large and boisterous Palestinian population, were certainly to be expected. The real question is how America’s friends one step removed from the circle of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict would react. If there were a place one might reasonably expect to hear Muslims expressing thunderous outrage at the handing of Jerusalem to the Jews, it would be in the corridors of power in the Saudi capital of Riyadh. It didn’t happen. Last week, I was in Riyadh leading a delegation of more than 50 supporters and fellows of the Middle East think tank I direct. On Wednesday, just hours before the president made his Jerusalem announcement, we spent five hours in meetings with three different Saudi ministers, discussing everything from crises with Yemen, Qatar, and Lebanon, to the kingdom’s ambitious “Vision 2030” reform program, to the possible public offering of the state oil company Aramco.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia Reportedly Paid Twitter Employees to Spy on Users
    11/8/2019 Cybersecurity experts say insider spying is an issue beyond Twitter - Business Insider Subscribe Saudi Arabia reportedly paid Twitter employees to spy on users. Cybersecurity experts say insider spying is an issue that goes beyond Twitter. Aaron Holmes 21 hours ago Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, right. Reuters US federal prosecutors have charged two former Twitter employees with spying on users on behalf of Saudi Arabia's government — and experts warn that it could happen again. https://www.businessinsider.com/cybersecurity-experts-say-insider-spying-is-an-issue-beyond-twitter-2019-11 1/5 11/8/2019 Cybersecurity experts say insider spying is an issue beyond Twitter - Business Insider Three cybersecurity experts told Business Insider about broader "insider threats," or the risk of surveillance and data breaches carried out by people employed by tech companies. The experts warned that tech companies should implement safeguards by addressing workplace culture, setting up ways to detect unusual behavior by employees, and more robustly protecting user data across the board. Visit Business Insider's homepage for more stories. Federal charges unsealed Wednesday allege that Saudi Arabia carried out a massive online spying operation, snooping on the accounts of more than 6,000 Twitter users — and prosecutors say the country did it with the help of two Twitter employees. Now, cybersecurity experts warn that similar "insider threats" could surface again if tech companies don't make a concerted eort to ward them o. Twitter responded to the federal charges Wednesday, saying the company was thankful for the investigation and would cooperate with future investigations.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia.Pdf
    A saudi man with his horse Performance of Al Ardha, the Saudi national dance in Riyadh Flickr / Charles Roffey Flickr / Abraham Puthoor SAUDI ARABIA Dec. 2019 Table of Contents Chapter 1 | Geography . 6 Introduction . 6 Geographical Divisions . 7 Asir, the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �7 Rub al-Khali and the Southern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Hejaz, the Western Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �8 Nejd, the Central Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 The Eastern Region � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Topographical Divisions . .. 9 Deserts and Mountains � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �9 Climate . .. 10 Bodies of Water . 11 Red Sea � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Persian Gulf � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Wadis � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 11 Major Cities . 12 Riyadh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �12 Jeddah � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �13 Mecca � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �
    [Show full text]
  • Professional Wrestling, Sports Entertainment and the Liminal Experience in American Culture
    PROFESSIONAL WRESTLING, SPORTS ENTERTAINMENT AND THE LIMINAL EXPERIENCE IN AMERICAN CULTURE By AARON D, FEIGENBAUM A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2000 Copyright 2000 by Aaron D. Feigenbaum ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are many people who have helped me along the way, and I would like to express my appreciation to all of them. I would like to begin by thanking the members of my committee - Dr. Heather Gibson, Dr. Amitava Kumar, Dr. Norman Market, and Dr. Anthony Oliver-Smith - for all their help. I especially would like to thank my Chair, Dr. John Moore, for encouraging me to pursue my chosen field of study, guiding me in the right direction, and providing invaluable advice and encouragement. Others at the University of Florida who helped me in a variety of ways include Heather Hall, Jocelyn Shell, Jim Kunetz, and Farshid Safi. I would also like to thank Dr. Winnie Cooke and all my friends from the Teaching Center and Athletic Association for putting up with me the past few years. From the World Wrestling Federation, I would like to thank Vince McMahon, Jr., and Jim Byrne for taking the time to answer my questions and allowing me access to the World Wrestling Federation. A very special thanks goes out to Laura Bryson who provided so much help in many ways. I would like to thank Ed Garea and Paul MacArthur for answering my questions on both the history of professional wrestling and the current sports entertainment product.
    [Show full text]
  • The Iranian Revolution in 1979
    Demonstrations of the Iranian People’s Mujahideens (Warriors) during the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Dr. Ali Shariati, an Iranian leftist on the left. Ayatollah Khomeini on the right. The Iranian Revolution Gelvin, ch. 17 & 18 & other sources, notes by Denis Bašić The Pahlavi Dynasty • could hardly be called a “dynasty,” for it had only two rulers - Reza Shah Pahlavi (ruled 1926-1941) and his son Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (ruled 1941-1979). • The son came to power after his father was deposed by the Allies (the Russian and British forces) due to his alliance with the Nazi Germany. • The Allies reestablished the majlis and allowed the organization of trade unions and political parties in order to limit the power of the new shah and to prevent him from following his father’s independence course. • Much to the chagrin of the British and Americans, the most popular party proved to be Tudeh - the communist party with more than 100,000 members. • The second Shah’s power was further eroded when in 1951 Muhammad Mossadegh was elected the prime minister on a platform that advocated nationalizing the oil industry and restricting the shah’s power. • Iranian Prime Minister 1951–3. A prominent parliamentarian. He was twice Muhammad appointed to that office by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, after a Mossadegh positive vote of inclination by the 1882-1967 parliament. Mossadegh was a nationalist and passionately opposed foreign intervention in Iran. He was also the architect of the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, which had been under British control through the Anglo- Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), today known as British Petroleum (BP).
    [Show full text]
  • Reimagining US Strategy in the Middle East
    REIMAGININGR I A I I G U.S.S STRATEGYT A E Y IIN THET E MMIDDLED L EEASTS Sustainable Partnerships, Strategic Investments Dalia Dassa Kaye, Linda Robinson, Jeffrey Martini, Nathan Vest, Ashley L. Rhoades C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA958-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0662-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover composite design: Jessica Arana Image: wael alreweie / Getty Images Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran I Stany Zjednoczone
    IRAN I STANY ZJEDNOCZONE – GENEZA, STAN OBECNY I PERSPEKTYWY IRAN I STANY ZJEDNOCZONE – geneza, stan obecny i perspektywy Autor: dr Robert Czulda, Jakub Gajda Program Polityka Międzynarodowa Warszawa 2019 SPIS TREŚCI I. Polityka Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec Iranu 7 II. Perspektywa państwa członkowskiego Unii Europejskiej 16 III. Wnioski i rekomendacje 17 Bliskie nawiązanie relacji amerykańsko-irańskich wizerunek Stanów Zjednoczonych w Iranie. Od przypada na lata czterdzieste XX wieku. W 1942 tego momentu nawet umiarkowani Irańczycy nie roku, podczas brytyjsko-sowieckiej okupacji Iranu, ufają Zachodowi sądząc, że ani Wielka Brytania, w kraju tym pojawili się pierwsi amerykańscy ani Stany Zjednoczone nie dbają o pomyślność ich żołnierze. W późniejszej fazie szach Iranu narodu, lecz jedynie o własne interesy. Mohammad Reza Pahlawi zbliżył się politycznie i gospodarczo do Stanów Zjednoczonych, widząc w Dzięki wsparciu i namowom Stanów Zjednoczonych nich geostrategiczną przeciwwagę dla mocarstw pod koniec lat pięćdziesiątych Iran zainicjował dominujących od kilku stuleci w regionie Bliskiego cywilny program jądrowy. Wiązało się to z planem i Środkowego Wschodu: spadkobiercy Rosji – monarchy, aby przekształcić Iran w regionalne Związku Sowieckiego i Wielkiej Brytanii. Po II mocarstwo. Jednym z elementów tej strategii była wojnie światowej Iran stał się dla Amerykanów budowa nowoczesnych sił zbrojnych. Ambitne plany ważnym przyczółkiem na Bliskim Wschodzie, Pahlawiego wpisywały się w strategię Stanów dającym możliwość regionalnego oddziaływania,
    [Show full text]