US “Peace Plan” for the Middle East
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Case #2 United States of America (Respondent)
Model International Court of Justice (MICJ) Case #2 United States of America (Respondent) Relocation of the United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine v. United States of America) Arkansas Model United Nations (AMUN) November 20-21, 2020 Teeter 1 Historical Context For years, there has been a consistent struggle between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine led by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In 2018, United States Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. embassy located in Tel Aviv would be moving to the city of Jerusalem.1 Palestine, angered by the embassy moving, filed a case with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2018.2 The history of this case, U.S. relations with Israel and Palestine, current events, and why the ICJ should side with the United States will be covered in this research paper. Israel and Palestine have an interesting relationship between war and competition. In 1948, Israel captured the west side of Jerusalem, and the Palestinians captured the east side during the Arab-Israeli War. Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. In 1949, the Lausanne Conference took place, and the UN came to the decision for “corpus separatum” which split Jerusalem into a Jewish zone and an Arab zone.3 At this time, the State of Israel decided that Jerusalem was its “eternal capital.”4 “Corpus separatum,” is a Latin term meaning “a city or region which is given a special legal and political status different from its environment, but which falls short of being sovereign, or an independent city-state.”5 1 Office of the President, 82 Recognizing Jerusalem as the Capital of the State of Israel and Relocating the United States Embassy to Israel to Jerusalem § (2017). -
On Membership of the United Nations and the State of Palestine: a Critical Account
Leiden Journal of International Law (2021), pp. 1–24 doi:10.1017/S0922156521000418 ORIGINAL ARTICLE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL THEORY On membership of the United Nations and the State of Palestine: A critical account Ardi Imseis* Faculty of Law, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada, K7L 3N6 Email: [email protected] Abstract Against the context of pending judicial proceedings between the State of Palestine and the United States of America (US) at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), this article critically examines the United Nations (UN) commitment to the international rule of law through an examination of its consideration of Palestine’s 2011 application for membership in the organization. The universality of membership of the UN is a foundation upon which the organization rests. The international law governing UN admission has accordingly been marked by a liberal, flexible and permissive interpretation of the test for membership contained in the UN Charter. In contrast, an assessment of the UN’s consideration of Palestine’s applica- tion for membership demonstrates that it was subjected to an unduly narrow, strict and resultantly flawed application of the membership criteria. An examination of the contemporaneous debates of the Council demonstrates that the main driver of this was the US, which used its legal authority as a permanent member of the Council to block Palestine’s membership. The principle argument used against membership was the US’s view that Palestine does not qualify as a state under international law. Notwithstanding, the State of Palestine has been recognized by 139 member states of the UN and has acceded to a number of treaties that furnish it with access to the ICJ. -
United Arab Emirates (Uae)
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25). -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated May 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy May 19, 2021 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and other regional threats. In Eastern Affairs January 2020, Oman’s longtime leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, passed away and was succeeded by Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon Qaboos’s death. Sultan Haythim espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos and has not altered U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. During Qaboos’s reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates , Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined but did not contribute forces to the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, nor did it arm groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE- led isolation of Qatar and had urged resolution of that rift before its resolution in January 2021. -
So Close, So Far. National Identity and Political Legitimacy in UAE-Oman Border Cities
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Research Exeter So Close, So Far. National Identity and Political Legitimacy in UAE-Oman Border Cities Marc VALERI University of Exeter This manuscript is the version revised after peer-review and accepted for publication. This manuscript has been published and is available in Geopolitics: Date of publication: 26 December 2017 DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2017.1410794 Webpage: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14650045.2017.1410794 1 Introduction Oman-United Arab Emirates border, Thursday 5 May 2016 early morning. As it has been the case for years on long weekends and holidays, endless queues of cars from Oman are waiting to cross the border in order to flock to Dubai for Isra’ and Miraj break 1 and enjoy attractions and entertainment that their country does not seem to offer. Major traffic congestions are taking place in the Omani city of al-Buraymi separated from the contiguous United Arab Emirates city of al-Ayn by the international border. Many border cities are contiguous urban areas which have been ‘dependent on the border for [their] existence’ or even ‘came into existence because of the border’. 2 Usually once military outposts (Eilat/Aqaba, on the Israel-Jordan border 3), they developed on either side of a long established border (Niagara Falls cities, on the Canada-USA border) after a border had been drawn (Tornio, on the Sweden-Finland border; 4 cities on the Mexico-USA and China- Russia 5 borders). Furthermore, split-up cities which were partitioned after World War II, including in Central Europe (e.g. -
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated May 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy May 19, 2021 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and other regional threats. In Eastern Affairs January 2020, Oman’s long-time leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, passed away and was succeeded by Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon Qaboos’s death. Sultan Haythim espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos and has not altered U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. During Qaboos’s reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined but did not contribute forces to the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, nor did it arm groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE- led isolation of Qatar and had urged resolution of that rift before its resolution in January 2021. -
Oman, Zanzibar, Their Relationship – and Our Trip
Oman, Zanzibar, Their Relationship – and Our Trip http://realhistoryww.com/world_history/ancient/Misc/True_Negros/Assorted/Oman_Zanzibar_Sultanate.htm Oman and Zanzibar are separated by 2,400 of the Indian Ocean. Oman is in the Middle East (in Asia); Zanzibar part of Africa. So why is the University of Arizona Center for Middle Eastern Studies’ 2016 Fulbright-Hays Group Project Abroad combining these two regions? Historically, the two areas have been in close contact with each other and provide an interesting case study of cross-regional relations. The curriculum-development program will explore these political, linguistic, and religious ties and will develop ways to integrate the information into elementary and secondary classes. From the 1st century CE, traders from the Arabian peninsula – as well as Persia and India – were in regular contact with Zanzibar and the East African coast; such cultural and trade relations increased by the 11th century. Political ties date from the early 1500s when both Oman and Zanzibar came under Portuguese colonial rule. Nearly 200 years later, Omanis overthrew Portuguese control and took charge of both Oman and Zanzibar. The latter became a center of Arab trade in slaves, spices (particularly cloves), and ivory. Many Arabs moved to the island, bringing with them Ibadi Islam, a very small school of Islamic thought which is the main faith of Oman and an important force in Zanzibar. By the 19th century, Zanzibar had become a center of Islamic scholarship: a contact zone between Ibadi Islam and other variants of the Muslim faith. The height of Arab association with Zanzibar occurred in 1840 when Omani ruler Sayyid Said bin Sultan al-Busaid moved his capital from Muscat, Oman, to Stone Town, Zanzibar. -
A Staircase in Nahr El Bared the Future of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
BRIEFING PAPER October 2010 A STAIRCASE IN NAHR EL BARED THE FUTURE OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEES IN LEBANON EXECUTIVE SUMMARY LEBANON’S RELATIONS WITH Palestinian refugees, one not primarily between Lebanese and Palestinian positions; of the most sensitive issues in the country, was put at the rather, one of the main sources of tension is over the on- forefront of parliamentary and public debates on June 15, going peace process between the PLO and Israel. Both 2010, when a series of legislative proposals were presented Lebanese and Palestinian actors are split over whether to to re-examine the refugees’ legal status and to resolve the support negotiations with Israel or whether to advocate issues surrounding their civil rights.1 It was the culmination resistance to Israel. The main variable impacting the status of a national discussion that began in 2005, in which a new of the Palestinians in Lebanon, over which local actors have atmosphere advocating the examination of the refugee issues very little control, is the outcome of the Middle East Peace started to emerge. Process—in particular, whether it will impose a permanent settlement of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (known as The fact that on August 17th the Lebanese parliament “tawteen”), which is prohibited by the Lebanese constitution. managed to pass amendments facilitating the refugees’ access to the labor market is a positive indication that the Lebanese Given the complexity of the situation, the issues that are under society and its political establishment have put the period the control of local players—such as civil rights—must be of the civil war behind them and are able to tackle such a isolated in order to be properly addressed. -
National Report, State of Palestine United Nations
National Report, State of Palestine United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat III) 2014 Ministry of Public Works and Housing National Report, State of Palestine, UN-Habitat 1 Photo: Jersualem, Old City Photo for Jerusalem, old city Table of Contents FORWARD 5 I. INTRODUCTION 7 II. URBAN AGENDA SECTORS 12 1. Urban Demographic 12 1.1 Current Status 12 1.2 Achievements 18 1.3 Challenges 20 1.4 Future Priorities 21 2. Land and Urban Planning 22 2. 1 Current Status 22 2.2 Achievements 22 2.3 Challenges 26 2.4 Future Priorities 28 3. Environment and Urbanization 28 3. 1 Current Status 28 3.2 Achievements 30 3.3 Challenges 31 3.4 Future Priorities 32 4. Urban Governance and Legislation 33 4. 1 Current Status 33 4.2 Achievements 34 4.3 Challenges 35 4.4 Future Priorities 36 5. Urban Economy 36 5. 1 Current Status 36 5.2 Achievements 38 5.3 Challenges 38 5.4 Future Priorities 39 6. Housing and Basic Services 40 6. 1 Current Status 40 6.2 Achievements 43 6.3 Challenges 46 6.4 Future Priorities 49 III. MAIN INDICATORS 51 Refrences 52 Committee Members 54 2 Lists of Figures Figure 1: Percent of Palestinian Population by Locality Type in Palestine 12 Figure 2: Palestinian Population by Governorate in the Gaza Strip (1997, 2007, 2014) 13 Figure 3: Palestinian Population by Governorate in the West Bank (1997, 2007, 2014) 13 Figure 4: Palestinian Population Density of Built-up Area (Person Per km²), 2007 15 Figure 5: Percent of Change in Palestinian Population by Locality Type West Bank (1997, 2014) 15 Figure 6: Population Distribution -
Nationals of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia and U
International Civil Aviation Organization STATUS OF AIRPORTS OPERABILITY AND RESTRICTION INFORMATION - MID REGION Updated on 26 September 2021 Disclaimer This Brief for information purposes only and should not be used as a replacement for airline dispatch and planning tools. All operational stakeholders are requested to consult the most up-to-date AIS publications. The sources of this Brief are the NOTAMs issued by MID States explicitly including COVID-19 related information, States CAA websites and IATA travel center (COVID-19) website. STATE STATUS / RESTRICTION 1. Passengers are not allowed to enter. - This does not apply to: - nationals of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates; - passengers with a residence permit issued by Bahrain; - passengers with an e-visa obtained before departure; - passengers who can obtain a visa on arrival; - military personnel. 2. Passengers are not allowed to enter if in the past 14 days they have been in or transited through Bangladesh, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Georgia, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Malawi, Malaysia, Mexico, Mongolia, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Philippines, Slovenia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukraine, Viet Nam or Zimbabwe. - This does not apply to: - nationals of Bahrain; - passengers with a residence permit issued by Bahrain. BAHRAIN 3. Passengers must have a negative COVID-19 PCR test taken at most 72 hours before departure. The test result must have a QR code if arriving from Bangladesh, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Georgia, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Malawi, Malaysia, Mexico, Mongolia, Mozambique, Myanmar, Namibia, Nepal, Philippines, Slovenia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukraine, Viet Nam or Zimbabwe. -
State of Palestine ‘Escalation in the Gaza
State of Palestine ‘Escalation in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and Israel’ Report No. 4 3 June 2021 SoP/2021/Eyad AlBaba - UNICEF Ⓒ UNICEF Special Representative and UNICEF partners with youth volunteers cleaning rubble and debris from the streets and schools of Gaza City caused by the recent hostilities. 02 June 2021 Situation in Number Highlights 73 Children killed (71 • No further hostilities have been reported in the Gaza Strip since the ceasefire Palestinians & 2 Israelis) on 21 May. However, 8,500 people still remain internally displaced. • On 25 May, 120,000 doses of Pfizer vaccine arrived through the COVAX 1,006 Children injured mechanism, with 45,000 doses already delivered to the Gaza Strip. • The three major desalination plants in the Gaza Strip are back in operation, (946 Palestinians & 60 operating for 8 hours each per day, serving approximately 370,000 people. Israelis) • UNICEF with partners mobilized over 1,000 adolescent volunteers towards clean-up efforts and to provide support to internally displaced persons in the 8,500 Internally Gaza Strip in the aftermath of the recent escalation. Displaced People remain • UNICEF delivered 156,700 medical consumables items to the Gaza Strip, as with host families well as 7,500 catheter tubes and 250 oxygen prongs for neonates to Al- Makased hospital in East Jerusalem. • UNICEF has provided Psychosocial Support Services (PSS) to 3,000 children 57 Educational facilities in Hebron Area C, H2 and East Jerusalem. damaged • The Education Cluster co-led by UNICEF and Save the Children, and the UNICEF-led WASH cluster are undertaking assessments to contribute to the 29 Health facilities Rapid Damage Needs Assessment (RDNA), and UNICEF is contributing to the Social Protection and Youth components of the RDNA undertaken by the World damaged Bank, the EU and the UN.