Morality and Nationalism
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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Transculturalism in Chicano Literature, Visual Art, and Film Master's
Transculturalism in Chicano Literature, Visual Art, and Film Master’s Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University Department of Global Studies Jerónimo Arellano, Advisor In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in Global Studies by Sarah Mabry August 2018 Transculturalism in Chicano Literature, Visual Art, and Film Copyright by Sarah Mabry © 2018 Dedication Here I acknowledge those individuals by name and those remaining anonymous that have encouraged and inspired me on this journey. First, I would like to dedicate this to my great grandfather, Jerome Head, a surgeon, published author, and painter. Although we never had the opportunity to meet on this earth, you passed along your works of literature and art. Gleaned from your manuscript entitled A Search for Solomon, ¨As is so often the way with quests, whether they be for fish or buried cities or mountain peaks or even for money or any other goal that one sets himself in life, the rewards are usually incidental to the journeying rather than in the end itself…I have come to enjoy the journeying.” I consider this project as a quest of discovery, rediscovery, and delightful unexpected turns. I would like mention one of Jerome’s six sons, my grandfather, Charles Rollin Head, a farmer by trade and an intellectual at heart. I remember your Chevy pickup truck filled with farm supplies rattling under the backseat and a tape cassette playing Mozart’s piano sonata No. 16. This old vehicle metaphorically carried a hard work ethic together with an artistic sensibility. -
Molos Dimitrios 201212 Phd.Pdf (1.418Mb)
CULTURE, COMMUNITY AND THE MULTICULTURAL INDIVIDUAL Liberalism and the Challenge of Multiculturality by DIMITRIOS (JIM) MOLOS A thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Philosophy in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada December, 2012 Copyright © Dimitrios (Jim) Molos, 2012 ABSTRACT Every theory of liberal multiculturalism is premised on some account of the nature of culture, cultural difference and social reality, or what I call “the conditions of multi- culturality”. In this dissertation, I offer a revised account of the conditions and challenge of multiculturality. Beginning with the widely accepted idea that individuals depend on both culture and community as social preconditions for choice, freedom and autonomy, and informing this idea with collectivist and individualist lessons from Tyler Burge’s famous externalist thought-experiment, my analysis shows that social contexts are multi- cultural when they are characterized by a plurality of social communities offering distinct sets of cultural norms, and individuals are multicultural to the extent that they are capable of using cultural norms from various social communities. The depth, pervasiveness, and complexity of multiculturality raises important normative questions about fair and just terms for protecting and promoting social communities under conditions of internal and external cultural contestation, and these questions are not only restricted to cases involv- ing internal minorities. As a theory of cultural justice, liberal multiculturalism must respond to the challenge of multiculturality generated by cultural difference per se, but it cannot do so adequately in all cases armed with only the traditional tools of toleration, freedom of association and exit, fundamental rights and freedoms, and internal political autonomy. -
11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa
After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States Lowell W. Barrington, Editor http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=126246 The University of Michigan Press 11. Nationalism, Nation Making, & the Postcolonial States of Asia, Africa, & Eurasia RONALD GRIGOR SUNY I have benefited enormously from Lowell Barrington’s clarifying essays on ethnicity and nationalism. His distinction insisting on territorial- ity for the nation but not for ethnicity is very useful. At the same time, in our many discussions, I have argued that his de‹nition of the nation remains, for my money, too objectivist. So I have amended the de‹nitions he offers in his introductory chapter as a prelude to my own discussion of nationalism after independence. My additions are in brackets. “What makes nations different from other groups,” writes Barrington, “is that they are collectives [who feel they are] united by shared cultural features (such as language, myths, and values) and the belief in the right to territorial self-determination. Put another way, they are groups of people [who believe they are] linked by unifying cultural characteristics and the desire to con- trol a territory that is thought of as the group’s rightful homeland.” My amendments here are meant to emphasize the unease I have about too concrete a notion of “cultural features” or “cultural characteristics.” Having heard all my life about the importance of preserving ethnic culture and remaining unsure about what that entailed, I subscribe to a notion -
Masculinity and Transnational Hindu Identity
Nidān, Volume 3, No. 2, December 2018, pp. 18-39 ISSN 2414-8636 Muscular Mahabharatas: Masculinity and Transnational Hindu Identity Sucheta Kanjilal University of Tampa [email protected] "Hence it is called Bharata. And because of its grave import, as also of the Bharatas being its topic, it is called Mahabharata. He who is versed in interpretations of this great treatise, becomes cleansed of every sin. Such a man lives in righteousness, wealth, and pleasure, and attains to Emancipation.” - Mahābhārata (18.5) translation by K. M. Ganguli Abstract The climax of the Sanskrit Mahābhārata is undeniably muscular, since it involves a kṣatriya family fighting a brutal but righteous war. Many 21st century Mahabharata adaptations not only emphasize the muscularity of the epic, but also flex these muscles in an arena beyond the Kurukṣetra battlefield: the world. Through an analysis of texts such as Chindu Sreedharan’s Epic Retold (2015) and Prem Panicker’s Bhimsen (2009), I suggest that the increased visibility of epic warrior narratives across global platforms indicates a desire to re-fashion a hypermasculine identity for Hindus in the transnational religio-political sphere. I see this as an attempt to distance Hinduism from Gandhi’s ‘passive resistance’ and colonial conceptions of the ‘effeminate native’. Instead, it aligns with the nationalist and global aims of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who emphasizes the importance of Hindu traditions and physical fitness for collective prosperity. While these new epic adaptations certainly broaden the reach of Hindu culture beyond national boundaries, I suggest exhuming only warrior narratives from the epic texts oversimplifies Hindu values and threatens a range of gender identities and religious affiliations. -
The Future of the UK
The Future of the UK Between Internal and External Divisions Edited by Marius Guderjan Imprint © 2016 Editor: Marius Guderjan Individual chapters in order © Marius Guderjan, Pauline Schnapper, Sandra Schwindenhammer, Neil McGarvey and Fraser Stewart, Paul Cairney, Paul Carmichael and Arjan Schakel. Centre for British Studies Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin www.gbz.hu-berlin.de Design: Sandra van Lente Cover: Marius Guderjan Cover picture: www.shutterstock.com A printed version of this ebook is available upon request. Printed by WESTKREUZ-DRUCKEREI AHRENS KG Berlin www.westkreuz.de Funded by the Future Concept resources of Humboldt- Universität zu Berlin through the Excellence Initiative of the German Federal Government and its Federal States. The Future of the UK Between Internal and External Divisions Edited by Marius Guderjan Contents Foreword 4 Notes on Contributors 6 1. Between Internal and External Divisions 9 Marius Guderjan 2. The EU Referendum and the Crisis of British Democracy 31 Pauline Schnapper 3. Loose but not Lost! Four Challenges for the EU in the 42 Aftermath of the British Referendum Sandra Schwindenhammer 4. European, not British? Scottish Nationalism and the EU 59 Referendum Neil McGarvey and Fraser Stewart 5. The Future of Scotland in the UK: Does the Remarkable 71 Popularity of the SNP Make Independence Inevitable? Paul Cairney 6. Reflections from Northern Ireland on the Result of the 82 UK Referendum on EU Membership Paul Carmichael 7. Moving Towards a Dissolved or Strengthened Union? 102 Arjan H. Schakel 3 Foreword In the light of the British referendum on EU membership on 23 June, the Centre for British Studies of the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin organised a series of public lectures on the future of the UK during the summer term 2016. -
Sub-National Movements, Cultural Flow, the Modern State and the Malleability of Political Space: from Rational Choice to Transcultural Perspective and Back Again
8 Sub-National Movements, Cultural Flow Sub-National Movements, Cultural Flow, the Modern State and the Malleability of Political Space: From Rational Choice to Transcultural Perspective and Back Again Subrata Mitra, Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg Introduction Using the Telengana movement in South India as a template, this article juxtaposes two methods of analysing the phenomenon of sub-national movements (a special type of ethno-national movement) within the larger framework of the challenge of state-formation and nation-building in multi- ethnic, post-colonial states.1 The methods are as follows: first, explanatory models based on conventional tools of comparative politics such as conflicts of interest, fixed national and regional boundaries, and the strategic manoeuvres of political leaders and their followers. Second, a transcultural approach that draws on political perceptions and behaviour influenced by deep memory, cultural flow, and the hybridisation of indigenous and imported categories. This article applies these methods to the Telengana movement in South India, first, within the theoretical perspective of the rational politics of cultural nationalism, and then extending the method to introduce explanatory phenomena that belong more broadly to the transcultural approach. Though the empirical exemplars are drawn mostly from India, the mthod is applicable to the wider world of sub-national challenges to the modern state. Sub-national movements belong to the generic category of collective efforts used to assert cultural nationalism in a territorial space that corresponds to a homeland that its advocates strongly believe to be legitimately theirs. Typically, 1 An earlier version of this article was presented at the annual conference of the Association for Asian Studies, Honolulu, March 31–April 3, 2011. -
Three Objections to Constitutional Patriotism
cons˙433 CONS2006.cls (1994/07/13 v1.2u Standard LaTeX document class) 3-13-2007 :1237 Three Objections to Constitutional Patriotism Jan-Werner M¨uller Love of country becomes love of leviathan or behemoth, even when, and sometimes especially when, one’s country is a modern republic – that is, a constitutional democ- racy. George Kateb As is well known, constitutional patriotism designates the idea that political attach- ment ought to centre on the norms, the values, and, more indirectly, the procedures of a liberal-democratic constitution. Put differently, allegiance and attachment are not owed primarily to a national culture, as liberal nationalists have claimed, or to “to the world- wide community of human beings,” as for instance Martha Nussbaum’s conception of cosmopolitanism has it.1 As is less well known, the concept of constitutional patriotism has enjoyed very varying fortunes. It was born in postwar divided Germany and has often been seen as a poor substitute for a ‘proper’ national identity – a substitute that was to become redun- dant after the country’s unification. Yet the concept experienced a major renaissance in the 1990s when observers both inside and outside Germany began to view it as a normatively attractive form of civic attachment for increasingly multicultural societies; in recent years, it has also been advanced as a way of conceptualizing “civic identifica- tion” at the supranational level, with some scholars explicitly calling for a “European constitutional patriotism.”2 Finally, constitutional patriotism has -
The Height of Its Womanhood': Women and Genderin Welsh Nationalism, 1847-1945
'The height of its womanhood': Women and genderin Welsh nationalism, 1847-1945 Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Kreider, Jodie Alysa Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 09/10/2021 04:59:55 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280621 'THE HEIGHT OF ITS WOMANHOOD': WOMEN AND GENDER IN WELSH NATIONALISM, 1847-1945 by Jodie Alysa Kreider Copyright © Jodie Alysa Kreider 2004 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partia' Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2004 UMI Number: 3145085 Copyright 2004 by Kreider, Jodie Alysa All rights reserved. INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3145085 Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. -
Progressive Nationalism Citizenship and the Left
As ties of religion, class and ethnicity weaken, national identity may be the best way to preserve the Left’s collective ideals… Progressive Nationalism Citizenship and the Left David Goodhart About Demos Who we are Demos is the think tank for everyday democracy. We believe everyone should be able to make personal choices in their daily lives that contribute to the common good. Our aim is to put this democratic idea into practice by working with organisations in ways that make them more effective and legitimate. What we work on We focus on six areas: public services; science and technology; cities and public space; people and communities; arts and culture; and global security. Who we work with Our partners include policy-makers, companies, public service providers and social entrepreneurs. Demos is not linked to any party but we work with politicians across political divides. Our international network – which extends across Eastern Europe, Scandinavia, Australia, Brazil, India and China – provides a global perspective and enables us to work across borders. How we work Demos knows the importance of learning from experience. We test and improve our ideas in practice by working with people who can make change happen. Our collaborative approach means that our partners share in the creation and ownership of new ideas. What we offer We analyse social and political change, which we connect to innovation and learning in organisations.We help our partners show thought leadership and respond to emerging policy challenges. How we communicate As an independent voice, we can create debates that lead to real change.We use the media, public events, workshops and publications to communicate our ideas. -
Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O
A7_VAROL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/13/2015 3:47 PM Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O. Varol ABSTRACT: Authoritarianism has been undergoing a metamorphosis. Historically, authoritarians openly repressed opponents by violence and harassment and subverted the rule of law to perpetuate their rule. The post- Cold War crackdown on these transparently authoritarian practices provided significant incentives to avoid them. Instead, the new generation of authoritarians learned to perpetuate their power through the same legal mechanisms that exist in democratic regimes. In so doing, they cloak repressive practices under the mask of law, imbue them with the veneer of legitimacy, and render anti-democratic practices much more difficult to detect and eliminate. This Article offers a comprehensive cross-regional account of that phenomenon, which I term “stealth authoritarianism.” Drawing on rational- choice theory, the Article explains the expansion of stealth authoritarianism across different case studies. The Article fills a void in the literature, which has left undertheorized the authoritarian learning that occurred after the Cold War and the emerging reliance on legal, particularly sub-constitutional, mechanisms to perpetuate political power. Although stealth authoritarian practices are more prevalent in nondemocracies, the Article illustrates that they can also surface in regimes with favorable democratic credentials, including the United States. In so doing, the Article aims to orient the scholarly debate towards regime practices, rather than regime -
Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. 2016. “Varieties of American Popular Nationalism.” American Sociological Review 81(5):949-980. Publisher’s version: http://asr.sagepub.com/content/81/5/949 Varieties of American Popular Nationalism Bart Bonikowski Harvard University Paul DiMaggio New York University Abstract Despite the relevance of nationalism for politics and intergroup relations, sociologists have devoted surprisingly little attention to the phenomenon in the United States, and historians and political psychologists who do study the United States have limited their focus to specific forms of nationalist sentiment: ethnocultural or civic nationalism, patriotism, or national pride. This article innovates, first, by examining an unusually broad set of measures (from the 2004 GSS) tapping national identification, ethnocultural and civic criteria for national membership, domain- specific national pride, and invidious comparisons to other nations, thus providing a fuller depiction of Americans’ national self-understanding. Second, we use latent class analysis to explore heterogeneity, partitioning the sample into classes characterized by distinctive patterns of attitudes. Conventional distinctions between ethnocultural and civic nationalism describe just about half of the U.S. population and do not account for the unexpectedly low levels of national pride found among respondents who hold restrictive definitions of American nationhood. A subset of primarily younger and well-educated Americans lacks any strong form of patriotic sentiment; a larger class, primarily older and less well educated, embraces every form of nationalist sentiment. Controlling for sociodemographic characteristics and partisan identification, these classes vary significantly in attitudes toward ethnic minorities, immigration, and national sovereignty. Finally, using comparable data from 1996 and 2012, we find structural continuity and distributional change in national sentiments over a period marked by terrorist attacks, war, economic crisis, and political contention.