Sailing for Independence: How the Ships of the Affected the American Revolution Sarah Kent HTY 498 December 18, 2012 1

I. Introduction

Before there were trains, cars, and planes the sea provided the fastest travel route. As a result, sailing ships became one of the most important modes of transportation. They carried colonists to the New World and allowed trade to continue among the colonies, Europe, and the

Caribbean. In addition, these grand ships brought warfare to the high seas. Britain mastered this art and had the largest and strongest navy in the world, which countless times gave them an advantage over their opponents. This did not deter the colonists from taking on the British Navy.

The Continental Navy came together slowly. Initially, naval combat was primarily performed by the ships owned by the army, and by privateers who were legally sanctioned by the government to take actions against the enemy. As the colonies developed their own navy, they further developed shipbuilding, and many times ship conversion to create vessels ready to make war against Great Britain. Great Britain and the colonies used many of the same types of ships, but often made their own modifications in order to better serve their cause. Ships used by the colonies included brigs, brigantines, luggers, cutters, frigates, sloops and sloops of war along with several other models.1 Each of these ships served its own purpose. For example, smaller ships, such as cutters, were most frequently used for privateering, but each style of ship played a role in the American Revolution. The naval battles of the American Revolution became key to the American success and the British defeat. However, if the ships used by each navy had differed in any way the outcome could have drastically changed. Certain ships were used for battles, while others were used for the efforts of privateers. If the Continental Navy did not have

1 of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 19

2 the types of ships that it did, it would not have been as effective. The Continental Navy and the types of ships that it used were an important part of the American victory in the Revolution.

II. A New Approach

One of the most valuable secondary sources on the Continental navy was Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters by E. Gordon Bowen-

Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. This government document was very effective because it examined in detail three Continental Navy captains that sailed in European waters and preyed on British ships.2 Included in this were accounts of the voyages of Lambert Wickes,

Gustavus Connyngham, and John Paul Jones. For each naval captain a brief biography was given and then each of their cruises in European waters were closely examined. This was a very effective approach because it allowed each individual presented to be thoroughly understood, and for the reader to clearly see why each individual was vital to the Revolutionary cause. In addition, because each of these men were captains in the Continental Navy this text revealed the efficiency and effectiveness of the Continental Navy, which demonstrated its importance as a whole, to the Revolutionary cause.3

Although this was a very strong source, it lacked several valuable aspects. For one, it only featured three captains making its sample size very small, and therefore its argument rather weak because there wasn’t much to support it. In addition, as far as proving the importance of the Continental Navy in European waters, it focused more on the people and their actions than the navy as a whole. Also, with the focus being on Europe huge swaths of history relating to the

Continental navy were omitted which might have strengthened the authors argument. So, for a

2 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003) 3 Ibid 3 more comprehensive look at the Continental Navy, Nathan Millier’s book, Sea of Glory was the one to use. This text featured an overview of the actions of the Continental Navy throughout the war in both the American and European theatres. In order, to support his claims Miller used several small case studies in each chapter to reinforce the topic. He covered everything from the failures of the British Board of Admiralty to the formation of the Continental fleet and beyond.

It was beneficial to have such a broad overview, but when it came to understanding the full benefits of the Continental Navy in the American Revolution this text lacked specific details that would explain why the navy was effective at this time. It did not look into what aspects made the Continental Navy so strong for such a brief existence or any weaknesses it had.4 Through the ships that the Continental Navy used both its strengths and shortcomings can be examined to the fullest extent. By looking at the different ship types, and then specific examples of each, the base of what was to become a very powerful navy can truly be seen. In order to fully understand the value of such ships, one must first understand the amount of effort that went into their construction.

III. Shipbuilding

For the island nation of Great Britain and her thirteen American colonies, sailing and the sea were a way of life. As a result, shipbuilding was a key part of society. Although shipbuilding was more prominent in England, it played a vital role in the colonies as well. The existence of shipbuilding in colonial America prior to the Revolution made the formation of a navy that much easier.5 The construction of a ship required highly skilled craftsmen. If the

4 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974) 5 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 113- 114 4 process was not done with care the ship would not last, and thus time and money were wasted.6

Ships were most frequently commissioned by merchants who would then pay the ship builder in three stages. These terms were outlined in the formal contract which contained dimensions of the ship, the features that the merchant wanted it to contain, how payments were to be made, a delivery date was set, and it concluded with what would happen if the merchant or the builder did not uphold his end of the bargain. After the contract was signed the merchant began making payments to the builder. Merchants often divided their payments up, “one part in cash, one in

West Indian rum and sugar, and the last in British goods.”7 With the contracts squared away building could commence on the ship.

As with any building project, the process of shipbuilding began with the drafting of a plan for the ship. These plans contained the dimensions of the ship, but also kept in mind what the vessel was to be used for. Shipwrights had three sets of plans. One set showed the side view of the ship, the second showed the floor plan, and the third showed a cross section of the ship.

However, on rare occasions the shipwright built the ship just by sight.8 This usually happened only when a builder was particularly familiar with a certain style of ship “The numerous 20-ton coasting schooners of Massachusetts and South Carolina were probably produced in this rough yet effective fashion.”9 From here, it was the shipwright’s responsibility, along with his crew, to begin modeling the design of the ship. This could be done one of two ways, either with the whole molding method or the sweep method. In each method, the builder began by building each section of the frame, which was composed of arcs known as sweeps. In the whole molding method the builder “made two full-scale bend and hollow molds and utilized the same design

6 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 111- 112 7 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 85 8 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 86-87 9 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 86 5 method to reproduce the shape of any station.”10 The sweep method then enlarged sections of molding in the body plan of the ship. The builder then made a full-scale wooden model, which was used to construct the ship.

After the work was completed on the model the shipbuilder began acquiring the materials necessary for constructing the ship. The first material that was purchased was the lumber. In order to defer some of these costs, the lumber for the ships was often purchased in the form of timbers that had to be cut into planks. This lessened the expense that the shipwright had to put out because it eliminated the extra cost incurred by pre-cut lumber. All this meant for the shipwright was that he needed to put in the extra labor to cut the timbers into usable planks for the ship.11 However, cutting logs into planks was by no means a simple process. During the eighteenth century the logs had to be cut by hand most of the time. In order to cut logs, groups of up to four men had to use a ripsaw over a pit. All of their efforts generally produced only four planks per log.12 Despite the intense labor, the planks produced were key for the proper construction of a ship.13 Shipwrights were particularly picky about the type of wood that was used, especially when it came to the construction of war ships. For example, to produce a Royal

Navy ship, the shipwright only used Sussex Oak. This particular type of wood was considered to be the ideal lumber for the construction of a ship. However, once supplies were diminished,

Royal shipyards began to try American lumber, and they discovered that one type of American oak was actually superior to the Sussex Oak “The North American live oak […] was later found

10 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 87 11 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 88-89 12 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 205 13 Ibid. 6 to be superior to English oak in many respects […]”14 Initially though the English focused on the use of American White oak, which was lower quality than the Sussex oak.15

The lumber in particular, cost the shipwright the most money, however, each stage of shipbuilding incurred its own costs.16 For example, on the ship Defense, a gentleman named

James Bennet was paid twelve shillings for just two days of work on the ship, when seven carpenters worked on the same ship for thirty-five days at eighteen shillings and six pence.17

These numbers demonstrated that the cost of the ship varied not just because of the cost of materials and the amount of business that the shipyard was getting, but that the cost of the many hired laborers on the shipyard also varied greatly based on an individuals level of skill.18 The shipwright, though, was perhaps the most skilled of the ships laborers because “A shipwright combined the skills of a carpenter, caulker, joiner, and a painter.”19 Usually though the shipwright hired ironworkers, carvers, painters, and joiners to make the ship as ornate as the owner wanted it, once the ship was completed.20 Before these men were hired though, the builder and his employees had a great deal of work to do turning their models into a ship.

The first step of this process was to outline their models in the mould loft. The mould loft had very high ceilings to incorporate the grand elevation of the ship.21 In these mould lofts the master shipwright drew the lines of the vessel to scale, and then proceeded to chalk out the side elevations on the wall.22 This allowed them to shape and cut the lumber to match the designs that the shipwright had drawn up. After this was completed the ship was constructed

14 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 206 15 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 206 16 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 4, comp. William Bell Clark, 13 17 Ibid 18 Ibid 19 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 205 20 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 88-89 21 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 206 22 Ibid 7 outside in the open air, which was supposed to make the timber stronger because it was exposed to the elements. Sometimes though, the ships faced too much weather and they became wrought with mildew before ever setting sail.23 The first piece of the vessel to be built was the keel. The keel was the centerpiece of the ship, which the planks that composed the hull radiated out from.24

The keel was the foundation for the rest of the ship, “The ship was built on this backbone.”25

Once the stempost and sternpost were attached to either end of the keel; the rest of the ships skeleton was built up around it. After the skeleton of the ship was built, the planking was added in two layers. The first layer to be added was the inner layer, which was then followed by the outer layer. In the colonies most planking was connected with wooden pegs and not metal nails because metal was in short supply.26 The final phase to complete the body of the ship was to add the decks after all of the planking was secured.27

Once the main body of the ship was completed the hull of the ship was then sheathed.

This was generally done before the ship was painted. The sheathing contained tar and hair, and was designed to protect the hull of the ship. However, sometimes the hull was sheathed with copper, which further protected it. Copper sheathing on the hull protected it from the teredo worm, weeds, and barnacles. Since the presence of barnacles or weeds on the hull could cause the ship to slow down, copper sheathing could make the ship go faster than the more simplistic tar and hair sheathing.28 Sheathing protected the hull from the wear and tear of the ocean including sea worms and the harsh tropical climate of the Caribbean islands.29 However, before

23 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 207 24 The Bosun’s Mate. “Keel,” Nautical Glossary, 2012, accessed December 7, 2012, http://www.bosunsmate.org/glossary/term/291/Keel/ 25 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 207 26 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 207 27 Ibid. 28 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 208 29 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 90 8 sheathing occurred the owner of the vessel had to approve the construction of the ship, including the parts that the sheathing hid once applied.30

IV. The Crew and the Launch

Once the ship was built and painted it was time for the shipwright and the owner of the ship to prepare for its launch and find a crew. The crew could be found in several ways.

Members of the crew could choose their own ship, or as in the case of the Continental navy, they could be appointed. Much like making the decision on where to build warships, appointments to them were often political matters.31 For example, in Rhode Island a committee was appointed to oversee the construction of two ships of war. In their journal entry from May 27, 1776, the members of the crew for one of the ships being built was discussed. In this passage it was stated that Captain Hopkins was to write a letter or go to Boston to offer Captain Adams the post of first lieutenant on one of the ships. If he went to Boston, the committee voted to pay for all of his expenses. In addition, the committee voted to make James Eldred midshipman of one of the warships on this day.32 It was important to note that not one southerner was appointed to either of the warships that were built in Rhode Island at this time. This demonstrated several things.

One it demonstrated how strong regional ties were in the colonies at this time. This also showed, however, the political nature of naval appointments because it was the business of a committee to approve the appointments. The regional monogamy of the crew hints at potential favors for close kin or acquaintances.33 While the crew was being determined, the ship could be prepared for launch.

30 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976, 90 31 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 204 32 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 268-269 33 Ibid. 9

The first piece of business in preparing for a launch was to lay ways, which were parallel boards that the ship was dragged over to bring it to the water. In some instances, a cradle was built to further aid the boats launch into the water “Then the carpenters could build a cradle, with its upper part conforming to the underbody of the vessel and its lower section matching the ways beneath […] launchings do not always specify the use of a cradle […]”34 During the launch the ship was held to the structure by temporary ropes that were cut once the it was launched. For many, the launch was an exciting and celebratory time. The owner of the ship finally received his newly crafted vessel, while the shipwright received his final payment. Launchings were arranged around holidays, and around dinners that were held just for the occasion. For example,

John Hancock arranged a ship launch in 1770 to coincide with Guy Fawkes Day.35 The occasion was concluded with the christening of the ship and a toast in its honor.36 The launch was such a special occasion because the building process was so risky itself. Ships could be damaged by either severe weather such as hurricanes or by accidents with in the shipyard.37 In addition, the importance of a ships launch demonstrated how central ships were to early American life.

V. The Brig

Although all ships played a vital role in the colonies at this time, not all were designed for the same purpose. Each type of ship had a specific strength and a job for which it was primarily designed. One such type of ship was the brig.38 A brig had two masts, each of which had square

34 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976), 90- 91 35 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976), 91 36Ibid 37 Joseph Goldenburg. Shipbuilding in Colonial America. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976), 92- 93 38 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 19 10 rigging.39 In addition, on the furthest back mast was a gaff sail.40 The gaff sail was the sail attatched to a free swinging beam (spar) known as the gaff.41 The brig was used in the

Revolutionary conflict, and certainly managed to give the British some grief. One of the most famous brigs of the American Revolution was the Reprisal captained by Lambert Wickes. The

Reprisal served Wickes more than well on several occasions.42 One such occasion was recorded in the journal of the HMS Liverpool whose captain was Henry Bellew.43 On Monday May 27,

1776 the Liverpool encountered the Reprisal off of Cape Henlopen. With favorable winds, the

Reprisal sailed away from the British ship, but it would not escape so easily. The British ship decided to give chase to the Reprisal. However, they had to give up upon reaching a shoal that the British ship was unable to cross.44

The Liverpool was a frigate, which made it a much larger ship than the Reprisal. This caused it to be unable to cross the shoal, which was no trouble for the smaller Reprisal. Earlier in the engagement, the frigate that accompanied the Liverpool, the Roebuck, got stuck on the shoal.45 The smaller, lighter Reprisal gave the colonists an advantage against the British because it was easier for it to sail in the shallow waters of the Deleware River and the surrounding

39 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 40 The Bosun’s Mate. “Brig,” Nautical Glossary, 2012, accessed December 7, 2012, http://www.bosunsmate.org/glossary/term/112/Brig/ 41 The Bosun’s Mate. “Gaff,” Nautical Glossary, 2012, accessed December 7, 2012, http://www.bosunsmate.org/glossary/term/237/Gaff/ 42 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 2 43 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 277 44 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 277-278 45 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 2 11

Caribbean Islands that were its target.46 The main goal of Captain Lambert Wickes and the

Reprisal was to prey on British ships by interrupting their shipping patterns and hindering

Britain’s ability to carry out the Revolutionary conflict in North American waters.47 Having ships such as the Reprisal, sent a strong message to Britain that the colonists were capable of having their own ships that were able to successfully limit British activity along the coast.48 This was key to the Revolutionary cause because these men, such as Lambert Wickes, played a vital role in harassing the British. With out them, it would have been much simpler for the British to blockade the American coast, and to get supplies to and from Britain for their troops. In addition, if British ships were busy dealing with American ships off the coast it gave them less time to focus on the blockade that they were supposed to be executing. With out the blockade being successfully executed it was easier for American ships to make their way to the British coast and further pester the British in their home waters.49

The Reprisal made its first journey to British waters on January 24, 1777.50 This was the beginning of Wickes’ successful campaigns against the British until September 1777, when the

Reprisal and all but one of its crewmembers disappeared, just three days away from the

American coast.51 When told the Continental Congress of Wickes’ death he

46 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 2-3 47 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 1- 3 48 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 277-278 49 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 1- 15 50 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 7 51 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 13-14 12 said, “ ‘This Loss is extreamly to be lamented; as he was a gallant Officer and a very worthy man.’”52 Franklin knew what he was saying when he mourned the loss of Wickes because in

March 1777, Wickes and the Reprisal, carried Franklin safely to .53 The fact that a brig, by far not the largest of the Continental Navy ships, was entrusted with this vital task demonstrated not only the effectiveness of Lambert Wickes, but also the effectiveness of the ship as a whole. The colonial government must have known that a brig such as the Reprisal was both quick enough and strong enough to carry someone as important as Benjamin Franklin from the

United States to France, with the very real possibility of being attacked by British ships.54 In fact, Wickes did encounter some opposition on this cruise, but from these encounters he managed to take two ships as prizes for the Continental Navy, “She took two prizes, which she also carried into a French port.”55 The success of the Reprisal during the war made it clear that the brig was a very effective form of ship for the Continental Navy however; it was not the only type of ship that was beneficial.

VI. The Brigantine

Closely related to the brig was the brigantine. A brigantine was also a vessel with two square-rigged masts. The only way in which it differed from the brig was that it lacked the square mainsail.56 In general, the fore mast of a brigantine was the only portion that had square- rigging, as the rear sail was usually designed to be rigged with a gaff, which was a moveable

52 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 14 53 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1777, Volume 8, comp. William Bell Clark, 31 54 Ibid 55 Ibid 56 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 13 beam.57 Although, very similar to brigs these differences were important to acknowledge when examining the effectiveness of each type of ship to the American Revolution. Like the brig, the brigantine, was able to move quickly while still packing plenty of firepower.58 One of the brigantines employed by the Continental Navy was the Lexington. The Lexington was with the

Reprisal on its final voyage.59

According to a 1776 Marine Committee correspondence the captain of the Lexington was

John Barry.60 In this correspondence, the Marine Committee suggested to Captain Barry that he take the Lexington on a cruise while he waited for his warship to be built. They hoped that during this cruise Captain Barry would capture several prizes that would be valuable to the

Revolutionary cause.61 The reason that the Marine Committee wanted Barry to go on a cruise at that time was because they thought that the coast was too congested with British war ships for the Lexington to do much good there.62 This demonstrated that the Marine Committee saw the

Lexington as the perfect ship to prey on British merchant ships, much like the Reprisal, but that it was not considered to be able to defend the coast against enemy attack. More importantly this demonstrated that certain ships were better suited to certain types of tasks. Ships such as brigs and brigantines were more effective for taking on more lightly armed merchant ships, where as

57 The Bosun’s Mate. “Brigantine,” Nautical Glossary, 2012, accessed December 8, 2012, http://www.bosunsmate.org/glossary/term/113/Brigantine/ 58 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 14 59 Ibid 60 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 878 61 Ibid 62 Ibid 14 the larger ships such as the frigates, were better suited for taking on Britain’s large warships that plagued the coast.63

By March 1777, John Barry no longer captained the Lexington. The new commander of the Lexington was Captain Hallock. Captain Hallock was not as fortunate as Captain Barry because on March 9, 1777 the British ship the Pearl captured the Lexington.64 This demonstrated that while brigantines were useful and valuable ships to have they were not invincible. However, the same letter that spoke of the Lexington’s capture also contained details of her almost immediate escape “but in the night the Americans repossessed themselves of their vessel, and I suppose got safe to .”65 This demonstrated the benefits of a ship, such as a brigantine, because within twenty-four hours of its capture the Lexington was able to escape the clutches of the British. The quick escape of the Lexington revealed that it was a fast ship, a very valuable trait for a sailing ship, especially one that was designed to interfere with British shipping during the American Revolution.66 However, the fact that the Lexington was captured suggests that the brigantine was a model of ship not quite fast enough to avoid capture, and not quite powerful enough to fight off any sizeable captor.67 However, if the Lexington had been any larger it never would have been able to escape from the British. Thus, while the style of the brigantine gave the Lexington some disadvantages, it overwhelmingly allowed it to escape from its captors.68

63 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 878 64 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1777, Volume 8, comp. William Bell Clark, 72 65 Ibid 66 Ibid 67 Ibid 68 Ibid 15

VII. The Frigate

If the brigantine was fast but lacking in firepower, then the frigate was certainly the opposite. Unlike the brig and the brigantine the frigate had three masts, each of which had multiple sails. In addition, frigates had multiple decks each of which held between twenty and forty-four guns. Another difference between the frigate, brigs, and brigantines was that the frigate had ship rigging, not square rigging. 69 Although frigates were clearly ships of massive power and size, they did come in different size ranges. For example, the British often used smaller frigates to attack American merchant ships.70 The Marine Committee decided to build three different types of frigates. They were going to build one each with twenty-four, twenty- eight, and thirty-two guns. Although the British Navy had ships with similar amounts of guns, the ships planned by the Americans were actually larger, “all to be larger than similar ships in service with the British and French navies.”71

One of these large frigates was the Raleigh, which was constructed in Portsmouth, New

Hampshire in 1776. The Raleigh was constructed in Portsmouth largely as a favor to John

Langdon, a prominent merchant who was a former member of the Continental Congress.72 One of the larger Continental frigates to be constructed at this time, the Raleigh had thirty-two guns.

Other frigates built at this time with thirty-two guns were the Hancock, the Warren, the

Randolph, and the Washington.73 Although building such a large ship was a great honor for the towns and cities selected to build them, the cost of building these ships was astronomical and

69 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 70 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 18 71 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 203 72 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 204 73 Ibid 16 often put great strain on their builders to get the needed supplies.74 In a correspondence between

John Langdon and Nicholas Brown from May 27, 1776, Langdon stated that he was having difficulty obtaining the supplies that he needed to complete the construction of the Raleigh.75

This correspondence demonstrated that although frigates were valuable to the navy because of the number of guns that they could hold, the difficulty of constructing them made them an expensive part of the Continental Navy.76 As a result, the Continental Navy was initially composed more of redone merchant ships and other small ships.77 Part of the reasoning behind this was that the colonies hesitated to create a formal navy, and as a result the Continental Army created a small sailing fleet to protect the colonies’ coastal waters.78

Nonetheless the navy was created, which allowed for the construction of large frigates such as the Raleigh.79 Despite the cost and difficulty of constructing the Raleigh, Portsmouth persisted in her construction. Also dated May 27, 1776 was a correspondence between John

Langdon and Jeremiah Stamford.80 In this correspondence, Langdon informed Stamford that he had received the canvas that he ordered from him “Your favo’r post I’ve recd: am glad the

Canvas is come, to hand […]”81 These correspondences between Langdon and men associated with building the frigate Raleigh demonstrated that a great deal went into the construction of a

74 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 204 75 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 263 76 Ibid 77 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 17-18 78 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), viii-ix 79 Ibid 80 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 264 81 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 264 17 ship.82 Despite all of these difficulties, the Raleigh was completed. The Freeman’s Journal on

Saturday, May 25, 1776, ran an article describing the launch of the Raleigh.83 This article detailed the celebrations associated with the launch of the ship, and made it clear that it was a source of great pride for the town of Portsmouth “She is esteemed by all those who are judges that have seen her, to be one of the compleatest ships ever built in America.”84

As of June 24, 1776, Thomas Thompson was appointed as the commander of the

Raleigh.85 After the crew of the Raleigh was appointed they were able to begin cruising the seas to aid the American war effort. On April 29, 1777, Thompson was ordered by the Marine

Committee to sail in the area around New York and prey on British vessels attempting to enter the area.86 This began the Raleigh’s career as a frigate of the Continental Navy. During this voyage the Raleigh was able to out power a British frigate, the Druid. This revealed that the

Americans were successful in creating a large frigate that was superior to those of the British.87

This gave the Americans a boost in morale because it proved that there two-year-old navy was capable of taking on one of the greatest navies in the world at the end of the eighteenth century.

The frigate as a ship was effective because it carried a lot of guns, had the Americans been unable to create a frigate that could out do a British frigate, their victory in the war would have been improbable if not impossible.88

82 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 263-264 83 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 246-247 84 Ibid. 85 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1776, Volume 5, comp. William Bell Clark, 704 86 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 233 87 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 235 88 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 233-236 18

VIII. The Cutter

In contrast to the frigate a cutter, had very few guns, and thus relied more on its speed than its firepower. A cutter was a medium sized ship with a single mast, a jib, a mainsail, and a forestaysail. It was “a small, speedy sailing vessel similar to a sloop.”89 A ship of this size and speed was useful to the Continental Navy because it allowed them easy sailing access along the rocky shores of the colonies, and around the coast of Britain. Although these ships were useful because of their size and speed, there were only two employed by the Continental Navy.90 The scarcity of the vessels in the Continental Navy resulted from the small number of guns that they could carry. The cutter the Dolphin carried only ten guns, while the other cutter, the Cerf, had only 18 guns.91 Of the two frigates the Dolphin was the more famous one, as it had sailed with the Reprisal on its final voyage across the sea.

Samuel Nicolson captained the Dolphin when it first made its way into European waters.

On this cruise it was to sail in the Irish Sea with the Lexington and harass enemy ships. The ten guns on the Dolphin were only three pound guns, making her a fairly weak vessel.92 In fact these ten guns weakened the Dolphin more than they aided her “Slowed down by the Dolphin, which proved to be a poor sailor due to the added weight of her guns […]”93 Since she was weighed down with ammunition the Dolphin lost the main aspect that made the cutter a useful ship.

Without speed, cutters were simply a small boat with few guns that was a detriment to the rest of a fleet because it had to be protected from larger, stronger ships. However, when sailing well a cutter was a valuable part of the Continental Navy because most of the large warships were too

89 Britannica Encyclopedia. “Cutter” Cutter, 2012, accessed December 16, 2012, 90 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 528-529 91 Ibid 92 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 290-291 93 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 293

19 bulky to sail with any speed.94 Had the Dolphin been better modified to carry guns, or had fewer guns, she would have been a more effective member of the Continental Navy.95

The Dolphin managed to capture some prizes when it was sailing with Lambert Wickes off the coast of England.96 The fact that the Dolphin was so often accompanied by a larger ship, such as the brig Reprisal, revealed that it was not powerful enough to fight off most enemy ships, and therefore needed more powerful ships to protect it. In a correspondence, Captain Samuel

Nicholson even expressed his joy at being able to rejoin Captain Lambert Wickes. Through this statement it became clear that he was very thankful to be back with a larger ship that was more capable of protecting the Dolphin from enemy attack.97 However, in this same correspondence from June 28, 1777 Nicholson made it clear that the Dolphin, despite its issues with sailing, was still speedy enough to outrun enemy craft “when I made another Sail bareg down on me I did not make Sail from her till I made her out to be an Armed Snow, on wch I made all the Sail I coud & run for this Port, I think in abt 4 hours I run him out of Sight.”98 This revealed that although the

Dolphin was not suited for fighting with enemy ships it was perfectly suited for making a quick get away, although not as quick as it would have with out the extra guns. This was a valuable feature in a ship that mostly sailed off of the European coast because it was able to get away from or follow enemy ships that it wanted to hinder.99

94 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 293 95 Ibid 96 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1777, Volume 8, comp. William Bell Clark, 863 97 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1777, Volume 9, comp. William Bell Clark, 441 98 Ibid 99 Ibid 20

This correspondence from Nicholson came after his cruise with Wickes, and was clearly his attempt to get the American commissioners that were in France to refit the Dolphin.100 He acknowledged that it might not be the most feasible or profitable task because the Dolphin would need a new mast and bowsprit, but nonetheless he pleaded with them to recommission his ship, which he praised for being “tight & Strong”.101 Nicholson even made the offer that the Dolphin be repurposed as a packet ship, or a ship that simply carried supplies for the armed services.

This demonstrated that Nicholson was aware of his ships limitations, but also that he was aware that she was good for something.102 Nicholson’s high praise of his ship also demonstrated that he knew that his ship, or another ship similar to it, was worthwhile for the Continental Navy to employ.103 Although cutters were not particularly useful in battle they were valuable for the

Continental Navy when it came to carrying supplies, outrunning other ships, and even raiding small ships. The mark of a valuable ship was not always its ability to withstand conflict.

IX. The Lugger

Luggers were another example of a small vessel used by the Continental Navy. They had four sided sails, known as lugsails, and were typically used for fishing or coastal cruising.104

One of the most famous luggers used by the Continental Navy was the Surprize. Much like the brig the Reprisal, the Surprize was used to sail in foreign waters in order to bring the war to

Britain. Gustavus Conyngham who was appointed as a captain in the Continental Navy by

100 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1777, Volume 9, comp. William Bell Clark, 442 101 Ibid 102 Ibid 103 Ibid 104 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 21

Benjamin Franklin on March 1, 1777 commanded the Surprize.105 On the night of May 1, 1777

Conyngham snuck out to the ship, moored off the coast of France, and fitted it out with guns and the extra crewmen necessary for operating a warship. He had to sneak out to the ship because if the French were obviously helping the Americans it would violate their treaty with Britain. The first time Conyngham took out the newly refitted vessel he was able to capture a British mail ship, the Prince of Orange.106 This initial success demonstrated that although luggers were small they were able to take control of a British ship and play an effective role in the American

Revolution. However, this joy was short lived, as the Surprize was soon taken captive as a result of British complaints about the French breaking their neutrality agreement with Britain.107 The ease with which the Surprize was captured revealed that although luggers were a good temporary fix for the Continental Navy they were not really meant for warfare, and could not compete with the Royal Navy.108 The involvement of the lugger in the Continental Navy was left over from the beginning of the war when General Washington assembled his own fleet to fill the void created by the absence of a navy.109 Luggers were from these temporary fleets because of the way in which they were designed, which was much more suited to commercial not military use.110

105 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 18 106 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 20 107 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 292-293 108 Ibid 109 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), viii-ix 110 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 22

X. The Sloop and the Sloop of War

The sloop was, much like the lugger, in that it was unsuited for the type of war that the

Americans carried out against the British. The sloop was “a fore-and-aft rigged vessel with one mast and a single headsail jib.”111 Since the sloop was a smaller ship it played a minimal role in the American Revolution with only a few sloops in the entire fleet.112 As a result the sloop was modified, to make it more effective for the war effort. These hybrid ships were known as sloops of war. The sloop of war was only slightly smaller than a frigate, and as a result was one of the stronger ships in the Continental fleet.113 These were similar to sloops because they had the same type of rigging. However, the sloop of war was fitted out to be a smaller warship. These ships were capable of carrying about twenty guns.114 The most famous of the sloops of war was the Ranger, which was captained by John Paul Jones.115

John Paul Jones and the Ranger became famous for being the first American ship to receive international recognition while flying the flag of the United States.116 This first salute came while Jones was anchored in Quiberon Bay during February 1778. The French Admiral La

Motte Piquet gave the salute to the Ranger, returning the Ranger’s thirteen-gun salute with nine

111 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 112 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 528-529 113 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 70 114 Britannica Encyclopedia. “Sloop of War,” Sloop, 2012, accessed December 10, 2012, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/548923/sloop 115 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 56-57 116 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 58-59 23 guns.117 This matter was particularly annoying to Jones who felt that the French were slighting the American flag by not returning the salute gun for gun.118 A communiqué between William

Carmichael and Jones revealed that the French Admiral was not slighting Jones, but was merely sticking to the custom that the French used. In addition, La Motte Piquet was more than willing to go the extra mile to please Jones “The Admiral says he has no orders to render any other than the common salute […] but that to [show] his respect for the flag of the congress, he is willing to return three times the ordinary number.”119 This demonstrated that the French were more than willing to appease their American allies because the Admiral was willing to go against his orders so that he did not offend Jones.120 In addition, the reaction that Jones had, in relation to what he assumed to be a slight from the French, demonstrated that he was aware of the importance of the salute that he hoped to receive.121

Although receiving the first salute from a foreign power while flying the American flag was one of the biggest accomplishments of the Ranger, there were other aspects of her career that made this sloop of war one of the most famous in the entire war.122 John Paul Jones and the

Ranger captured two merchantment, destroyed others, took a British man of war captive, captured approximately two hundred prisoners, and carried out a land raid during a cruise in

1778 that lasted only twenty-eight days.123 These mind-blowing numbers revealed the

117 Ibid 118 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 58-59 119 United States of America, United States Naval Department, Naval Documents of the American Revolution, 1778, Volume 11, comp. William Bell Clark, 1004 120 Ibid 121 Ibid 122 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 58-59 123 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 61-62 24 effectiveness of Jones, his crew, and his ship. For a single sloop of war, to wreak so much havoc on British shipping and the British war effort in under one month revealed that ships such as the

Ranger were designed for efficiency.124

The efficiency of Jones and his crew was best demonstrated by the incident when they overtook the British ship the Drake in just under one hour.125 The Drake carried twenty guns and was therefore an even match for the Ranger. Although they were evenly matched the Drake and the Ranger did have some differences “Ranger had more and heavier armament but Drake had more men.”126 To play up his benefits, Jones bombarded the Drake with cannon. This disabled the ship, and prevented the Drake from getting close enough to the Ranger to board it.

Had the crew of the Drake been able to board the Ranger, Jones would have been at a disadvantage because his men were outnumbered. As long as Jones was able to take advantage of his greater firepower he had a slight advantage over the Drake.127 The fact that the American ship had the greater firepower revealed not only that Americans were capable of constructing powerful ships, but also that building powerful ships was a necessity for Americans.128 The greatest problem that the Continental Navy faced during the American Revolution was a shortage of sailors. The main cause of this problem was that the benefits for serving as a privateer were far greater than that of serving in the Continental Navy. For example, privateers usually made more money than members of the Continental Navy. As a result, the promise of

124 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 61-62 125 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 64 126 Ibid 127 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 64 128 Ibid 25 prize money from privateering encouraged most seafaring Americans to become involved in the war effort as privateers not as members of the Continental Navy.129

The Continental Navy had to create ships such as the Ranger that were heavily armed to make up for their smaller crews.130 Thus, the sloop of war was an important piece of the

Continental Navy because it was very versatile. It could carry many guns, which was always helpful, but unlike frigates it did not require a sizeable crew to sail. Although if the numbers existed it could have a larger crew than ships such as the Ranger had at times. The versatility of the sloop of war was important because the supplies, and climate relating to the Continental

Navy were always changing. So, having a ship that could sail in almost any condition was vital to the infant navy of the United Sates.131

XI. Conclusion

Although it may seem insignificant, the examination of the types of ships used by the

Continental Navy tell us a great deal about how the newfound navy was able to be so successful.

The Continental Navy was composed of many different types of ships. It had seven brigs, two brigantines, twenty-one frigates, two cutters, one lugger, and eight sloops or sloops of war.132

The brig and brigantine were both helpful to the Revolutionary cause because they were able to be both quick and powerful. This was perfect for the type of war that the Americans were carrying out against the British. While the lugger, the sloops, and the cutters were barely useful in combat, they served the important purpose of helping the Continental forces stay supplied.

The sloops of war, while still on the smaller side, were also able to combine speed and fire

129 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 120 and 125 130 United States of America, Department of Navy, Sea Raiders of the American Revolution: The Continental Navy in European Waters, comp. E. Gordon Bowen-Hassell, Dennis M. Conrad, and Mark L. Hayes. (Washington, 2003), 64 131 Ibid 132 Nathan Miller. Sea of Glory (New York: David McKay Company, Inc, 1974), 528-529 26 power. In contrast was the frigate, which may have been too large to move with much speed, but which packed more firepower then many of the British frigates and gave the Americans an important advantage over their British adversaries. The types of ships that were used in the

Revolution were not the only determining factor in the success of the Continental Navy, but with out such a mix of ship,s each with their own strengths and weaknesses, and evidence of how some performed better than others in certain situations, the true competence of the Continental navy would never be known. This made it clear that these ships were a vital factor in both the successes and failures of the Continental Navy. Their importance to the Continental Navy revealed how these varying types of ships were important to the war effort as a whole because without the Continental navy the war would have progressed very differently. The Continental

Navy may not have won the war for the Americans, but it was a crucial piece of the American victory because it was able to hinder the efforts of the British. From 1775 to 1783 the

Continental Navy protected the seas for Americans. It has now faded into the past with little remembrance of its glory. Small though it was, this navy and its ships were vital to the United

States’ triumph over Britain in the American Revolution.

27

Appendix 1: Types of Ships

Brig

Brigantine

Frigate

28

Cutter

Lugger

Sloop

29

Sloop of War

30

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