The Strongmen Strike Back Robert Kagan
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23. Relativism and Radical Conservatism
This is the preprint version of a book chapter published by Routledge/CRC Press in The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Relativism, edited by Martin Kusch (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 219–27 on December 4, 2019, available online: http://doi.org/10.4324/9781351052306-24. 23. Relativism and radical conservatism Timo Pankakoski and Jussi Backman ABSTRACT. The chapter tackles the complex, tension-ridden, and often paradoxical relationship between relativism and conservatism. We focus particularly on radical conservatism, an early twentieth-century German movement that arguably constitutes the climax of conservatism’s problematic relationship with relativism. We trace the shared genealogy of conservatism and historicism in nineteenth-century Counter-Enlightenment thought and interpret radical conservatism’s ambivalent relation to relativism as reflecting this heritage. Emphasizing national particularity, historical uniqueness, and global political plurality, Carl Schmitt and Hans Freyer moved in the tradition of historicism, stopping short of full relativism. Yet they utilized relativistic elements – such as seeing irrational decisions or the demands of “life” as the basis of politics – to discredit notions of universal political morality and law, thereby underpinning their authoritarian agendas. Oswald Spengler, by contrast, took the relativistic impulses to the extreme, interweaving his conservative authoritarianism and nationalism with full-fledged epistemic, moral, and political relativism. Martin Heidegger has recently been perceived as the key philosopher of radical conservatism, and his 1 thought arguably channeled antimodern aspects of historicism into contemporary political thought. We conclude by analyzing how some radical conservative arguments involving cultural relativism and plurality still reverberate in contemporary theorists such as Samuel Huntington, Aleksandr Dugin, and Alain de Benoist. -
'New Era' Should Have Ended US Debate on Beijing's Ambitions
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on “A ‘China Model?’ Beijing’s Promotion of Alternative Global Norms and Standards” March 13, 2020 “How Xi Jinping’s ‘New Era’ Should Have Ended U.S. Debate on Beijing’s Ambitions” Daniel Tobin Faculty Member, China Studies, National Intelligence University and Senior Associate (Non-resident), Freeman Chair in China Studies, Center for Strategic and International Studies Senator Talent, Senator Goodwin, Honorable Commissioners, thank you for inviting me to testify on China’s promotion of alternative global norms and standards. I am grateful for the opportunity to submit the following statement for the record. Since I teach at National Intelligence University (NIU) which is part of the Department of Defense (DoD), I need to begin by making clear that all statements of fact and opinion below are wholly my own and do not represent the views of NIU, DoD, any of its components, or of the U.S. government. You have asked me to discuss whether China seeks an alternative global order, what that order would look like and aim to achieve, how Beijing sees its future role as differing from the role the United States enjoys today, and also to address the parts played respectively by the Party’s ideology and by its invocation of “Chinese culture” when talking about its ambitions to lead the reform of global governance.1 I want to approach these questions by dissecting the meaning of the “new era for socialism with Chinese characteristics” Xi Jinping proclaimed at the Communist Party of China’s 19th National Congress (afterwards “19th Party Congress”) in October 2017. -
The Changing Depiction of Prussia in the GDR
The Changing Depiction of Prussia in the GDR: From Rejection to Selective Commemoration Corinna Munn Department of History Columbia University April 9, 2014 Acknowledgments I would like to thank my advisor, Volker Berghahn, for his support and guidance in this project. I also thank my second reader, Hana Worthen, for her careful reading and constructive advice. This paper has also benefited from the work I did under Wolfgang Neugebauer at the Humboldt University of Berlin in the summer semester of 2013, and from the advice of Bärbel Holtz, also of Humboldt University. Table of Contents 1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………….1 2. Chronology and Context………………………………………………………….4 3. The Geschichtsbild in the GDR…………………………………………………..8 3.1 What is a Geschichtsbild?..............................................................................8 3.2 The Function of the Geschichtsbild in the GDR……………………………9 4. Prussia’s Changing Role in the Geschichtsbild of the GDR…………………….11 4.1 1945-1951: The Post-War Period………………………………………….11 4.1.1 Historiography and Publications……………………………………11 4.1.2 Public Symbols and Events: The fate of the Berliner Stadtschloss…14 4.1.3 Film: Die blauen Schwerter………………………………………...19 4.2 1951-1973: Building a Socialist Society…………………………………...22 4.2.1 Historiography and Publications……………………………………22 4.2.2 Public Symbols and Events: The Neue Wache and the demolition of Potsdam’s Garnisonkirche…………………………………………..30 4.2.3 Film: Die gestohlene Schlacht………………………………………34 4.3 1973-1989: The Rediscovery of Prussia…………………………………...39 4.3.1 Historiography and Publications……………………………………39 4.3.2 Public Symbols and Events: The restoration of the Lindenforum and the exhibit at Sans Souci……………………………………………42 4.3.3 Film: Sachsens Glanz und Preußens Gloria………………………..45 5. -
The Birth of Communism
Looking for a New Economic Order Tensions across Europe mounted in the 1830s and 1840s, as republican (anti-royalist) movements resisted the reigning monarchies. The monarchy in France had been restored after Napoleon Bonaparte’s final defeat at Waterloo in 1815, albeit with great divisions and debate throughout the country. Italy, Germany, and Austria were likewise ruled by monarchies, but faced growing protest. In addition to tensions about forms of government and freedoms, workers were becoming more vocal and unified in protesting conditions in factories, mines, and mills. The Birth of Communism Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels are regarded as the founders of Marxist ideology, more colloquially known as communism. Both were concerned about the ill effects of industrialism. Marx was an economist, historian, and philosopher. Engels was a German journalist and philosopher. After a two-year stay in Manchester, England, Engels wrote his first book, The Condition of the Working Class in England, which was published in 1845. It was in Manchester that Marx and Engels met for the first time. Although they did not like each other at first, they ended up forming a life- and world- changing partnership. Marx was the more public figure of the partnership, but Engels did much of the supporting work, including providing financial assistance to Marx and editing multiple volumes of their publications. In 1847, a group of Germans, working in England, formed a secret society and contacted Marx, asking him to join them as they developed a political platform. At Engels’s suggestion, the group was named the Communist League. Marx and Engels began writing the pamphlet The Communist Manifesto, composed between December 1847 and January 1848. -
School Aid Meynersays
Our NEW Our Telephone Number Telephone Nnmber 18 is Mercury 4.1111 Snbepenbent -leaber Mercury 4-1111 Pub1Hh«d Ivtnr ThurwJiy PRICE EIGHT CENTS XMX-NO. 32 WOODBRIDGE, N. J., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1957 nr 18 Qntm Stiwt, Wo«lt>rtdt«, H. J, ] lo Hear Meyner for Governor Wrjen an election campaign has be most effective under such circum- seemed to us to be only a contest between stances. < \ School Aid (1 Plea Tweedle-Dum and Tweedle-Dee, we have The Republicans have been unable to refrained from Expressing a preference. develop any significant issues. They cer- MeynerSays , 14th We feel that the gubernatorial election tainly have been responsible for total to be held in November is a matter Of negligence for nearly thirty years of the Hearing Date vital importance, and because of this fact state's potable water supply require- Over OOO Enthusiastic [„,„.. <<l by Boylan in we should express our opinion concern- ments. Governor Meyner, frankly, should Party Stalwarts Greet Progress Report ing it. provide the leadership which the Repub- Governor at $25 Dinner This newspaper will support Goverrtor licans have failed to do even though they HHtnOE — November WOODBRIDOE — Labellnc ifc|v Robert B. Meyner, the Democratic can- have controlled the Legislature and the nppofiltion's "Truth 8quad at J' ,, n set as the tentative i hearing before the didate, against Senator Malcolm 8, Governor's office during much of the "Truth Distortion Bquad," 0«K4:i .,,,,>ment of Education period that the water-problem grew and pinnr Robert B. Meyner last Kjlmi Forbes, the Republican". -
A Political Companion to Henry David Thoreau
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Literature in English, North America English Language and Literature 6-11-2009 A Political Companion to Henry David Thoreau Jack Turner University of Washington Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Turner, Jack, "A Political Companion to Henry David Thoreau" (2009). Literature in English, North America. 70. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_english_language_and_literature_north_america/70 A Political Companion to Henr y David Thoreau POLITIcaL COMpaNIONS TO GREat AMERIcaN AUthORS Series Editor: Patrick J. Deneen, Georgetown University The Political Companions to Great American Authors series illuminates the complex political thought of the nation’s most celebrated writers from the founding era to the present. The goals of the series are to demonstrate how American political thought is understood and represented by great Ameri- can writers and to describe how our polity’s understanding of fundamental principles such as democracy, equality, freedom, toleration, and fraternity has been influenced by these canonical authors. The series features a broad spectrum of political theorists, philoso- phers, and literary critics and scholars whose work examines classic authors and seeks to explain their continuing influence on American political, social, intellectual, and cultural life. This series reappraises esteemed American authors and evaluates their writings as lasting works of art that continue to inform and guide the American democratic experiment. -
Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Capitalism, Lakouism, and Libertarian Communism
Capitalism, Lakouism, and Libertarian Communism Capitalism, Lakouism, and Libertarian Communism By Paul C. Mocombe Capitalism, Lakouism, and Libertarian Communism By Paul C. Mocombe This book first published 2020 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2020 by Paul C. Mocombe All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-4343-9 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-4343-0 This work, as with everything I pen, is done in the name of the ancestors, lwa yo, Erzulie, my grandparents (Saul and Eugenia Mocombe), sons (Isaiah and Daniel), and my wife (Tiara S. Mocombe) TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures............................................................................................. ix List of Tables .............................................................................................. xi Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter I .................................................................................................... 33 The Constitution of Haitian Identities Chapter II .................................................................................................. -
How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D
Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Place: The Oval Office, the White House Time: May 1953 The President is in the early months of his first term and he recognizes Soviet military aggression and the How Should the subsequent spread of Communism as the greatest threat to the security of the nation. However, the current costs United States of fighting Communism are skyrocketing, presenting a Confront Soviet significant threat to the nation’s economic well-being. President Eisenhower is concerned that the costs are not Communist sustainable over the long term but he believes that the spread of Communism must be stopped. Expansionism? On May 8, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower has called a meeting in the Solarium of the White House with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Treasury Secretary George M. Humphrey. The President believes that the best way to craft a national policy in a democracy is to bring people together to assess the options. In this meeting the President makes a proposal based on his personal decision-making process—one that is grounded in exhaustive fact gathering, an open airing of the full range of viewpoints, and his faith in the clarifying qualities of energetic debate. Why not, he suggests, bring together teams of “bright young fellows,” charged with the mission to fully vet all viable policy alternatives? He envisions a culminating presentation in which each team will vigorously advocate for a particular option before the National Security Council. -
Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O
A7_VAROL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/13/2015 3:47 PM Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O. Varol ABSTRACT: Authoritarianism has been undergoing a metamorphosis. Historically, authoritarians openly repressed opponents by violence and harassment and subverted the rule of law to perpetuate their rule. The post- Cold War crackdown on these transparently authoritarian practices provided significant incentives to avoid them. Instead, the new generation of authoritarians learned to perpetuate their power through the same legal mechanisms that exist in democratic regimes. In so doing, they cloak repressive practices under the mask of law, imbue them with the veneer of legitimacy, and render anti-democratic practices much more difficult to detect and eliminate. This Article offers a comprehensive cross-regional account of that phenomenon, which I term “stealth authoritarianism.” Drawing on rational- choice theory, the Article explains the expansion of stealth authoritarianism across different case studies. The Article fills a void in the literature, which has left undertheorized the authoritarian learning that occurred after the Cold War and the emerging reliance on legal, particularly sub-constitutional, mechanisms to perpetuate political power. Although stealth authoritarian practices are more prevalent in nondemocracies, the Article illustrates that they can also surface in regimes with favorable democratic credentials, including the United States. In so doing, the Article aims to orient the scholarly debate towards regime practices, rather than regime -
The Emergence of Poland As a Regional Leader
America’s protégé in the east? The emergence of Poland as a regional leader MARCIN ZABOROWSKI AND KERRY LONGHURST* The evolution of the United States over the past decade into a hyperpower means that it now shoulders a far greater degree of responsibility for maintaining international order than in former years. In this context, the US has sought to manage its international relations through a mixture of multilateralism and unilateralism. At the core of this emerging strategy is the concept of ‘regional leadership’ for those states with which Washington seeks to work or to which it may occasionally delegate some security-related tasks. Clearly, this has not been possible in all parts of the world, given that any such partner needs to share and uphold, to some degree, the same view of the world as the US, including a proclivity to use military force. The US has managed to establish close relation- ships with a number of states that may be viewed as regional leaders. In western Europe the special relationship with the UK, underpinned by the sharing of common intelligence, has endured, which means that Britain is set to remain the US’s key partner in the region. Australia, too, enjoys a close relationship with the US, also based, to a large extent, upon intelligence-sharing. Thus, after September 11, with a very similar threat perception to that of the United States, Australia became a significant regional leader and one of the closest allies of the US following its involvement in the early stages of the US-led operation in Afghanistan. -
Vicious Cycles HOW DISRUPTIVE STATES and EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS FILL POWER VACUUMS and FUEL EACH OTHER
Vicious Cycles HOW DISRUPTIVE STATES AND EXTREMIST MOVEMENTS FILL POWER VACUUMS AND FUEL EACH OTHER EMILY ESTELLE AUGUST 2020 AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Executive Summary strategy oriented on great-power competition and long as their support base faces an existential threat, A managing terrorist threats must focus on Africa which protracted conflicts create.4 and the Middle East rather than pull away from them. This expansion and protraction of conflict are These regions are home to one of the world’s largest most advanced in the Syrian and Libyan civil wars. and densest concentrations of Salafi-jihadi groups, What began as domestic conflicts have become including al Qaeda and the Islamic State. They have regional proxy wars with global implications, includ- also become the epicenter of proxy and sometimes ing humanitarian disasters, mass displacement, and direct competition among great powers, including emerging threats to NATO’s security. The Syrian and Russia and China, and important regional states such Libyan conflicts are now merging, moreover, making as Egypt, Iran, and Turkey. The interactions of these them even more difficult to resolve and raising the states and non-state actors create a number of vicious stakes even higher. cycles that perpetuate and expand conflict while feed- The growth of extremist movements is a cat- ing the Salafi-jihadi movement and giving it room to alyst, not just a result, of multisided proxy wars. expand. Embracing the need to engage in great-power Extremist movements and disruptive states form a competition makes sense. Pulling away from Africa mutually reinforcing vicious cycle. The presence of and the Middle East to do so does not.