Israel's Growing Ties with the Gulf Arab States
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The Impact of Tariff Preference Levels on US Textile and Apparel
Office of Industries Working Paper ID-053 September 2018 The Impact of Tariff Preference Levels on U.S. Textile and Apparel Trade Mahnaz Khan Abstract Certain U.S. bilateral or multilateral free trade agreements contain tariff preference levels (TPLs) that permit a limited quantity of specified finished textile and/or apparel goods to enter the U.S. market at preferential duty rates despite not meeting the agreement’s required tariff shift rules. This article seeks to examine the effect of TPL provisions that have expired, or will expire in 2018, on U.S. textile and apparel imports and exports from certain FTA partners, including Bahrain, Nicaragua and Costa Rica (under CAFTA-DR), Morocco, Oman, and Singapore. It will discuss import and export trends after TPL implementation and in some cases, TPL expiration, in the context of an FTA partners’ industry structure and competitiveness as a U.S. textile and apparel supplier. Such trends vary widely across countries, and analysis of the factors influencing these trade flows suggests that the effectiveness of TPLs is dependent upon myriad factors, including the structure of the partner country’s textile and apparel sector, the country’s competitiveness as a U.S. supplier, and existence or absence of relationships with U.S. textile firms. Disclaimer: Office of Industries working papers are the result of the ongoing professional research of USITC staff and solely represent the opinions and professional research of individual authors. These papers do not necessarily represent the views of the U.S. International Trade Commission or any of its individual Commissioners. The Impact of Tariff Preference Levels on U.S. -
Gulf Coast Assessment
Prepared by: NRM Planning @ Northern Gulf Resource Management Group Ltd Lead author: Jim Tait, Econcern Consulting Contributors: Sarah Rizvi, Prof Alan Dale, Riki Gunn & Sarah Connor Reviewers & advisors: Riki Gunn, Natalie Waller and Anissa Lawrence Design work: Clare Powell & Federico Vanni Editing: Nina Bailey Photography: Federico Vanni This project is supported by the Northern Gulf Resource Management Group Ltd through funding from the Australian Government TABLE OF CONTENTS 3.1 Income .................................................................................................................................................................................. 7 3.2 Employment ......................................................................................................................................................................... 7 3.3 Health .................................................................................................................................................................................. 9 8.1 3.4 Education .............................................................................................................................................................. 9 8.2 3.5 Housing ................................................................................................................................................................. 9 8.3 3.6 Social Services ................................................................................................................................................ -
QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY of the STATE of QATAR ______TABLE of CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1
CASE CONCERNING MARITIME DELIMITATION AND TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS BETWEEN QATAR AND BAHRAIN (QATAR V. BAHRAIN) REPLY OF THE STATE OF QATAR _____________________________________________ TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I - INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I - GENERAL 1 Section 1. Qatar's Case and Structure of Qatar's Reply Section 2. Deficiencies in Bahrain's Written Pleadings Section 3. Bahrain's Continuing Violations of the Status Quo PART II - THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND CHAPTER II - THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF QATAR Section 1. The Overall Geographical Context Section 2. The Emergence of the Al-Thani as a Political Force in Qatar Section 3. Relations between the Al-Thani and Nasir bin Mubarak Section 4. The 1913 and 1914 Conventions Section 5. The 1916 Treaty Section 6. Al-Thani Authority throughout the Peninsula of Qatar was consolidated long before the 1930s Section 7. The Map Evidence CHAPTER III - THE EXTENT OF THE TERRITORY OF BAHRAIN Section 1. Bahrain from 1783 to 1868 Section 2. Bahrain after 1868 PART III - THE HAWAR ISLANDS AND OTHER TERRITORIAL QUESTIONS CHAPTER IV - THE HAWAR ISLANDS Section 1. Introduction: The Territorial Integrity of Qatar and Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 2. Proximity and Qatar's Title to the Hawar Islands Section 3. The Extensive Map Evidence supporting Qatar's Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands Section 4. The Lack of Evidence for Bahrain's Claim to have exercised Sovereignty over the Hawar Islands from the 18th Century to the Present Day Section 5. The Bahrain and Qatar Oil Concession Negotiations between 1925 and 1939 and the Events Leading to the Reversal of British Recognition of Hawar as part of Qatar Section 6. -
EU-Iran Relations After the Nuclear Deal
EU-Iran Relations after the Nuclear Deal Steven Blockmans, Anoushiravan Ehteshami and Gawdat Bahgat (eds) May 2016 Abstract The signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action between Iran and global powers on 14 July 2015 was a major turning point in the emerging strategic landscape of the Middle East. The ‘nuclear deal’ led to the lifting by the EU and the US of nuclear-related sanctions and is now operational. Other sanctions remain in place, however. Nevertheless, unhindered by US competition, European trade delegations have entered into a latter-day gold rush, led by the promise of the biggest untapped market in the world. As such, the EU has both an opportunity and a responsibility to help Iran reintegrate properly into the international system. But, faced with a system of governance where the lines of command and control are not always clear to the outside observer, Europe stands to lose if it continues to pursue its uncoordinated approach towards the Islamic Republic. This report offers recommendations to guide the EU towards a comprehensive EU strategy for relations with Iran. It maintains that there is no other option but to keep universal values and the rule of law at the core of the emerging bilateral relationship. In fact, the protection of the economic rights of European traders and investors would allow the EU to push for wider reforms and the normalisation of relations. ISBN 978-94-6138-527-7 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of CEPS. -
The Future of US Relations with the Gulf States
The Approaching Turning Point: The Future of U.S. Relations with the Gulf States By F. Gregory Gause, III Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World Analysis Paper Number Two, May 2003 1 Executive Summary United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries’ political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. -
Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 16 – May 2012 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Andrea Dessì Abstract While spared from internal turmoil, Israel and the Palestinian Territories have nonetheless been affected by the region’s political transformation brought about by the Arab Spring. Reflecting what can be described as Israel’s “bunker” mentality, the Israeli government has characterized the Arab revolutionary wave as a security challenge, notably given its concern about the rise of Islamist forces. Prime Minister Netanyahu has capitalized on this sense of insecurity to justify his government’s lack of significant action when it comes to the peace process. On the Palestinian side, both Hamas and Fatah have lost long-standing regional backers in Egypt and Syria and have had to contend with their increasingly shaky popular legitimacy. This has spurred renewed efforts for reconciliation, which however have so far produced no significant results. Against this backdrop, the chances for a resumption of serious Israeli-Palestinian peace talks appear increasingly dim. An effort by the international community is needed to break the current deadlock and establish an atmosphere more conducive for talks. In this context, the EU carries special responsibility as the only external actor that still enjoys some credibility as a balanced mediator between the sides. Keywords : Israel / Israeli foreign policy / Arab revolts / Egypt / Muslim Brotherhood / Palestine / Gaza / Hamas / Fatah / Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations / European Union © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1216 Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace Israel and the Palestinians After the Arab Spring: No Time for Peace by Andrea Dessì ∗ Introduction The outbreak of popular protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa in early 2011 came as a shock to the world. -
United Arab Emirates (Uae)
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25). -
KING ABDULLAH's GAME: AUTOCRATS and GLOBALIZED INTERESTS a Thesis Submitted to the Kent State University Honors College In
KING ABDULLAH’S GAME: AUTOCRATS AND GLOBALIZED INTERESTS A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for University Honors by Sarah Jane Krisanda May, 2013 Thesis written by Sarah Jane Krisanda Approved by ________________________________________________________________, Advisor ________________________________________, Chair, Department of Political Science Accepted by _____________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………….v CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………...1 II. CONTEXT……………………………………………………………….14 III. INTEREST COALITION MODEL……………………………………...32 IV. ISLAMIC INTEREST COALITION NETWORK……………………...40 V. STATUS QUO INTEREST COALITION NETWORK………………...50 VI. REFORM INTEREST COALITION NETWORK……………………...56 VII. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………..71 REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………..74 iii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1………………………………………………………………………………..37 FIGURE 2………………………………………………………………………………..41 FIGURE 3………………………………………………………………………………..56 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis is a product of two years of laughter, tears, triumph, pain, and a whole lot of helpful people. I want to thank Virginia, David, and John Krisanda for their unconditional love and support. Thanks to my entire family for all your prayers and encouragement. Thank you, Hamish Wallace and all my brothers from Alpha Phi Omega for everything. Thank you Jamie Johnson, Melisa Michael, and Victoria Sack for bringing me tea every time I pulled an all-nighter. I could not ask for better friends. Many thanks go to Jeanne Smith and Gina DeNardi. I appreciate all of the guidance you have given me about writing and life. You kept me sane, and you forever changed the way I think about learning. Thank you for always believing in me. I appreciate the scholars of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Special thanks go to Dr. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
NEOM: $500Bn Smart City
NEOM: $500Bn Smart City Key Facts “NEOM will be Key Saudi Vision 2030 Project constructed from the 26,500 sqkm of space straddling Saudi ground-up, on greenfield to be invested by the Public Investment Arabia, Jordan and Egypt making NEOM the $500 billion first private zone to span three countries sites, allowing it a Fund, apart from private and global investors unique opportunity to be First phase to be completed by 2025 EGYPT JORDAN S.ARABIA distinguished from all other places that have Special zone with autonomous judicial system & been developed and economic framework Situated in an area rich in wind and solar energy constructed over 468 km of pristine resources coastline and hundreds of years and Aspirations for NEOM spectacular beaches A new local tourist we will use this NEOM’s contribution to the Kingdom’s GDP is set NEOM destination for opportunity to build a to reach at least $100 billion by 2030 Saudi citizens new way of life with Highest GDP per capita in the world 70% of the world’s excellent economic population lives 8 Free highest-speed internet prospects.” Around 10% of hours flight away the world’s trade Net zero carbon footprint His Royal Highness Prince Mohammed bin flows through the Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Crown Prince, Red Sea 10 degrees cooler Deputy Prime Minister and Chairman of the A destination topping the 'world’s most than rest of GCC livable cities index' Public Investment Fund. Key pillars of NEOM economy: $70Bn opportunity Energy & Water Mobility Biotech Food Advanced Media Entertainment Technology Living Powered by Connected with Hub for Cutting-edge Manufacturing Hub for production Centre of sports, Artificial Modern renewable energy 100% green next-generation technologies such Home to innovations houses and studios performance and intelligence. -
International Spectator
This article was downloaded by:[UVA Universiteitsbibliotheek SZ] On: 9 December 2007 Access Details: [subscription number 769895062] Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK International Spectator Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t768481834 Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope Paul Aarts Online Publication Date: 01 December 2007 To cite this Article: Aarts, Paul (2007) 'Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope', International Spectator, 42:4, 545 - 550 To link to this article: DOI: 10.1080/03932720701780413 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720701780413 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article maybe used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Saudi Arabia Walks the Tightrope Paul Aarts These are times of ascendency for Saudi foreign policy. -
Non-Indigenous Citizens and “Stateless” Residents in the Gulf
Andrzej Kapiszewski NON-INDIGENOUS CITIZENS AND "STATELESS" RESIDENTS IN THE GULF MONARCHIES. THE KUWAITI BIDUN Since the discovery of oil, the political entities of the Persian Gulf have transformed themselves from desert sheikhdoms into modern states. The process was accompanied by rapid population growth. During the last 50 years, the population of the current Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman1, grew from 4 million in 1950 to 33.4 million in 2004, thus recording one of the highest rates of population growth in the world2. The primary cause of this increase has not been the growth of the indigenous population, large in itself, but the influx of foreign workers. The employment of large numbers of foreigners was a structural imperative for growth in the GCC countries, as oil-related development depended upon the importation of foreign technologies, and reąuired knowledge and skills unfamiliar to the local Arab population. Towards the end of 2004, there were 12.5 million foreigners, 37 percent of the total population, in the GCC states. In Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait, foreigners constituted a majority. In the United Arab Emirates foreigners accounted for over 80 percent of population. Only Oman and Saudi Arabia managed to maintain a relatively Iow proportion of foreign population: about 20 and 27 percent, respectively. This development has created security, economic, social and cultural threats to the local population. Therefore, to maintain the highly privileged position of the indigenous population and make integration of foreigners with local communities difficult, numerous restrictions were imposed: the sponsorship system, limits on the duration of every foreigner’s stay, curbs on naturalization and on the citizenship rights of those who are naturalized, etc.