Military Neoliberalism: Endless War and Humanitarian Crisis in the Twenty-First Century Michael Schwartz Stony Brook State University
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Copyright by Nhu Quynh-Thuy Truong 2009
Copyright by Nhu Quynh-Thuy Truong 2009 Renewing Political Legitimacy: Pragmatic Reforms and Doi Moi by Nhu Quynh-Thuy Truong, B.A. Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Asian Studies The University of Texas at Austin May 2009 Renewing Political Legitimacy: Pragmatic Reforms and Doi Moi Approved by Supervising Committee: Abstract Renewing Political Legitimacy: Pragmatic Reforms and Doi Moi Nhu Quynh-Thuy Truong, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2009 Supervisors: Huaiyin Li & William Hurst The Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) first launched Doi Moi [Renovation] in 1986— 10 years after the VCP officially assumed power in 1976 of the Socialist Republics of Vietnam. As the VCP describes, Doi Moi is a comprehensive economic reform package with new initiatives toward building ―a mixed economy‖ that introduces ―market mechanism with state management and a socialist orientation‖ to Vietnam‘s economy. With Doi Moi, pragmatism has evidently taken center stage in place of dogmatic concerns for ideological correctness. The thesis seeks to first examine the conditions and factors that gave impetus for the economic reforms in Vietnam. These conditions and factors are especially evident when they are examined in a comparative context with the Soviet Union and China‘s experiences with similar reforms as they are done here in the thesis. Moreover, the change of orientation from a centrally planned economy to market-oriented economy is reflected in Doi Moi‘s decentralization and economic liberalization reforms as well as the VCP‘s opening up to international reintegration and reconciliation with namely the United States. -
Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians from US Drone Practices in Pakistan
Fall 08 September 2012 Living Under Drones Death, Injury, and Trauma to Civilians From US Drone Practices in Pakistan International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic Stanford Law School Global Justice Clinic http://livingunderdrones.org/ NYU School of Law Cover Photo: Roof of the home of Faheem Qureshi, a then 14-year old victim of a January 23, 2009 drone strike (the first during President Obama’s administration), in Zeraki, North Waziristan, Pakistan. Photo supplied by Faheem Qureshi to our research team. Suggested Citation: INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION CLINIC (STANFORD LAW SCHOOL) AND GLOBAL JUSTICE CLINIC (NYU SCHOOL OF LAW), LIVING UNDER DRONES: DEATH, INJURY, AND TRAUMA TO CIVILIANS FROM US DRONE PRACTICES IN PAKISTAN (September, 2012) TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I ABOUT THE AUTHORS III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS V INTRODUCTION 1 METHODOLOGY 2 CHALLENGES 4 CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 7 DRONES: AN OVERVIEW 8 DRONES AND TARGETED KILLING AS A RESPONSE TO 9/11 10 PRESIDENT OBAMA’S ESCALATION OF THE DRONE PROGRAM 12 “PERSONALITY STRIKES” AND SO-CALLED “SIGNATURE STRIKES” 12 WHO MAKES THE CALL? 13 PAKISTAN’S DIVIDED ROLE 15 CONFLICT, ARMED NON-STATE GROUPS, AND MILITARY FORCES IN NORTHWEST PAKISTAN 17 UNDERSTANDING THE TARGET: FATA IN CONTEXT 20 PASHTUN CULTURE AND SOCIAL NORMS 22 GOVERNANCE 23 ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLDS 25 ACCESSING FATA 26 CHAPTER 2: NUMBERS 29 TERMINOLOGY 30 UNDERREPORTING OF CIVILIAN CASUALTIES BY US GOVERNMENT SOURCES 32 CONFLICTING MEDIA REPORTS 35 OTHER CONSIDERATIONS -
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling
Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling James Carpenter (Binghamton University) Abstract I challenge the traditional argument that Jefferson’s educational plans for Virginia were built on mod- ern democratic understandings. While containing some democratic features, especially for the founding decades, Jefferson’s concern was narrowly political, designed to ensure the survival of the new republic. The significance of this piece is to add to the more accurate portrayal of Jefferson’s impact on American institutions. Submit your own response to this article Submit online at democracyeducationjournal.org/home Read responses to this article online http://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol21/iss2/5 ew historical figures have undergone as much advocate of public education in the early United States” (p. 280). scrutiny in the last two decades as has Thomas Heslep (1969) has suggested that Jefferson provided “a general Jefferson. His relationship with Sally Hemings, his statement on education in republican, or democratic society” views on Native Americans, his expansionist ideology and his (p. 113), without distinguishing between the two. Others have opted suppressionF of individual liberties are just some of the areas of specifically to connect his ideas to being democratic. Williams Jefferson’s life and thinking that historians and others have reexam- (1967) argued that Jefferson’s impact on our schools is pronounced ined (Finkelman, 1995; Gordon- Reed, 1997; Kaplan, 1998). because “democracy and education are interdependent” and But his views on education have been unchallenged. While his therefore with “education being necessary to its [democracy’s] reputation as a founding father of the American republic has been success, a successful democracy must provide it” (p. -
Counterinsurgency in the Iraq Surge
A NEW WAY FORWARD OR THE OLD WAY BACK? COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE IRAQ SURGE. A thesis presented to the faculty of the Graduate School of Western Carolina University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in US History. By Matthew T. Buchanan Director: Dr. Richard Starnes Associate Professor of History, Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences. Committee Members: Dr. David Dorondo, History, Dr. Alexander Macaulay, History. April, 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Abbreviations . iii Abstract . iv Introduction . 1 Chapter One: Perceptions of the Iraq War: Early Origins of the Surge . 17 Chapter Two: Winning the Iraq Home Front: The Political Strategy of the Surge. 38 Chapter Three: A Change in Approach: The Military Strategy of the Surge . 62 Conclusion . 82 Bibliography . 94 ii ABBREVIATIONS ACU - Army Combat Uniform ALICE - All-purpose Lightweight Individual Carrying Equipment BDU - Battle Dress Uniform BFV - Bradley Fighting Vehicle CENTCOM - Central Command COIN - Counterinsurgency COP - Combat Outpost CPA – Coalition Provisional Authority CROWS- Common Remote Operated Weapon System CRS- Congressional Research Service DBDU - Desert Battle Dress Uniform HMMWV - High Mobility Multi-Purpose Wheeled Vehicle ICAF - Industrial College of the Armed Forces IED - Improvised Explosive Device ISG - Iraq Study Group JSS - Joint Security Station MNC-I - Multi-National-Corps-Iraq MNF- I - Multi-National Force – Iraq Commander MOLLE - Modular Lightweight Load-carrying Equipment MRAP - Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (vehicle) QRF - Quick Reaction Forces RPG - Rocket Propelled Grenade SOI - Sons of Iraq UNICEF - United Nations International Children’s Fund VBIED - Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device iii ABSTRACT A NEW WAY FORWARD OR THE OLD WAY BACK? COUNTERINSURGENCY IN THE IRAQ SURGE. -
Snowflakes from the Secretary
Gord_0375422625_3p_all_r4.qxp 2/2/06 1:25 PM Page 3 chapter 1 Snowflakes from the Secretary In late 2001, Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld summoned the senior military leadership to his office on the E-ring of the Pentagon. It had been an extraordinarily eventful period for the administration of George W. Bush. Kabul had recently fallen. U.S. commandos and Pashtun commanders in southern Afghanistan were on the hunt for Osama bin Laden. In Bonn, Germany, the United States and diplomats from allied nations were prepared to anoint a new group of Afghan leaders. During his short tenure at the Pentagon, Rumsfeld had established himself as an indomitable bureaucratic presence. It was a commonplace among the Bush team that the military needed stronger civilian oversight, and Rumsfeld exercised control with the iron determination of a former corporate executive. He had a restless mind and was given to boast that he was genetically impatient. When he arrived at the Pentagon, Rumsfeld made clear that his goal was nothing less than to remake the U.S. military to fashion a leaner and more lethal force. Notepads were strewn throughout his outsized office. When the defense secretary had an idea he scribbled it down. Four-star generals and high-ranking aides were accustomed to receiving snow- flakes: terse memos that captured his latest brainstorm or query and that landed with a thud. Rusmsfeld had been receiving his daily CIA briefing shortly before the American Airlines plane plowed into the building on September 11. After- ward, he had staked out a clear position on how the Bush team should re- spond. -
The Strongmen Strike Back Robert Kagan
POLICY BRIEF The strongmen strike back Robert Kagan Authoritarianism has returned as an ideological and strategic force. And it returns at just the moment when the liberal world is suffering a major crisis of confidence. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY INTRODUCTION Today, authoritarianism has emerged as the Of all the geopolitical transformations confronting greatest challenge facing the liberal democratic the liberal democratic world these days, the one world—a profound ideological, as well as strategic, for which we are least prepared is the ideological challenge. Or, more accurately, it has reemerged, and strategic resurgence of authoritarianism. We for authoritarianism has always posed the most are not used to thinking of authoritarianism as a potent and enduring challenge to liberalism, since distinct worldview that offers a real alternative the birth of the liberal idea itself. Authoritarianism to liberalism. Communism was an ideology—and has now returned as a geopolitical force, with strong some thought fascism was, as well—that offered a nations such as China and Russia championing comprehensive understanding of human nature, anti-liberalism as an alternative to a teetering politics, economics and governance to shape the liberal hegemony. It has returned as an ideological behavior and thought of all members of a society in force, offering the age-old critique of liberalism, every aspect of their lives. and just at the moment when the liberal world is suffering its greatest crisis of confidence since We believed that “traditional” autocratic the 1930s. It has returned armed with new and governments were devoid of grand theories about hitherto unimaginable tools of social control and society and, for the most part, left their people disruption that are shoring up authoritarian rule at alone. -
Robert Parry Wins 2017 Martha Gellhorn Prize for Journalism
Robert Parry Wins 2017 Martha Gellhorn Prize for Journalism John Pilger made the following remarks in presenting the 15th Martha Gellhorn Prize to the American journalist Robert Parry at a dinner in London on 27 June. By John Pilger Region: USA Global Research, June 29, 2017 Theme: Media Disinformation, Police State & Civil Rights Featured image: American Journalist Robert Parry (Source: Consortiumnews) There are too many awards for journalism. Too many simply celebrate the status quo. The idea that journalists ought to challenge the status quo — what Orwell called Newspeak and Robert Parry calls ‘groupthink’ — is becoming increasingly rare. More than a generation ago, a space opened up for a journalism that dissented from the groupthink and flourished briefly and often tenuously in the press and broadcasting. Today, that space has almost closed in the so-called mainstream media. The best journalists have become – often against their will — dissidents. The Martha Gellhorn Prize for Journalism recognises these honourable exceptions. It is very different from other prizes. Let me quote in full why we give this award: ‘The Gellhorn Prize is in honour of one of the 20th century’s greatest reporters. It is awarded to a journalist whose work has penetrated the established version of events and told an unpalatable truth – a truth validated by powerful facts that expose whatMartha Gellhorn called “official drivel”. She meant establishment propaganda.’ Journalist Martha Gellhorn (Source: Bio.com) | 1 Martha was renowned as a war reporter. Her dispatches from Spain in the 1930s and D-Day in 1944 are classics. But she was more than that. -
Stewart L. Udall Oral History Interview – JFK #1, 1/12/1970 Administrative Information
Stewart L. Udall Oral History Interview – JFK #1, 1/12/1970 Administrative Information Creator: Stewart L. Udall Interviewer: W.W. Moss Date of Interview: January 12, 1970 Length: 28 pp. Biographical Note Udall was the Secretary of the Interior for the President Kennedy and President Johnson Administrations (1961-1969). This interview focuses on Udall’s political background, his first impressions of Senator John F. Kennedy, Labor Relations of 1958, and the 1960 presidential nomination, among other issues. Access Restrictions No restrictions. Usage Restrictions According to the deed of gift signed March 17, 1981, copyright of these materials have been assigned to the United States Government. Users of these materials are advised to determine the copyright status of any document from which they wish to publish. Copyright The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or reproduction is not to be “used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research.” If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excesses of “fair use,” that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copying order if, in its judgment, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of copyright law. The copyright law extends its protection to unpublished works from the moment of creation in a tangible form. -
East Asian Democratization and Value Change
Noises and A Comparative Survey of DEMOCRACY, GOVERNANCE AND DEVELOPMENT Working Paper Series: No. 11 Noises and Interruptions – The Road to Democracy Wai-man Lam Hsin-Chi Kuan Chinese University of Hong Kong Issued by Asian Barometer Project Office National Taiwan University and Academia Sinica 2003 Taipei 1 Asian Barometer A Comparative Survey of Democracy, Governance and Development Working Paper Series The Asian Barometer (ABS) is an applied research program on public opinion on political values, democracy, and governance around the region. The regional network encompasses research teams from twelve East Asian political systems (Japan, Mongolia, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, China, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Singapore, and Indonesia), and five South Asian countries (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal). Together, this regional survey network covers virtually all major political systems in the region, systems that have experienced different trajectories of regime evolution and are currently at different stages of political transition. The ABS Working Paper Series is intended to make research result within the ABS network available to the academic community and other interested readers in preliminary form to encourage discussion and suggestions for revision before final publication. Scholars in the ABS network also devote their work to the Series with the hope that a timely dissemination of the findings of their surveys to the general public as well as the policy makers would help illuminate the public discourse on democratic reform and good governance. The topics covered in the Series range from country-specific assessment of values change and democratic development, region-wide comparative analysis of citizen participation, popular orientation toward democracy and evaluation of quality of governance, and discussion of survey methodology and data analysis strategies. -
Trump Administration Allies Have Burrowed Into 24 Critical Civil Service Positions and 187 Last-Minute Appointments
Trump Administration Allies Have Burrowed Into 24 Critical Civil Service Positions And 187 Last-Minute Appointments SUMMARY: Following the outgoing administration’s “quiet push to salt federal agencies with Trump loyalists,” an Accountable.US review has found that, as of February 22, 2021, at least 24 Trump administration political appointees have “burrowed” into long-term civil service jobs in the new Biden administration. This includes at least four figures in the national security apparatus, nine figures with environmental regulators, three figures in the Department of Justice, two figures in the embattled Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, and at least six other appointees elsewhere who have refused to step down in the transition. Burrowing of this sort is not treated lightly, as officials who transfer from political appointments to career positions must undergo scrutiny by federal personnel overseers for a full five years—and some of these cases have been found to violate federal laws and have drawn congressional scrutiny. However, there is a much wider slate of concerning Trump administration appointments that are not subject to such strict oversight: During the Trump administration’s waning days following the 2020 election, it announced 187 last-minute appointments to various boards, commissions, and councils that don’t require Senate confirmation. While some of these appointments have already drawn alarm for going to campaign staffers, megadonors, and top administration allies, Accountable.US has unearthed even more troubling names in Trump’s outgoing deluge. Similar to how early Trump administration personnel picks were directly conflicted against the offices they served, many of these late Trump appointments are woefully underqualified or have histories directly at odds with the positions to which they were named—and they are likely to stay in long into the Biden administration. -
The Political Economy of Liberal Democracy*
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY* Sharun Mukand Dani Rodrik Department of Economics John F. Kennedy School of Government University of Warwick Harvard University Coventry CV4 7AL Cambridge, MA 02138 United Kingdom U.S.A. Revised January 2016 * The first draft of this paper was written at the Institute for Advanced Study, to which we are grateful for support. We also thank members of the IAS School of Social Science lunch table for useful discussions, as well as Carles Boix, William Ferguson, Sumon Majumdar, Jan-Werner Müller, Ira Katznelson, and commentators at presentations at Northwestern, London School of Economics, the NBER, Brown, and WINIR-Rio for helpful suggestions. -2- THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY ABSTRACT We distinguish between three sets of rights – property rights, political rights, and civil rights – and provide a taxonomy of political regimes. The distinctive nature of liberal democracy is that it protects civil rights (equality before the law for minorities) in addition to the other two. When democratic transitions are the product of a settlement between the elite (who care mostly about property rights) and the majority (who care mostly about political rights), they generically fail to produce liberal democracy. This is because the minority has neither the resources nor the numbers to make a contribution to the settlement. We develop a formal model to sharpen the contrast between electoral and liberal democracies and highlight circumstances under which liberal democracy can emerge. We discuss informally the difference between social mobilizations sparked by industrialization and decolonization. Since the latter revolve around identity cleavages rather than class cleavages, they are less conducive to liberal politics. -
The Underestimated Oregon Presidential Primary of 1960
The Underestimated Oregon Presidential Primary of 1960 By Monroe Sweetland 0 PresidentJohn E Kennedy on a visit to Astoria, Oregon, in September 1963 This content downloaded from 71.34.78.7 on Mon, 25 May 2020 18:39:50 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms The Friday in Oregon that Made Kennedy President In 1964, Monroe Sweetland, Oregon journalist and legislator and one of thefirst Kennedy organizers in Oregon, wrote this piece about the significance of the 1960 Oregon Primary. Friday, May 20, 1960, was a judgment day which could bring impetus or disaster to the Kennedy-for-President campaign - the Democratic Primary in Oregon. The bandwagon had been rolling well. Each of the six contested primaries - six potential roadblocks - had been cleared. From the beginning in New Hampshire through the rugged battles with Senator Hubert Humphrey in Wisconsin and West Virginia, the Democratic voters had thawed and then warmed to John E Kennedy. Just as the Oregon Trail had been bordered long ago with the bleached bones of those who tried but didn't quite make it, Kennedy's campaign craftsmen knew that defeat in Oregon could be decisive. The growing image of Kennedy as "a winner" could be extinguished by a rebuff in Oregon as convention-time neared. Oregon was the last of the seven contested primaries. It was the only primary testing opinion in the Far West - that terra incognita, to the Bostonians, which lay beyond the Farm Belt. To the Kennedy forces Oregon did not look good, but it couldn't be avoided.