Plan Canada

17 /2 June/juin 1977 Canadian Institute lnstitut canadien of Planners des urbanistes

ISSN 0032-0544

17/2 June/juin 1977 Plan Cana a

This issue is devoted to Social Planning and is edited by Mohammad A. Qadeer.

74 Editorial Book Reviews/Comptes rendus 144 The Power to Make It Happen, 76 Abstracts/Resumes Don Keating/Lois Miller

Viewpoints/Points de vue 145 Land and Urban Development, Peter Spurr/William Perks 81 Bridging the Gap: Modern and Traditional/Jim Lotz 148Social Areas in Cities, D.T. Herbert and R.J. Johnston, (eds.)/Clarke Wilson Articles 86 The Scope of Social Planning in Urban 150 Readers' Forum Planning/Mohammad A. Qadeer Ten Books That Influenced Me William Per/cs 96 Neighborhood Planning and Neighbor­ hood Practice 151 Errata John Hitchcock and Donald Bellamy 107 Planning for the Delivery of Social 152 Selected References/ Services at the Local Level Environmental Planning John Gandy and Roger Del,aney 156 Books Received/Nouvelles acquisitions 118 Social Planning in Vancouver Maurice Egan 157 Contents of Other Journals/ 127 Social Planning Practice: Two Case Sommaires d'autres revues Studies/John W. Frei 159 Contributors/ Auteurs des articles 131 Canadian Regional Development Strategy: A Dependency Theory Perspective/Ralph Matthews

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This issue attempts to present a synoptic view of the state of the art of social planning. It seeks to clarify the concept of social planning as applied in urban planning. It examines the current practice to identify significant issues and to highlight Canadian experience.

The emphasis in this issue is on the feasible and the practical in social planning rather than on the idealistic and the philosophical. This emphasis is primarily meant to counteract the notion that social planning is a laudable but impractical task. By giving prominence to the practice of social planning, this issue demonstrates that it is a concrete as well as a viable field of public action. The abundance of literature on what social planning 'ought to be' and the robustness of the social utopian tradition have also encouraged us to focus on the relatively neglected aspects of social planning; that is, application and practice. This choice finds ex1 '"ession in many forms; in the selection of articles, in the treatment of topics, and most of all m the type and level of social planning discussed in this issue.

The focus is on the middle level institutions such as neighborhoods, public bureaucracies and social service agencies. Articles assembled in this issue tend to deal with the organization and functions of these institutions and propose normative models to make them responsive and effective. Obviously this is a reformist approach to social planning which is closer to the public planning traditions.

Societal planning envisioning restructuring of major social institutions is a legitimate field of social planning. It usually culminates in proposing a blueprint for social and political mobiliza­ tion. Such tasks are generally beyond the normal sphere of activities of public bureaucracies. Thus, the social planning that is to be implemented by public functionaries is likely to focus on middle range social organizations. This issue has stayed close to such concerns. It aims to raise the planning profession's responsiveness to human concerns and sociological needs.

Jim Lotz, drawing on the Canadian experience, argues for reliance on community development workers as synthesizers of linear-rational and non-linear-intuitive modes of thought in a planning process. Mohammad Qadeer takes stock of contemporary urban planning and outlines the role that social planning plays in it. Four elements of the social planning process are identified and a paradigm of practice is postulated. John Hitchcock and Donald Bellamy review Toronto's neighborhood planning experience and put forth the concept of 'neighborhood prac­ tice' which combines community development and area development approaches. John Gandy and Roger Delaney find the concept of a multi-service center to be deficient for integrated delivery of social services. They suggest that without devolution of financial and administrative powers, a responsive and wholesome process of social service delivery is not likely to emerge. Maurice Egan documents the achievements of the Vancouver City Social Planning Department and thus provides a concrete sample of institutionalized social planning. A model of social planning methods is provided by John Frei who presents two case studies as illustrations. Ralph Matthews finds Canadian regional development strategy devoid of social considerations and detrimental to an equitable social organization. According to him, this perpetuates the duality between the advanced-metropolitan and depressed-dependent regions in Canada.

74 Plan Canada 17/2 June/juin 1977 Many common themes run through these articles. There is the notion of social planning specifi­ cally addressing itself to social structural changes and acting as an instrument to promote equity among social constituencies. Almost all articles argue for establishing locally responsive and accountable processes of planning. Some of these ideas are familiar in planning circles and others may be new. But they still need to be absorbed both institutionally and individually.

This is not an opportune time to bring out an issue on social planning. Social planning is not high on public agendas. The Just Society is retreating from the public scene. Social services are being retrenched and a reaction to the welfare state of the 1960s is abroad. There are no lavish grants to be claimed and the popular media have moved on to other issues and topics. In sum, social planning issues are not fashionable causes anymore. Such is not the climate for mounting a thematic issue on social planning. Yet the absence of a bandwagon may in itself be a blessing. It is a time for cool reflection and analysis. We can learn from the experiences of the past decade which witnessed many advances in social planning; we can sift the rhetoric from the substance.

These hopes have inspired this issue. It brings together findings from a variety of settings. Yet much needs to be analyzed, experimented with and discussed to incorporate social planning in urban planning. We might as well begin.

Mohammad A. Qadeer

Editorial 75 ABSTRACTS/RESUMES

Jim Lotz, Bridging the Gap: Modern and Jim Lotz, Comment com bier la breche entre Traditional le moderne et le traditionnel This article examines the problems that Dans cet article on examine les problemes arise when technological societies and tradi­ qui surviennent lorsque les societes techno­ tional cultures come into contact. In logiques entrent en contact avec les cultures Canada's hinterlands, both types of society traditionnelles. Dans les arriere-pays du co-exist. One society is rooted in urbanized, Canada, les deux types de societes coexist­ individualized values, and the other in com­ ent. L'une de ces societes prend ses racines munity-based social systems. Planners dans des valeurs urbanisees, individual­ have to derive information from both ways isees, et l'autre dans des systemes sociaux of looking at the world. To assist in this bases sur la notion de communaute. Les synthesis, a new role is emerging-the com­ planificateurs doivent tirer des renseigne­ munity development worker. ments des deux fa9ons de voir le monde. Community development workers Pour aider a accomplir cette synthese, un encourage input from people with 'rational' nouveau role est en train de se creer, celui de knowledge and those with 'intuitive' l'agent de developpement communautaire. wisdom to assist in the social aspects of the Les agents de developpementcommunau­ planning process. The implications of hemi­ taire encouragent ceux qui possedent la spheric specialization of the brain are dis­ connaissance rationnelle aussi bien que cussed as the basis for understanding this ceux qui ont la sagesse intuitive a leur approach to planning in Canada. fournir des renseignements et a participer aux aspects sociaux de la planification. On discute des implications de la specialisation hemispherique du cerveau, comme etant le Mohammad A. Qadeer, The Scope of Social point de depart pour une bonne comprehen­ Planning in Urban Planning sion de cette fa9on d'envisager l'urbanisme The role of social planning within the frame­ au Canada. work of comprehensive urban planning is to assess social structural changes arising from current or proposed physical and/or economic development and to formulate Mohammad A. Qadeer, L'envergure de la policies and programs for the delivery of planification sociale en urbanisme social services in a community. These tasks Le role de la planification sociale dans le are likely to be more effectively carried out cadre d'un urbanisme d'ensemble est if physical and social planning are inte­ d'evaluer les changements dans la structure grated in a comprehensive process. This sociale provenant du developpement means that social goals might be realized physique et/ou economique propose ou en through physical development and design cours et d'elaborer des politiques et des pro­ objectives may be attained through the grammes pour la diffusion des services implementation of social policies, and so on. sociaux dans une communaute. Ces tftches Only such a process can ensure a develop­ seront probablement executees de maniere ment which is responsive to social needs. plus efficace si la planification social et

76 Plan Canada In this article, the four dimensions of tlie physique est integree dans un processus social planning process have been identified d'ensemble. Cela veut dire que les buts and an attempt made to clarify the d'ordre social pourraient iltre realises grllce meanings of this term in the context of a un developpement physique et qu'on urban planning. A five level paradigm has pourrait rendre effectifs les objectifs de la also been formulated to assess the scope of planification a travers les politiques sociales the social planning practice. The article etc. Seul un tel processus peut nous assurer suggests that social planning is an emerg­ que le developpement se fera d'une maniere ing specialty and its practice has not been a repondre aux besoins sociaux. fully institutionalized. On a determine dans cet article les quatre dimensions de la planification sociale et on a essaye d'eclaircir les significations de ce terme dans le contexte de l'urbanisme. On a John Hitchcock and Donald Bellamy, Neigh­ aussi formule un paradigme a cinq niveaux borhood Planning and Neighborhood pour evaluer l'envergure de la pratique des Practice politiques de la planification sociale. Cet The article describes the range of activities article suggere que la planification sociale in Toronto in which paid employees are est une specialite naissante et que la assigned to work at the neighborhood level pratique n'en a pas ete vraiment institu­ while providing neighborhood services or tionalisee. engaging in community development activ­ ities. This range of activities is termed 'neighborhood practice.' Neighborhood planning is one part of this spectrum of John Hitchcock et Donald Bellamy, La plani­ activities. fication des voisinages et la pratique des Citizen participation is a major process in politiques du voisinage neighborhood practice. It is argued that the Cet article decrit la Serie d'activites a factors which generate participation are Toronto dans le cadre desquelles des many and diverse and that, as a conse­ employes remuneres ont pour tllche de quence, levels and types of participation are travailler au niveau des voisinages tout en naturally variable across neighborhoods fournissant des services de voisinage ou en and over time. Given this complexity, s'adonnant a des activites destinees au we should not seek to treat all forms of developpement de la communaute. Cette neighborhood participation as a single serie d'activites est ce qu'on appelle la phenomenon, nor try to make generaliza­ pratique des politiques du voisinage. La tions for all situations. planification des voisinages est une partie The authors draw on Roland Warren's de cette gamme d' activites. concepts of vertical and horizontal systems La participation des habitants est un in order to develop a basis for a general element capital dans la pratique des politi­ approach toward neighborhoods. They ques du voisinage. On soutient dans cet argue that neighborhood planning should article que les facteurs qui suscitent la be viewed as part of this approach rather participation sont nombreux et divers et than as an isolated activity. Some tentative que par consequent, les niveaux et les types ideas are put forward concerning the role of de participation varient evidemment selon a general policy toward neighborhoods. The les voisinages et selon les temps. Etant purpose of such a policy would be to create donne cette complexite, on ne devrait ni better mechanisms to relate horizontal and chercher a traiter toutes les formes de vertical systems. participation au voisinage comme un phenomene simple, ni essayer de generaliser sur !'ensemble des situations. Les auteurs s'appuient sur les concepts des systemes verticaux et horizontaux emis

Abstracts n John Gandy and Roger Delaney, Planning par Roland Warren, pour etablir un point de for the Delivery of Social Services at the depart qui permettrait d'aborder de fa9on Local Level plus generale la question des voisinages. Ils In an effort to increase the efficiency, avail­ soutiennent que la planification des voisin­ ability, comprehensiveness, and effective­ ages devrait 1\tre consideree comme etant ness of social service delivery systems, une composante de cette maniere d'aborder social planners have been advocating both a la question, plutot que comme une activite major organizational reform based on a isolee. A titre d'essai, ils avancent quelques decentralized service delivery system to idees sur le role d'une politique generale des increase citizen input and participation and voisinages. Le but d'une telle politique an integrated social service delivery serait de creer des mecanismes qui strategy. In this regard, the multi-service etabliraient de meilleurs rapports entre les centers have been receiving considerable systemes horizontaux et verticaux. attention. This article critically examines how well multi-service centers have been able to accomplish these objectives. After John Gandy et Roger Delaney, La planifica­ examining various efforts to implement tion pour la diffusion des services sociaux au these centers in Canada and the United niveau local States, a number of fundamental problems with multi-service centers are identified and Dans un effort pour augmenter l'efficacite, the centers are characterized as being la disponibilite, la portee et le rendement basically government-initiated administra­ des systemes de diffusion des services tive reform enterprises. After examining sociaux, les planificateurs sociaux the political implications of regionalization, preconisent a la fois une reforme organisa­ a proposed model for an integrated regional tionnelle majeure basee sur un systeme de social service delivery system is presented. diffusion des services decentralise, qui Fundamental to this model is the devolu­ augmenterait la contribution et la partici­ tion of power and financial capability to pation des citoyens, et une strategie de regional and municipal authorities. diffusion des services sociaux integree. A cet egard les centres multi-services ont ete suivis de tres pres. Cet article fait une etude critique du degre de reussite avec lequel les Maurice Egan, Social Planning in Vancouver centres multi-services sont parvenus a This article provides a case study of social atteindre ces objectifs. Apres avoir examine planning within a municipal framework in divers efforts pour rendre effectifs ces Vancouver. centres au Canada et aux Etats-Unis, on The circumstances leading up to the presente uncertain nombre de problemes establishment of a Social Planning Depart­ fondament aux rencontres dans les centres ment are described and the various activi­ multi-services et on remarque que les ties of the Department are discussed. Social centres sont essentiellement des entreprises environment planning is a part of the social de reformes administratives lancees par le planning process and thus the Department gouvernement. Apres avoir examine les is involved with zoning, housing, transpor­ implications politiques de la regionalisa­ tation, and social, cultural, and recreational tion, on propose un modele de systeme de amenities. diffusion des services sociaux regional Vancouver's response to social change is integre. La conception de ce modele est manifested in the wide range of social plan­ basee sur la decentralisation du pouvoir et ning activities discussed in the article. de l' administration budgetaire qui passer­ aient tous deux aux autorites regionales et municipales.

78 Plan Canada John W. Frei, Social Planning Practice: Two Maurice Egan, La planification sociale a Case Studies Vancouver The social planning process differs from Cet article presente une etude de cas de other planning processes in the basic moti­ planification sociale dans un cadre munici­ vation of concern for the well-being of pal a Vancouver. people. The endangering of this well-being On y decrit les circonstances qui ont can stem from various causes. The methods mene a la creation d'un Departement de la of social planning discussed are expressed planification sociale et on y debat les in the model in Figure 1 of the article. To diverses activites du departement. La plani­ illustrate these methods, two case studies of fication sociale de l'environnement faisant successful social planning projects are partie du processus de planification sociale, presented, the Projet d' Action Sociale et iI s'ensuit que le departement a a faire avec Scolaire in Montreal (1965-1969), and its des questions de zonage, de logement, de continuation, L'Operation Renouveau transport, avec tout ce qui est relatif aux ( 1970-to date), aiming at improvements in loisirs et aux attraits sociaux et culturels de the education of socioeconomically disad­ la ville. vantaged children in the Montreal Catholic La vaste gamme d'activites relatives a la School Commission schools, and Project planification sociale dont on discute dans North of the Anglican Church of Canada cet article montre comment Vancouver fait which developed a program of action to face aux changements sociaux. improve living conditions for the people in the North over the years 1973-1982. This was recently extended to an Inter-Church Project on Northern Territories involving John W. Frei, La pratique des politiques de la six churches in the Yukon and Northwest planification sociale: deux etudes de cas Territories. La planification sociale se distingue d' autres formes de planification par la preoccupation fondamentale de la planifi­ cation sociale du bien-1'.\tre de la population Ralph Matthews, Canadian Regional Devel­ interessee. Les tAches de la planification opment Strategy: A Dependency Theory sociale (p.s.) sont: !'identification des Perspective besoins et des problemes sociaux du cas; Explanations of underdevelopment can be !'utilisation de la recherche comme outil de divided into two categories: those which see la p.s.; !'introduction du 'feedback' cyber­ underdevelopment as a consequence of netique dans le processus permettant des weaknesses in the local economy and changements si necessaire; la co-operation society (modernization theory); and those etroite avec des systemes sociaux et avec la which see underdevelopment as essentially population concernee. Le processus de la a product of economic and social forces p.s. se developpe pas a pas comme indique external to the underdeveloped country or au diagramme 1. Deux resumes des cas region (dependency theory). This article actuels de la p.s. sont attaches demontrant examines Canada's regional development !'utilisation du processus indique au dia­ strategy from a dependency theory perspec­ gramme 1. L'un est le Projet d' Action tive. It is argued that, from such a perspec­ Sociale et Scolaire (P.A.S.S.) developpe a tive, Canadian regional development Montreal entre 1965 et 1969 visant a strategy is value-biased in favor of ameliorer !'education des enfants sous­ economic factors and neglects social consid­ privilegies et sa continuation, L'Operation erations; that it alters the social class Renouveau ( 1970-1975 ). L'autre, le Projet structure of Canada's underdeveloped Nord de l'Eglise anglicane du Canada, vise regions in ways which are detrimental to a ameliorer des strategies et des priorities the interests of the majority of the popula- de cette eglise dans le Nord du Canada aux

Abstracts 79 tion; that it provides financial assistance to annees 1973-1982. Ce projet a abouti a those interests which are actually major l'organisation d'un projet conjoint des contributors to underdevelopment; that it Eglises: anglicane, catholique, lutherienne, contributes to a growing duality between mennonite, unie et presbyterienne qui urban and rural areas within Canada's travaillent dans le Nord jusqu' a present. underdeveloped regions; and that such policies are likely to encourage the further dependency of Canada's underdeveloped regions. The article concludes with an Ralph Matthews, La strategie canadienne examination of alternative approaches pour le developpement regional: une pers­ which might bring about social and econom­ pective theorique de dependance ic equality between the regions of Canada. Les explications du sous-developpement se classent en general sous deux rubriques: celles qui considerent le sous-developpe­ ment comme une consequence des faiblesses de l'economie locale et de la societe (theorie de la modernisation); et celles qui consi­ derent le sous-developpement comme un produit des forces economiques et sociales qui sont exterieures au pays OU a la region sous-developpes. Cet article etudie la strategie canadienne pour le developpement regional du point de vue d'une theorie de dependance. De cette perspective, !'auteur emet l'argument que cette strategie canadienne est partiale envers les facteurs economiques et qu'elle neglige les aspects sociaux; qu'elle modifie la structure des classes sociales des regions sous-develop­ pees du Canada de fac;on a nuire aux intert\ts de la majorite de la population; qu'elle donne de l'aide financiere aux groupements qui contribuent le plus au sous-developpement; qu'elle contribue a une dichotomie croissante entre les secteurs urbains et ruraux des regions canadiennes sous-developpees; et qu'elle encourage la dependance accrue des regions canadiennes sous-developpees. L'auteur termine son etude en examinant comment on pourrait aborder le probleme tout en contribuant a l'egalite economique et sociale des regions canadiennes.

80 Plan Canada VIEWPOINTS/POINTS DE VUE

Bridging the Gap: Modern and Traditional Jim Lotz

Planning is a social invention that develop­ The case of the Viru Valley illustrates well ed as men in western technologically ad­ the gulf in understanding that exists be­ vanced societies became aware that they tween the rational, technically oriented could exercise some degree of control over advisor and the traditional society. The their physical environment. In traditional technical commission ignored the know­ societies, people have limited control over ledge of the local people about the water their physical environment, although they supply and ignored the local leadership. The pay great attention to controlling the social site of the first well was on the property of a and cultural environment to cut down con­ large landowner who was disliked by both flict and threats to the integrity of the large and small landowners. The local group. Social planning implies that the lives governing board, imposed from outside, of people can be planned so that they are was transitory, and not really representa­ not subject to the arbitrary forces that tive of the local people. It showed little restrict their choices. Social planning interest in the project, and many of the local involves intervention in the lives of other leaders (the priest, the school director) did people, ostensibly for their benefit. not support it. Rumor, gossip, and misin­ Planners and technocrats are usually formation circulated because people were portrayed as calm rational people who not adequately informed. A large group of determine, 'objectively' and from hard powerful men in the village saw the project facts, the limits of what can be done to as a threat to a way of life they were trying control the environment. In social planning, to conserve. Change and progress were new of course, the data are much less specific concepts in Viru. The local people relied and consist of 'subjective' factors, local upon religious beliefs to explain the lack of feelings, sentiments, values, etc. Planners water and to ensure their existing supply. have been increasingly put on the defensive The idea that their water supply could be as they move out of the centers of power assured and controlled by technology was a and confront people whose values and new idea for them. assumptions are not derived from the intel­ The Spicer book was published twenty-five lectual history and the social beliefs that years ago, and its theme of the lack of arose in western Europe during the 18th understanding and of conflict between tech­ and 19th centuries. nologically trained specialists and those Spicer's book, Human Problems in Tech­ who dwell in the world of the peasant nological Change, indicates the problems of villages has been repeated and recorded bringing the benefits of modern civilization again and again. Urban dwellers. at all to traditional societies in small, isolated income levels are showing increasing skill in communities.1 In the Viru Valley in Peru, thwarting the efforts of those who plan for the local people asked for government help them, rather than with them.3 'Traditional in drilling wells, and then refused to co­ people' are moving into cities, and urban operate and to provide 'sweat equity' when dwellers are moving into rural areas. Until the government sent a technical team into recently, it was believed that traditional the valley to drill the wells. 2 peoples lived in far away places, while

Plan Canada l','/2 June/juin 1977 81 'modernized' people inhabited the countries aids it has become a familiar figure in of North America and Europe. But there is Canada. They have also appeared in Europe. plenty of evidence that these two worlds­ Social workers sent in to eject squatters in one of rationality, linearity, objectivity, the London changed roles and supported other of emotionalism, non-linearity, and them, 8 and Dutch social workers have subjectivity-coexist in all societies, and become concerned about the impact of plan­ at varying levels in the consciousness of ning and development on the poor and the people. In a church in a remote part of 'dwellers in the twilight' in the cities. 9 Pro­ Scotland, I saw a corn dolly hanging on the fessional planners find themselves trapped wall. The corn dolly is woven from the between the requirements of politicians and stems of wheat and barley, and hung up in policy makers, and the pressures from the hope that the 'harvest daemon' will below by citizen groups. The idea that come to rest in it, and ensure the next year's people can be 'planned for' is vanishing, but crop. When the Inuit developed their what can take its place? concept of self-government, they borrowed There's a vague belief that 'marxism' is the the 'corporate model' of organization. In answer. Social planning with a marxist bias this, all Inuit would be shareholders in a would involve the poor and the powerless development corporation, and thus have a taking charge of the social system. They say in the programs that affect them.4 would somehow be miraculously able to The Spicer book contains case studies of undertake highly technical tasks with no adaptation to change among Indians, training and no special skills. This sort of Japanese, Aborigines, and other isolated or romanticization of the poor and the power­ traditional groups. Included in the book, less ignores experiences where these people however, is a case study from Nova Scotia;5 have shown that they are not immune to it is derived from the famous 'Stirling blundering and costly mistakes that County' study directed by Alexander damage the lives of those they set out to Leighton.6 The authors examine the reality help. In Cape Breton, left wing councils in behind the stereotypes of a group of people many towns in the industrial areas found living in 'Monkeytown,' who were described that their ideology did not provide specific by their neighbors as 'just no damn good.' answers and solutions to problems of roads, They concluded that the people of 'The sewers, and water supply that had bedevil­ Road' were of normal intelligence, but they led previous councils with a different politi­ were poorer than their neighbors, more cal bias. casual and informal about marital relations, Research on citizen participation indicates and did not place a high value on reliability, that upper and middle class people have providing for the future, and religion. The long term goals, while low income people people studied derived their identity from want immediate answers to pressing geographic relationships, but also because problems.10 In Riverdale, Toronto, an they were disowned and rejected by the animator tried to build up a community adjacent communities. power base so that people could run their As urbanization and industrialization have own affairs.11 Most people in this working accelerated in Canada over the past ten class area wanted to get rid of some pollut­ years, many isolated groups and communi­ ing plants and to have access to a few more ties have been swept into the orbit of services. They were not interested in a government plans, programs, and projects. radical restructuring of society. The debate Inevitably, if the behavior of these people in northern development has been shot differed from the norms of urban society, through with conflict between economically­ they were considered to have problems, and oriented groups and those who place social various forms of intervention were launched and human considerations first.12 The to help them.7 The 'refugee professional' planner often sits in the middle, crying 'a -planner, lawyer, social worker, academic plague on both their houses.' Non-planning -who opposes development rather than and crisis-intervention have become a form

82 Bridging the Gap of planning in Canada. years ago why they did not have larger At one time in the Arctic, igloos and radar boats, they would explain their absence by domes sat side by side. One housed a 'natural causes'-the wind. Now they will family, the other instruments for detecting complain that they don't have bigger boats hostile missiles and aircraft. Both have because the government won't build a been rendered obsolete by advanced techno­ jetty.15 logy. The snowhouse is an unhealthy place This means that a restricting factor that used to be and the individual radar dome has been considered a constant, now has become a variable that replaced by larger centralized early warning can be manipulated through skilful maneuvering and membership in coalitions. systems. The radar systems require a great Brox puts his finger on the problem of plan­ deal of technological skill and knowledge in ning in hinterland areas.16 electronics. The igloo is a home-made As the changes ... would reduce the freedom of some product, but its construction demands participants in the economic game, they would likely equally sophisticated skill and knowledge. try to beat the system, through economic guerilla One kind of knowledge is neither inferior tactics ... or through the use of their political power nor superior to the other; both are required . , , The history of planning is full of such cases, the for survival as each culture defines what most illustrative being the way in which the New­ foundland outport population has modified, beaten, threatens it most. and abused the resettlement programs. In Atlantic Canada, and across large parts Life in the outports is extremely precarious, of the hinterland, the two worlds of Canada so any outside intervention or plan that can be seen in the landscape. Social limits what freedom the people have will be planning has to be able to understand and opposed or subverted. Brox suggests: 17 work within the constraints of both By relating policy measures to a model of process traditional and modern technologies. In rather than to a model of pattern, planning becomes northern Manitoba, pulp mills and hydro more realistic and useful and less pretentious. Process electric plants exist side by side with com­ thinking implies that one focuses on the individual's munities that still rely on hunting and situation of choice rather than on a utopian vision of how the unit, be it an industry, a local community, a trapping for a living. On Cape Breton region, or a nation, ought to be patterned as the end Island, the western part is a land of small result of planned action. farms and fishing villages; the eastern part But how do planners communicate with is heavily industrialized, with pulp and hinterland people? How do they provide paper mills, heavy water plants, steel information, and get input from them? In complexes, and oil refineries.13 People live the hinterland, two groups of people face with a foot in both worlds-the close world each other, as it were. The planners are of the community and kin, and the open academic, university trained, logical, world of individualism and technical skills: theoretical, based at the centers of power; the world of the physical environment the people of the hinterland have low levels where control is seldom possible over of formal education; they are intuitive, events, and the technological setting where practical, and with limited power to influ­ controls of energy and power have to be ence events. To avoid confrontation and done with a high degree of precision. In his manipulation, it is not enough to tack a study of Newfoundland, Ottar Brox noted course or two in cultural anthropology onto the existence of a dualistic economy the training of planners, or to call public there.14 meetings in which planners explain what Modern trawling and ·processing corporations, utiliz­ they intend to do. Rather, it will be ing the newest technology, coexist with family-organ­ necessary to develop and to identify ized fishing units using an almost medieval technology in catching and processing the fish. bridging organizations and individuals who can understand and operate in both worlds. Brox remarks on a cognitive change that They should be able to scan and screen both has taken place in hinterland areas in the the traditional world and the linear world, past two decades. As he puts it, if you and act as enablers in the planning and asked the people in the outports twenty development process.

Lotz 83 This is what community developers do; the tional potential has remained underdeveloped for lack techniques of community development of relevant exposure. There is likely a parallel lack of arose initially in British Colonial Africa as appositional development in persons whose only education consists of the three 'R's.' That is, just as the traditional peoples tried to adapt to left-hemisphere potential for propositionizing may be modernization with limited resources.18 underdeveloped, so too should we expect that right­ Community development involves the hemisphere capacities can suffer educational neg­ creation and recognition of a new role in lect.22 In Canada, we have access to both modes of society. These roles have an institutional thought. The information flows come from setting; the individuals don't simply act as the centers of western thought, and from freelance agents of change. In Newfound­ the land and the people who still retain land, the government has helped to set up traditional ways. Historically, it has always regional development associations that act as 'buffering and enabling' bodies to give been necessary to understand both sources of information in order to survive. The people control over their own locally-origi­ factors of the Hudson's Bay Company who nated projects. These bodies also can screen proposals for development generated operated in the remote reaches of Canada outside the region for their benefit.19 Pross had to process two types of information­ compares how two Nova Scotia towns, Port the records, accounts, and bills of commer­ Hawkesbury and Bridgewater, handled the cial trading companies, and the messages arrival of new industry.20 Port Hawkes­ that came from the land about ice and bury got too much industry too quickly, weather conditions that governed the move­ whereas the people in Bridgewater worked ment of their goods and their customers and to attract industry that was compatible suppliers. The 'educated' clerks in the with the lifestyle of the community. In their counting houses in London totting up planning, they used the services of a sensi­ figures in the ledgers were as vital to the tive and skilled planner who understood Hudson's Bay Company operations as were and respected their way of life. the 'illiterate' coureurs de bois who had to Social planning in Canada in the future will judge how far away freeze-up was by watch­ have to understand, respect, and make use ing the river ice and the leaves on the trees. of two kinds of knowledge-the rational It is obvious that planners must be sensi­ kind and that based on intuition. Training tive to other kinds of information coming in planning emphasizes linear modes of from those for whom they are planning. The thought, and verbal expression. In his work planning pro~ess creates some order in the on 'the dark side of the brain,' Bogen notes lives of people struggling to make sense of a the bias of western education.21 confusing, changing world. It's obvious that planning cannot be imposed on people : .. our own society (admittedly complex) seems to be, m some .r~spects, a good example (i.e., of right-hemi­ or communities: but using both right-hemi­ ~phere. ill_1teracy): a scholasticized, post-Gutenberg­ sphere and left-hemisphere knowledge to mdustriahzed, computer-happy exaggeration of the clarify goals and to initiate processes to Graeco-Roman penchant for propositionizing. achieve mutually agreed upon goals does The left hemisphere of the brain handles offer a way forward. Neither technology and s~eaking, reading, and calculating, proposi­ linear thinking nor intuitive feelings and tional modes of expression that can best be appositional thinking offer instant solu­ expressed in words. The right hemisphere tions to the problems of change. There's a gathers and processes information in a danger of swinging over to a totally intui­ different way. It's more attuned to 'reading' tive approach as a reaction to the emphasis spaces and faces, and to 'vibrations.' The in the West on planning and rational left hand side of the brain sees messages in thought and action. In one of his fables for isolation; the right hand sees things in a our time, the humorist James Thurber holistic manner. noted that there are two ways to fall down Bogen concludes, -flat on your back and flat on your face. We are accustomed to hear, these days, of the 'cultur­ The difficult thing is to stand upright. The ally disadvantaged,' those persons whose proposi- Canadian experience of standing upright

84 Bridging the Gap between the demands of both highly 14 Ottar Brox, Newfoundland Fishermen in the Age of Industry: A Sociology of Economic Dualism. technological societies and of traditional Newfoundland: Memorial University, Institute of societies and cultures may be useful to both Social and Economic Research, 1972, p. 20. 'modernized societies' and to those that are 15 Ibid., p. 103. trying to retain something of their indi­ 16 Ibid., p. 85-86. genous culture as a way of handling the 17 Ibid., p. 86. 18 Kenneth Bradley, Once A District Officer. impact of rapid change.23 London: Macmillan, 1966, includes accounts of how community development began in what is now Zambia. It began with Africans asking for a greater degree of control over their own lives, at a time when resources were scarce. NOTES 19 Jim Lotz, 'Emerging Patterns of Entrepreneur­ ship,' Axiom, vol. 3, no. 1, Nov./Dec. 1976, pp. 1 Edward H. Spicer, Human Problems in Technolo­ 44-45. gical Change. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 20 Paul A. Pross, Planning and Development: A Science Editions, 1965. Case of Two Nova Scotia Communities. Halifax: 2 Allan R. Holmberg, 'The Wells That Failed' in The Institute of Public Affairs, Dalhousie Univer­ Spicer, ibid., pp. 113-123. sity, 1975. 3 Cf. Edgar S. Cahn, and Barry A. Passett, {eds.), 21 J.E. Bogen, 'Some Educational Aspects of Hemi­ Citizen Participation: Effecting Community spheric Specialization,' UCLA Educator, vol. 17, Change. New York: Praegar, 1971-or read your 1975, p. 29. daily newspaper any evening! 22 Ibid., pp. 27-29. 4 Nunavut. A Proposal for the Settlement of Inuit 23 In my book, Understanding Canada. Toronto: NC Lands in the Northwest Territories. Ottawa: Press, 1977, I have tried to synthesize the know­ Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, Feb. 27, 1976. ledge gained in about seventeen years of work in 5 Allister Macmillan and Alexander H. Leighton, community development and to trace the history 'People of the Hinterland. Community Interrela­ of the movement in the world and in Canada. tions in a Maritime Province of Canada' in Spicer, Various attempts at intervening in the lives of op. cit., pp. 225-243. Canadians are documented and analyzed. 6 Alexander H. Leighton, My Name is Legion. Foundations for a Theory of Man in Relation to Culture. vol. 1. The Stirling County Study of· Psychiatric Disorder and Sociocultural Environ­ ment. New York: Basic Books, 1959. 7 One_ of the few Canadian books to record the migration process from the rural areas to the city from a participant's point of view is that of Sophia Firth, The Urbanization of Sophia Firth. Toronto: Peter Martin Associates, 1974. 8 D. Carter and J. Barter, 'Climbing off the Fence,' in Eric Butterworth and Robert Holman, Social Welfare in Modern Britain. London: Fontana/ Collins, 1975, pp. 353-356. 9 'Participation in Urban Renewal,' Clearing House Abstracts, vol. 4. The Hague, European Regional Clearing House for Community Work, undated. 10 I am deeply appreciative of the insights into the processes of citizen participation that I have gained in discussions with Dr. Jim McNiven, Department of Political Science, University of Western Ontario, London. 11 Don Keating, The Power to Make It Happen. Toronto, Green Tree, 1976. 12 See Hugh and Karmel McCullum and John Olthuis, Moratorium, Justice, Energy, the North and the Native Peoples. Toronto: The Anglican Book Centre, 1977. The writers of this book are basically taking on the role of Old Testament prophets, preaching doom and gloom unless we change our ways. 13 Pat and Jim Lotz, Cape Breton Island. Vancou­ ver: Douglas, David and Charles, 1974.

Lotz 85 ARTICLES

The Scope of Social Planning in Urban Planning

Mohammad A. Qadeer

Introduction This article is addressed to the task of Social planning is an elusive term. It is not clarifying some of these ambiguities. It is a formalized discipline or a profession, at primarily meant to explore the role of social least not compared with law, business planning within the domain of urban plan­ administration or even urban planning. ning. By reviewing the current notions as Three professions claim to be practicing well as the practice, I will attempt to define social planning. Professional social work the role that social planning can and does involves the promotion, organization and play as a part of the urban planning delivery of health and welfare services, and process. By postulating social planning as a planning for these tasks is its form of social subset of urban planning, I am not claiming planning. Programming and planning for any supremacy of urban planning. Given housing and community services is the the diversity of approaches, it is only appro­ basis of urban planning's claim to the prac­ priate that social planning be examined in a tice of social planning. Contemporary specific context. First then, I will begin by planned efforts for national development (a briefly describing the domain of urban plan­ la five year plans) combining economic ning. growth, social transformation and institu­ Urban Planning: Old and New tion building have also been called social Urban planning is the process of guiding planning. These are the three functional the development of an area in accordance variants of social planning. Many activities with the public interest and inhabitants' are characterized as social planning because needs and aspirations.3 Development is the they follow procedures and processes attri­ key word in this definition. Conventionally, buted to social planning. For example, the term development in urban planning citizen participation in public decision­ has meant buildings and public works. making processes has often qualified it as Planning and regulation of land use have social planning as has advocacy planning.1 been the legislatively prescribed function of Similarly, social policy analysis, which urban planning. Because the profession essentially means the application of scien­ enjoys a publicly sanctioned authority over tific methods to the analysis of social these matters, it has a long standing issues, is also being offered as a practice of commitment to seek a balanced and effi­ social planning. These variants of the term cient pattern of spatial developments.4 Yet social planning detract from its clarity and this emphasis on physical development has the precision of its meanings. Yet its not remained unchallenged. The theme that humanistic connotations have made this a 'city is the people,' and not just territory, term, as Rose says, 'a fad.' 2 has steadily gained ground. 5

86 Plan Canada 17/2 June/juin 1977 Over the past two decades particularly, it concerns. Obviously, the new urban has been recognized that the spatial planning is more hospitable to social structure of an area is really the 'end planning. It can be said unequivocally that product' of a series of events and policies. the fortunes of social planning as a special­ By merely dealing with land use, an appro­ ity of urban planning are tied to the fate of priate spatial structure can not be assured the new comprehensive approach. nor can the development and welfare of a The new urban planning is still in the state community be guaranteed. Gradually urban of becoming rather than being. Lest the pre­ planning is beginning to include concerns ceding description give an impression that such as area-wide housing policies, the transformation of urban planning is an manpower and employment programs, accomplished fact, I must hasten to add industrial development and programs for that this is far from being true. Major gains the delivery of public facilities and have been made towards the institutional­ services. 6 -These 'new' interests have lent a ization of the new urban planning in the comprehensiveness to the planning process United States, Canada, and Britain-the and have rendered it more relevant to the English-speaking advanced countries. Yet health and welfare of an areal community. the process is not complete. The change is This evolution from physical to compre· more evident in the theory of urban hensive planning has also begun to be planning and in its literature than in reflected in city plans. Instead of a detailed practice. The professional practice remains map of proposed land use, the output of the wedded to the tasks of physical develop­ urban planning process increasingly takes ment, and the inertia, as well as the intoxi­ the form of a report based on statistical cating effects of the power inhering in such analysis and concluding with policies and pursuits, are retarding the infusion of new programs. Even the instruments of land approaches. Master planning and zoning planning are beginning to be affected by remain entrenched practices. Planners as these changes. There is an emerging well as politicians find them irresistible. emphasis on land policies and administra­ There are international as well as intra­ tion rather than on zoning maps and master national differences in the degree to which plans. new urban planning has been adopted. With the assumption of new concerns, the Even in the United States, where most of methods and 'tools' of urban planning also the contemporary stirrings originated, the have been undergoing extensive changes. adoption of the new urban planning has not Policy analysis, modeling and the systems proceeded smoothly. In reviewing the approach, programming and budgeting, current state of the art, Kaufmann concedes and advocacy of special interest groups are that planning practice has registered becoming the operational instruments of important differences since the 1950s (e.g., urban planning. 7 Thus, urban planning is a policy planning approach instead of con­ now closer to the social sciences than to the ventional master plans) but his overall design disciplines. Under these influences, judgment is that contemporary planning the approach, objectives, and procedures of continues to bear close resemblance to the urban planning have changed to such an age-old practice. 9 extent that Webber, among others, has In Britain, policy oriented planning has called it the 'new' urban planning. 8 The new been institutionalized in structure plans urban planning has a comprehensive out­ which were meant to be the means of look; it aims to promote the well-being of a aligning physical planning with regional community as reflected in social and economic and social development policies. economic indices and not be content with an Apparently this mechanism has not worked efficient spatial pattern alone. It is proce­ satisfactorily because of lack of clarity durally more democratic and seeks greater about the contents (of structure plans), citizen involvement in the planning process. cumbersome procedures, and an inadequate It is generally more sensitive to social conceptual base, not to speak of budgetary

Qadeer 87 constraints. 10 has been far less evident than in theory and Canadian planning practice has been influ­ philosophy. This means that the integration enced by American ideas but its legislative of social planning in urban planning has mandate has been formalized in the official proceeded sporadically. A look at the North plan. Official plans remain, at best, policy American planning scene reveals widely guidelines for land allocation and physical different levels of social planning practice. development. Generally, they project future Some localities and regions have under­ land use and attempt to provide for antici­ taken highly sophisticated social planning pated needs by manipulating physical measures and others remain oblivious to the variables. Social and economic processes existence of such an approach. operating in a community are seldom analyzed; still less frequent are attempts to What is Social Planning? intervene in these processes through policy After this excursion into the domain of instruments. Even regional plans continue urban planning, we are now prepared to face to focus on spatial issues, such as where the inevitable question: what is social development will be encouraged and where planning? A substantial body of literature discouraged. The work of the Department has emerged through multi-disciplinary of Regional Economic Expansion (DREE) efforts to define and explain social plan­ is one exception, but it does not fall within ning. One line of reasoning regards social the purview of urban planning. Canadian planning as a generic approach which is regional planning, as described by Gertler, sensitive to human needs and which can be consists of 'representative institutions blended with any functional concern, be it exercising authority under provincial economic, physical, or sociological. The statutes to shape the form and quality of emphasis is on the process and approach, the regional environment by regulatory and not so much on content. From this means such as land use plans and zoning point of view, it is the degree of social by-laws, by planning a system of transpor­ sensitivity of a plan rather than its specific tation and services and entering actively functional focus that determines its accep­ into the development process.'11 Domi­ tability as a social plan. The other position nance of physical planning concerns is evi­ is that social planning is a functional dent in this definition of comprehensive speciality which deals with the program­ regional planning. As the authors of this ming and delivery of social services such as paradigm point out, land use and relative welfare, health, old age benefits, etc. size of various settlements and their func­ Various definitions of social planning tional interrelations have remained the revolve around these two themes. primary concern of regional planning in Kahn's definition of social planning leans Canada. 12 towards the first theme, emphasizing These are issues over which 'planners' have process and approach. To him, 'It is a legislative powers and they tend to gravi­ process of policy determination for orderly tate towards these tasks, despite philoso­ development to achieve given objectives. •13 phical and theoretical commitment to com­ This definition is so generic that it prehensive policy planning. These tenden­ embraces almost every form of planning. cies are further reinforced in recessionary Its emphasis on the decisional process periods when the public sector is contract­ makes it applicable to almost every plan­ ing. The present time is an example of this ning situation, and it does not clarify the situation wherein the public programs intent of the prefix 'social.' To be fair to launched in the mid 1960s under the rubrics Kahn, it must be mentioned that in of the Just Society (Canada) or Great elaborating the above definition, he outlines Society (United States) are being re­ seven levels of functional activities with trenched or curtailed. The point of these which social planning has been concerned. illustrations is that, in practice, the These range from planning within a social progress towards the new urban planning welfare organization through social housing

88 Scope of Social Planning programs to planning the social aspects of extension of the welfare state. More pro· balanced development.14 Thus, in elabora­ bably the mission will continue to be the ting the definition, Kahn has woven in the rationalization of social services and help second theme underlying social planning in the restructuring of communities definitions. On the other hand, Dyckman according to prevailing social goals and regards social planning as operative at two norms. levels, but both seem to be rooted in The relativity of social planning to a com· broadly similar functions. To him, social munity's (or a nation's) current social planning is either planning for social agenda has a determining influence over the services or for social outcomes of economic scope of its operations. This conclusion is and physical plans.15 His envisaged func· patently manifest from the findings of a tional tasks for social planning consist of study in Ontario seeking a definition of assessing needs of and programming for social planning. The study points out: equitable distribution of social goods and 'Between the extreme of narrow concen­ managing the social externalities of the tration on specific social services and of physical and economic development pro­ broad concern with the implications of cess.16 These are specific functional tasks social goals, there is a continuum with a along the lines of the second theme. Brooks number of middle steps. Each step along and Fitch, separately, identify social the continuum represents a variation in planning with tasks of serving disadvan­ defining social planning ... .' 20 Thus, it is taged groups in a society and dealing with desirable that one may identify the basic issues of poverty and racial discrimina­ parameters of social planning and live with tion.17 These formulations, I find, arise variations of activities subsumed under this from sociopolitical conditions of the 1960s title, as long as they fall within the bounds in the United States in particular. One of the parameters. Further precision in lesson to be learned from this is that the defining social planning will be either too functional scope of social planning in limiting or too all-embracing. capitalist societies is essentially limited to From the foregoing discussion and the fill in 'market failures' in the provision of literature on which it draws, I have identi­ general welfare. Dyckman recognizes this fied four elements of the social planning limitation and considers social planning to process: be 'pragmatic and piecemeal.'18 This limi­ (a) Focus on 'human' dimension: It is tation need not apply to social planning as a obvious that the primary focus of social concept. planning is the satisfaction of human needs In other societies with different sociopoli­ and aspirations. The term 'human' is used tical ideologies, social planning can have a in the sense of psychological and sociolo­ very different role. For example, social gical disciplines. It is not to be confused planning in the Third World would be with the broader use of the term which cor­ pointless if it did not provide for necessary responds to the concept of 'welfare' in institutional development and recasting of economics. It refers to the needs, aspira· social structures. Sometimes, a similar tions, and functions arising from the syste· mission has been postulated for social plan­ matic requisites of the continuity and ful­ ning in North America. It is said that to be fillment of a human group. The human meaningful, social planning must 'plan' for focus of social planning is essentially a systematic social change, and anything less matter of treating social structural features than that is merely tokenism.19 The point and functions explicitly. that I am trying to emphasize is that the The 'human' dimension is the ground from ideological and temporal underpinning of which the prefix 'social' arises. The sug· the current definitions of social planning gested boundaries of this dimension are must be recognized. In the contemporary generally accepted in the literature. Kahn North American setting, officially spon­ envisages 'social' to mean non-market sored social planning is likely to remain an aspects of community needs and well-being

Qadeer 89 of people.21 Gans uses the term 'social' in (c) Concern with 'equity' and justice in reference to non-physical, non-economic general and for disadvantaged groups in programs. 22 To illustrate the meaning of particular: Social planning, in the market the human dimension, one may cite the economy, is specifically meant to deal with example of neighborhood renewal. externalities in the human and social realm. Undoubtedly, any renewal or redevelop­ Contemporary social planning in North ment program promotes public interest and America is concerned with problems of welfare, even when it only aims at improv­ poverty and discrimination and with the ing the housing stock. Only when such provision of social services for the socially, activity explicitly incorporates policies and physically, and emotionally disadvan­ programs to deal with problems of taged. 24 This concern with issues of social residents' dislocation, changes in social justice has been variously identified as the class mix, and effects on people's choices, distinguishing feature of social planning. does it deal with the human dimension and Fitch says that social planning has 'emerg­ thus qualifies as a practice of social plan­ ed primarily from growing conviction that ning. Rose sums up this position in these social action can largely eliminate poverty words: 'Social planning can only be defined and the causes thereof.'25 Perloff's list of in terms of the domains, the scope, the social planning goals ranges from reducing fields of thought and action in which dependency to enlarging the scope for indi­ planning takes place with specific human vidual and small group decision and oriented or family oriented considerations action. 26 It might be mentioned that there in mind.'23 is likely to be little disagreement about (b) Client centeredness and people's partici­ equity as a normative goal in social plan­ pation: The second element of the social ning, but there are fierce ideological differ­ planning process arises from the value of ences about the 'means' to realize it. regarding individuals and groups as the Publicly sponsored social planning tends to best judges of their collective interests and be gradualist in approach and reactive in goals. Social planning is meant to aid in scope. It turns, often, into a technocratic efficiently realizing chosen ends or in judi­ enterprise (witness the welfare scene in the ciously choosing among divergent goals United States). Many social critics find and interests. It is not meant to direct and such a ·situation a mockery of the social command people's energies toward any planning process. To them, the primary preconceived goals. It is more a matter of thrust of social planning should be on orientation than a specific organizational reordering institutional relationships be­ feature. Almost all planning today aspires tween different social classes to bring about to be participatory-so much so that elec­ genuine equality.27 In this form, the pur­ tric power lines now are claimed to be laid suit of equity would energize social plan­ out with people's participation. Thus, ning to be a movement for social change. people's participation is not an unique (d) Emphasis on a rational decision ap­ aspect of social planning, but the unique proach: Whether the problem at hand is aspect is the priority given to it and its more efficient utilization of the budget by a institutionalization as a function of the social service agency or forging new social planning process. Social planning is rooted institutions to meet the needs of an aging in traditions of community organization. population, the answer, according to the Its special commitment lies in promoting a current planning gospel, will come by process of identifying and expressing a applying rational analytical and decisional community's needs and norms. Thus, in approach, such as policy analysis, Program, social planning, organizing people for parti­ Planning, and Budgeting Systems, decision cipation in community decisions is not a theory, etc. This approach has become inex­ means but an end in itself. A mobilized and tricably identified with social planning organized community is an output of social methodology. In this respect, social plan­ planning. ning and other forms of planning are indis-

90 Scope of Social Planning tinguishable. Even planning schools have ning, housing issues were some of the not been able to maintain the distinction earliest social planning concerns. Almost between a common methodology and the every instrument of social planning has had substantive concerns of social planning. some application in the housing field. Com­ Logan, in a recent survey of social planning munity organization to promote self-help, courses in planning curricula, concludes case work to help relocate displaced house­ with a note of dismay that 'there is no clear holds, rent controls, neighborhood main­ distinction between planning in general and tenance policies, and programs for housing social planning or social policy planning, or the elderly or the handicapped, are some of whatever.'28 This is the direct result of con· the obvious examples of social planning in fusing an element of social planning, i.e., this sector. Designing appropriate organi­ rational approach and methodology, with zation for neighborhoods and promoting the practice as a whole. A rational approach racial, ethnic, and social class integration in is a necessary component of social planning, a community have received considerable but it is not sufficient. The latter condition attention in urban planning, though means is only fulfilled with the presence of the applied to realize those ends appear simplis­ other three dimensions as previously tic in retrospect, such as Perry's neighbor­ mentioned under (a), (b), and (c) above. hood concept. These objectives pursued on Many definitions proceed from one or two of a larger scale gave rise to social planning of the above described elements. Such efforts new towns and regional settlement end up identifying social planning with systems. 29 For example, the Social Devel­ either advocacy planning or anti-poverty opment Plans of British new towns were programs, rational decision-making, etc., meant to show how the social services and which may or may not be true. A complete community facilities were to be provided by social planning process would require the whom and when. 30 presence of all four of these elements. To the With new urban planning, provision of extent that one or more of these elements is social services became an important item on compromised, social planning will remain the planning agenda. Policies and programs an unfulfilled approach. meant to regulate and coordinate the delivery of health, education, welfare, and The practice of social planning in urban recreation services are increasingly becom­ planning: a paradigm ing part of comprehensive urban planning Within the domain of urban planning, social being practised in many areas. The integra­ planning consists of assessments, pro· tion of social services and area development grams, and policies addressed to solve plans is proceeding fitfully. Some cities, or adjustment problems or to promote socio­ the same cities at different times, have cultural development in an area, particu­ attained a high degree of integration be­ larly of the disadvantaged groups. These tween two streams of planning, while others programs and policies may be 'free stand­ have remained oblivious to such practices. ing' or proposed in conjunction with Loebel cites Trefann Court (Toronto), economic and physical plans. They would Lower Town East (Ottawa), and North End have been formulated through participatory (Hamilton), as examples of planning where and rationalistic approaches. Convention­ aroused neighborhoods demanded and ally, urban planning has been conceived of obtained, with varying degrees of success, as a sub-national operation and, to the social services as part of the neighborhood extent that this continues to be the scale of renewal plans.31 Armen has documented operations, social planning will be address· the provision of social services in British ed to the problems and goals of local com· new towns. 32 The City of Vancouver has munities. established a department of social planning Over the years, a number of urban planning to oversee the provision of social services in activities have been assigned to the 'social' local plans. In the United States, the Model domain of the practice. Within urban plan· Cities Program initiated a new phase incor-

Qadeer 91 porating social service concerns in neigh­ guished from the responsibilities of profes­ borhood plans. These are a few examples of sionals such as doctors, teachers, case social planning practiced within the broad workers, psychiatrists, etc., who deliver and field of urban planning. administer the services and are responsible It must be mentioned that there are juris­ for operational planning. dictional issues which inhibit a smooth These few examples point towards a move towards integrated planning of social gradual evolution of integrated planning services and physical development. There wherein policies for delivery and organiza­ are entrenched interests in public bureau­ tion of social services will be a necessary cracies and voluntary agencies responsible component of the master plan for the devel­ for the administration and delivery of social opment of a community. A concrete mani­ services which do not readily submit to festation of the merger of the two streams is joint planning. Difficult as it has been to seen in the multi-service neighborhood coordinate delivery of social services in a center concept which incorporates loca­ community, much more difficult has been tional (and physical) as well as organiza­ integration of programs of the three levels tional objectives. Along the way, there is of government. To go beyond this level and bound to be some overlapping of jurisdic­ seek integration of physical and social tions between professions such as social service sectors is obviously a task that work and urban planning, both of which are theories of social or urban planning alone concerned particularly with the provision of cannot accomplish. Political action and social services. In time their respective institutional reform are needed and these functions will be clarified. Urban planners are occurring slowly and fitfully. are likely to be more at home at the inter­ Presently, • a more common practice is face of social services and economic and parallel (and mutually consultative) plan­ physical development. ning in the two sectors. 33 The report of the Urban planning has been sensitive to social Royal Commission on Metropolitan Tor­ needs for a long time. The practice of onto on systematizing delivery of social 'socially informed physical planning,' goes policies in the area,34 or Los Angeles back to the pioneering days of Patrick County's Mental Health Services Plan,35 Geddes and Ebenezer Howard. 37 In fact, which received American Institute of the stereotypical idea about the scope of Planners' recognition, or Seattle's Annual social planning in urban planning is that of Plan of Criminal Justice, 36 are a few a source of appropriate data required by a examples of the emerging sophistication in master planner-designer. Architects and the practice of social services planning. designers have a long standing complaint What is to be recognized is that these plans that sociologists do not provide useful deal with area-wide systems of social information which will help solve social services within the framework of local problems. As a provider of appropriate developmental goals. Their functional design data, social sciences have a recog­ emphasis is on the demand, distribution, nized role in urban planning. Social plan­ responsiveness, priorities, and modes of ning aspires to go beyond this state. It delivery (both locational and operational) of seeks a more activist role in the planning social services. It must be clearly stated process; i.e., to assess, evaluate, and formu­ that the outcomes sought in these cases are late policies and programs to realize social not merely sites and zones for parks, objectives. Such an approach logically schools, and health centers, which have posits an 'ideal,' wherein urban and social been the conventional expression of social planning become indistinguishable. Such a concerns in urban planning. The concern is possibility can be realized within the frame­ both locational and organizational. The work of a policy plan which has the credi­ outputs of the social planning approach to bility and enforcement potential of an offi­ these issues are policies and programs. cial plan, but which takes a broader func­ These social planning tasks must be distin- tional viewpoint.

92 Scope of Social Planning Such an urban plan will be truly for people. aging populations, diminishing natural This possibility is not entirely in the realm resources, and changing social expecta­ of utopia. The Cleveland Policy Planning tions. Urban planning addressed to such Report is a vivid example of an attempt to tasks will not be able to fulfill its mission by approach urban planning as a people relying on zoning by-laws or by designating oriented task. 38 It has not tossed out land growth centers. It will have to incorporate use or transportation concerns; rather it social mobilization approaches and com­ has remained faithful to city planning's munity organization instruments. sectoral mandate. Instead it has approach­ The foregoing description of the social ed these tasks with well defined goals, and planning tasks lends itself to the formula­ through feasible policy measures. As Gans tion of a model. One can abstract five levels says, 'The Cleveland Report refuses to of practice, each being more comprehensive define planning as land use planning and it than the former. Table 1 represents a correctly identifies the purpose of planning sequential order of these levels of practice. as improving living conditions of people in The paradigm outlined below has two their use of land and other conditions. •39 underlying themes: first, the significance The point is that the ultimate role of social and scope of social planning increases pro­ planning is urban planning to assess gressively at each level; second, social plan­ people's needs and problems, identify social ning progressively becomes integrated into organizational goals and inequalities, comprehensive approaches and social move­ particularly those arising from physical and ments. As examples indicate, the practice of economic developmental activities, and to social planning becomes sporadic in pro­ formulate policies and programs to meet ceeding towards higher levels. Level I social these needs and obtain a wholesome inte­ planning, that is, social considerations as gration of social, economic, and physical inputs in economic and physical plans, is environments. most widely practiced. It is now enshrined When the urban planning approach is in Planning Acts and has become an applied to national territories calling for accepted part of urban planning. Social national urban and environmental policies, planning of Levels II and III is becoming social planning comes to the fore to common, though far from being pervasive. redesign and invent social institutions Levels IV and V have not been institution­ which will help realize national objectives. alized, particularly in North America. The Examples of this kind of work are rare, practice at these levels remains ad hoc in particularly in western countries. In this the sense that in two similar situations, a respect, the Third World offers considerable social planning approach may be followed in experience and examples of societal level one but completely ignored in the other. social planning. Many of them have used Also, not all the four elements may be five-year plans as instruments of guiding operative in each case. This form of social comprehensive development. China, Tan­ planning remains more a promise than a zania, and Viet Nam have attained consid­ reality. erable success in national settlement One of the obstacles to the fuller utilization planning. In North America, energy and of the social planning approach is the way environmental crises might become stimuli in which urban planning has evolved. for social reorganization. There are only two Through legislative acts and quasi-judicial choices in this regard: either the conserver procedures, urban planning has acquired society will emerge haltingly through the responsibility and powers to regulate market proddings or by conscious, partici­ spatial development. The well-being of patory, and rational planning. If the second properties has become its prime objective path is chosen, then social planning will and issues of property development and have a significant role. regulation have pre-empted the attention of At the regional and local level, communities the planning process. Tempted by regula­ need to be restructured to accommodate tory powers and confronted with continual

Qadeer 93 Table 1 Levels of Social Planning

Level Nature of Tasks Examples I Social considerations as inputs in physical and (a) studies of social needs and preferences of client economic planning population for highway, water-sewer, housing or industrial development (b) community organization for squatter improve- ments, urban renewal or regional development II Social policies and programs as outputs to be (a) planned relocation or family counselling in an implemented parallel to, or in conjunction with, urban redevelopment project economic and physical development plans (b) crime control measures to prevent housing abandonment (c) tax rebates for car pools as part of metropolitan transportation policies III Planning for integrated social services (a) multi-service centers (b) regional health or educational services planning; or health facilities plans (c) provision of social services in new towns IV Integrated comprehensive planning: social (a) metropolitan policy plans (e.g., Cleveland) policies, and social service delivery programs as components of area-wide development plan (b) integrated rural development (c) comprehensive area development plans (e.g., TVA)

V Redesigning social institutions, social organi- (a) proposals of the League of Social Reconstruc- zational innovations tion, Canada40 (b) communes (c) black power and ghetto self-help (d) little city halls and neighborhood autonomy (e) futurism These examples are merely illustrations of types of tasks at corresponding levels. They are far from being ex­ haustive. market pressures, urban planners often to happen, the legalistic strait-jackets in content themselves by assuming that if which urban planning is presently lodged properties are cared for, people's well-being will have to be relaxed. 41 If one were to be will follow suit. Thus, rehabilitating or optimistic, then one could envision city or upgrading housing is taken to mean that regional plans setting down comprehensive the residents are being helped. Provision of policies for social and economic develop­ a school site or a swimming pool in an offi­ ment, and organizing physical growth (or cial plan is considered to be an adequate change) to correspond to these policies. expression of urban planning's educational These integrated plans will manipulate and recreational objectives. Conventional organizational variables to serve physical urban planning is wedded to 'sites and loca­ ends and employ physical development as a tions.' That these factors contribute to a means of prompting social policies. Such a limited degree towards the efficiency and planning process will have to be negotiatory responsiveness of public institutions has rather than judicial. The Cleveland policy not been realized. Social planning, by plan, even in its failure, lifts this hope into encompassing operational and organiza­ the realm of possibility. On the other hand, tional concerns, brings in the missing the traditions and vested interests might elements. By blending the two approaches, prove to be weightier than the hopes of truly comprehensive community develop­ socially oriented planners. In this case, ment strategies can be formulated. For this social planning will continue on its checker-

94 Scope of Social Planning ed path, gaining in one jurisdiction and suf­ 23 Albert Rose, op. cit., p. 11. fering setbacks in others. Years from now, 24 Michael Brooks, op. cit., p. 3. 25 Lyle C. Fitch, 'Social Planning in Urban Cosmos,' one may still be saying that it is a vague in Leo F. Schnore and Henry Fagin, (eds.), op. term whose meaning and mission remain ill­ cit., p. 337. defined. 26 Harvey S. Perloff, 'New Directions in Social Plan­ ning,' Journal of the American Institute of Plan­ NOTES ners, vol. 31, no. 4, Nov., 1965, pp. 297-304. 1 See Paul Davidoff, 'Advocacy and Pluralism in 27 Frances Fox Piven, 'Social Planning or Politics, in Planning,' Journal of the American Institute of Ernest Erber, (ed.), op. cit., pp. 45-51. Planners, vol. 31, no. 4, Nov., 1965, pp. 331-338. 28 Thomas H. Logan, 'The Meaning of 'Social' in 2 Albert Rose, 'The Functional Scope of Social Plan­ Planning Curricula: A Review of Courses offered ning,' Canadian Welfare, vol. 51, Sept.-Oct., 1975, in Member Schools of A.C.S.P.,' The Bulletin of p. 9. the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning, 3 Charles Abrams, The Language of Cities. New vol. 14, no. 3, Autumn, 1976, p. 14. York: Equinox Books, 1972, p. 48. 29 For example, see Richard Brooks, 'Social Plan­ 4 Peter Hall, Urban and Regional Planning. ning in Columbia,' Journal of the American Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books, 1972, p. 7. Institute of Planners, vol. 37, no. 6, Nov., 1971, 5 The phrase 'City is the people' is borrowed from pp. 373-379. Henry Stern Churchill's The City i.s the People. 30 J.B. Cullingworth, Problems of an Urban Society, New York: W.W. Norton, 1962. vol. II. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 6 Ernest Erber, (ed.), Urban Planning in Transi­ 1973, p. 133. tion. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc., 31 Peter B. Loebel, 'Social Services Planning,' Part I, 1970, pp. xxiii-xxiv. Canadian Welfare, vol. 53, Feb., 1977, p. 18. 7 Jerome L. Kaufman, 'Contemporary Planning 32 Gary Armen, 'The Programming of Social Provi­ Practice: State of the Art,' in David R. Godschalk, sion in New Communities,' Part I, ToumPlanning (ed.), Planning in America: Learning from Turbu­ Review, vol. 47, no. 2, April, 1976, pp. 105-126, lence. Washington D.C.: American Institute of and 'The Programming of Social Provision in New Planners, 1974, pp. 115-116. Communities,' Part II, Toum Planning Review, 8 Melvin M. Webber, 'The New Urban Planning in vol. 47, no. 3, July, 1976, pp. 269-288. America,' Journal of the Toum Planning Institute, 33 Robert Perlman, 'Social Welfare Planning and vol. 54, no. 1, Jan., 1968, p. 5. Physical Planning,' Journal of the American Insti­ 9 Kaufman, op. cit., pp. 116-117. tute of Planners, vol. 32, no. 4, July, 1966, pp. 10 Gerald Smart, 'The Future of Structure Plans,' 237-241. The Planner, vol. 63, Jan., 1977, pp. 5-6. 34 Ontario, The Royal Commission on Metropolitan 11 Len Gertler, Ian Lord, and Audrey Stewart, Toronto, Social Policy in Metropolitan Toronto, 'Canadian Planning: the Regional Perspective,' Background Report. Toronto: Queen's Printer, Plan Canada, vol. 15, no. 2, Sept., 1975, p. 73. June, 1975. 12 Ibid., pp. 76-82. 35 Los Angeles County, Department of Health 13 Alfred Kahn, Theory and Practice of Social Plan­ Services. Plan for Mental Health Services, 1973- ning. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1969, 1978. Los Angeles: Department of Health Ser­ p. 15. vices, Oct., 1972. 14 Ibid., p. 19. 36 Seattle, (Washington), Criminal Justice Plan, 15 John W. Dyckman, 'Social Planning in the 1977. Seattle: City of Seattle, Sept., 1976. American Democracy'; in Ernest Erber, (ed.), 37 It has been argued that city planning always had Urban Planning in Transition. Washington D.C.: social objectives in view. This arose from con­ American Institute of Planners, 1970, p. 27. cerns with housing and health of slum dwellers 16 Ibid., p. 29. and from the employment of social surveys as a 17 Michael Brooks, Social Planning and City Plan­ diagnostic tool as early as the 1920s. ning. Chicago: Society of Planning Officers, 1970, 38 Cleveland, (Ohio), Cleveland Policy Planning p. 4 and, Lyle C. Fitch, 'Social Planning in Urban Report, vol. i. Cleveland: City Planning Commis­ Cosmos,' in Leo F. Schnore and Henry Fagin, sion, 1975. (eds.), Urban Research and Policy Planning. 39 Herbert J. Gans, 'Planning for Declining and Poor Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc., 1967, Cities,' Journal of the American Institute of Plan­ p. 329. ners, vol. 41, no. 5, Sept., 1975, p. 305. 18 John W. Dyckman, op. cit., p. 28. 40 League for Social Reconstruction, Social Planning 19 Frances Fox Piven, 'Social Planning or Politics,' in for Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Ernest Erber, (ed.), op. cit., p. 46. 1975. (Reprint of 1935 edition) 20 Ontario, Ministry of Community and Social Ser­ 41 An indictment of the legalistic approach in which vices, Pathways to Social Planning, Working the current planning practice is lodged is present­ Paper, Toronto, July, 1975, p. 9. ed in Donald A. Woolfe, 'Zoning is Doing Planning 21 Alfred Kahn, op. cit., pp. 3-4. In,' Practicing Planner, vol. 6, no. 3, June, 1976, 22 Herbert J. Gans, People and Plans. New York: pp. 10-13. Basic Books, 1968, p. 85.

Qadeer 95 Neighborhood Planning and Neighborhood Practice

John Hitchcock and Donald Bellamy

It is the thesis of this article that neighbor­ mean that neighborhood practice can only hoods in the larger cities in Canada provide be undertaken by those with professional a distinct arena for certain aspects of social degrees or accreditation. It is intended to planning. While the nature of practice in include those who are paid employees of a this arena is not well defined (by its nature recognized government or voluntary we suspect it cannot be), enough experience agency. Thus, in our usage, neighborhood has been accumulated to suggest some of practice has an 'establishment' flavor; we its characteristics, the skills required, and would prefer to exclude a variety of less some of the organizational structures which conventional community activities, for may be encountered. The emphasis will be example some sponsored under the Local on experience in Toronto, not because it is Initiatives Program (LIP) or 'anti-estab­ seen as representing the best practice, but lishment' community organizing where paid the nature of the subject requires the use of employees are not accountable to an estab­ specific examples, and these are the ones we lished agency. The staff of the Greater know best. Riverdale Organization in Toronto would be What we are discussing might be called an example of the latter. 1 These kinds of neighborhood orgamzmg, administering activities have been extremely valuable, but and planning, or preferably a shorter they are nonetheless distinct and require phrase, 'neighborhood practice.' This seems separate discussion. Political organizing at to be unoccupied space in an otherwise the neighborhood level would be excluded crowded semantic field. It has the added from the definition for the same reason. merit that it can be seen as an amalgam of A brief review of neighborhood practice in 'neighborhood planning' from the urban Toronto deals first with direct municipal planning tradition, and 'community prac­ involvement and subsequently with other tice' which is a recognized specialty within public and voluntary activities. Following social work. It is intended to be a distinct this, we shall examine the possible impli­ term to describe a particular arena of cations of this varied experience and activity where a number of specialties and attempt some generalizations. traditions are conjoined. We shall not offer a precise definition of Municipal Activities neighborhood. A neighborhood might In the City of Toronto, the Planning Board contain as few as 100 people or as many as and the Development Department have had 200,000. The essential notion is that 'pro­ a major interest in neighborhood practice. fessionals' are assigned to work within a The Development Department is a regular defined area which is smaller than that part of the municipal bureaucracy, while the covered by the relevant lower tier munici­ Planning Board staff is on paper indepen­ pality. It is the fact that assignment is dent and accountable to the Planning made on a territorial basis and that this Board. (Since the Board members are territory has no distinct legal existence appointed by Council and the funds come which is significant. from Council, the paper organization is In using the term 'professionals' we do not sometimes important and sometimes not.)

96 Plan Canada 17 /2 J une/juin 1977 Of the two, the Development Department current activities into perspective, it is has the longer history of direct neighbor­ useful to trace the history of neighborhood hood involvement. It was established in planning efforts since the mid-1960s. 2 1962 in order to separate implementation There exists a certain historical anomaly in from planning. Its Community Renewal the fact that urban planning in North Division was assigned the perhaps America, while it has been accused of unenviable task of implementing urban elitism, has always had an explicit-if not renewal in the 1960s. With the demise of well developed-ideology that citizen urban renewal, it became active in participation was part of the planning Toronto's own neighborhood improvement process. The source of this ideology was the program (Toronto Improvement Program), need to gain support for planning activities the federal program (Neighborhood Im­ from those outside the formal framework of provement Program), and the federal and government. The establishment of the provincial rehabilitation programs (Resi­ planning board as an independent body, dential Rehabilitation Assistance Program supposedly representing a general con­ and Ontario Home Renewal Program). On sensus in the community rather than just paper, the Division's role is to implement the views of those in office, reflects the plans prepared by the Planning Board same point of view. The earlier literature in staff. In practice, plans concerning immed­ planning tended to refer to citizen education iate physical improvements are frequently rather than participation, suggesting that drawn up within the Division itself. It the support of citizens was needed more remains true, however, that the Division's than their ideas. activities are more circumscribed by parti­ The district planning procedures in Toronto cular programs, and hence its activities are in the mid-1960s generally followed this less 'open-ended' than those of the Planning point of view. At that time, the Planning Board staff. Board had no special division assigned to In a number of neighborhoods, develop­ neighborhood work, although the City had ment officers working on NIP projects been divided into planning districts for plan share site office space with Planning Board preparation purposes. In outline form, the staff members working on Part II Plans process was one of gathering information (detailed official plan studies). In this and presenting the final plan proposals at process the Development staff, along with one or more public meetings. the planners, has become involved in As interest in and pressure for public parti­ developing social services, such as daycare, cipation grew during the last part of the as well as physical facilities. This appears decade,3 the Planning Board established a generally to be an amicable arrangement, neighborhood planning division and ex­ with a fairly informal division of labor. tended the district planning process to Philosophic and other differences between include presentation of a variety of the two agencies do exist, but appear to be documents. The sequence included an more marked at higher levels within City 'appraisal' and a set of 'tentative proposals' Hall, reflecting, perhaps, their different prior to the preparation of the recommend­ formal status within city government. ed neighborhood plan. This provided more There are currently about sixteen Develop­ time for residents to react to determinate ment Officers (below management level) in proposals and indicated that changes in the the Community Renewal Division. By plan were possible. While this change in comparison, the Planning Board has thirty­ procedure was a definite improvement, it seven authorized positions in neighborhood was undertaken within a general philo­ planning (thirty-three in the Neighborhood sophy that residents should be informed Division and an additional four assigned to and consulted, but that they were outsiders neighborhoods in the Central Area Divi­ when the final recommendations were sion). made. There was no real attempt at joint In order to put the Planning Board's planning.4

Hitchcock and Bellamy 97 Changes became more marked in the early working committee. (For a time, there was a 1970s, precipitated by the long drawn-out difficult problem because the Planning battle over the Trefann Court Urban Board wanted to review reports before the Renewal Project. 5 As part of the political community did. This dilemma was side­ resolution of this conflict, the City estab­ s~epped by saying that reports were really lished a 'working committee' comprising 'minutes.') While the working committee representatives of the City and the Trefann included a number of local interests, its core Court neighborhood. In formal terms, the was formed by a residents' group which was committee made recommendations to already active. council; in practice, it made policy. As a consequence of this style of planning Once the working committee had developed and the pressing problems of this low­ some basic principles, the Planning Board income neighborhood, the working com­ assigned a planner to the neighborhood site mittee became involved in a variety of office to work with the community. His concerns, such as skid row alcoholics and selection in itself was a participatory educational issues, not normally dealt with process. The Planning Board prepared a in the urban planning process. The neigh­ short list of applicants and the final selec­ borhood planner viewed this type of plan­ tion from this was made by the community. ning as a problem-solving process, and The planner had the task of translating the these were among the kinds of problems views of the working committee into a which were paramount at the time. definite plan. By its participation, the The South of Carlton area has been well Planning Board committed itself for the endowed with missions and other service first time to a measure of joint planning. It agencies, so the working committee should be clear that there is no magic in the received substantial support from a variety structural arrangement of a working com­ of neighborhood professionals who had no mittee. Once there is the will to let a neigh­ formal connection with the plan preparation borhood thrash out a plan jointly with process. They did, however, have respon­ selected officials, the working committee is sibilities in and to the community. Because a logical form. The form, however, does not of its official connection with City Hall, the generate the will. working committee for a time became the Following this precedent, there have been a focus for various community-oriented number of neighborhood planning efforts activities. using to a greater or lesser degree the As plan preparation proceeded, emphasis basic model of the working committee or tended to shift away from the broad task force which makes recommendations spectrum of topics dealt with earlier and directly to council. The organization and toward elements which could be influenced atmosphere of these committees varies, as by physical planning controls. (It should be one might suspect, with the nature of the noted that a significant number of problems planning problems (which tend to be were dealt with along the way without use of directly related to the class composition of the plan mechanism.) Thus the skid row the neighborhood) and with the particular problem came to be dealt with in terms of individuals involved. The working commit­ the size and density of housing needed to tee established in the South of Carlton serve single-person households. The efforts planning district has perhaps been the most at community improvement began to be well developed example of this kind of joint separated into different compartments with planning effort.6 It is not typical, but does social service needs dealt with in different indicate what is possible if conditions are decision-making forums. favorable. In this case, the planning staff Events subsequent to plan preparation are member selected (with community parti­ also instructive. Once a draft plan was cipation) committed himself to consensus prepared there was a lengthy period during decision-making wherein he forwarded only which the policies and objectives agreed those recommendations agreed to by the upon by the working committee were trans-

98 Neighborhood Planning lated into detailed proposals. During this There are indications that the mainstream period the cohesion of the working com­ of planning has shifted away from a neigh­ mittee was lost. Residents had spent two borhood focus. This has not meant, so far at and a half years in regular meetings and, least, a reduction in the commitment of when the pressure was off, began to go their professional resources, which remains own ways. The committee never regained substantial. There has, however, been a its former status. degree of routinization of neighborhood Yet another change was occurring. The plan making. As experience cumulates, pressures producing the sense of urgency relatively more emphasis goes into consi­ and need for an intensive community plan­ dering the language of the plan, problems of ning effort stemmed from land use and consistency with other areas, and other occupancy changes in the area. 'White technical considerations. Generally the new painting' among other processes introduced initiatives are coming from City Hall rather a new group of residents with different than the neighborhoods. concerns and styles of community involve­ In a sense, it would be surprising if this ment. It would now be all but impossible to were not the case. Neighborhood interests duplicate the particular kind of planning have been influential in raising issues and and community involvement which had asserting new priorities. Any substantial occurred in the recent past. Certainly the effort to meet these priorities, however, neighborhood planning process in this case requires a concentrated effort on the part of did provide a decision-making forum in the city as a whole. If this is correct, one which local residents could participate and might postulate a 'natural' cycle of atten­ make a genuine contribution. It had an tion passing from the neighborhood to more important bearing on the physical built central policy development. It is possible form of the area, but was able to have only a that with its broad information base, the marginal impact on the security of many City's new official plan (assuming provin­ tenants because of underlying private cial approval) will have support for a longer market forces. period of time than the 1969 plan (which In social planning terms one could say that became a source of controversy shortly the South of Carlton working committee after its adoption). Whether this is true or stimulated and provided a focus for a not, one might reasonably hope that the variety of community efforts designed to 'technology' of neighborhood planning is improve neighborhood services. I ts policy sufficiently developed to make it possible recommendations introduced social consi­ for the City to respond more quickly than derations with respect to types of residen­ before when there is evidence that the plan tial development. These have provided is again out of phase with neighborhood guidelines for social housing projects, such attitudes and needs. as Dundas-Sherbourne, subsequently car­ The Community Renewal Division of the ried out by the City's Housing Department. Development Department and the Neigh­ Other neighborhood planning efforts in the borhood Division of the Planning Board lower income areas of Toronto would represent a substantial municipal commit­ provide a number of variations on the basic ment to planning and administration at the theme encountered here. The first stage is neighborhood scale. A new development is municipal · assistance in dealing with currently undergoing gestation at City various neighborhood problems as seen by Hall. The final report of a City task force local residents. As policies are developed called the Neighborhood Services Work along with short term programmatic Group (NSWG),7 produced in the spring of changes, the scope of activity tends to 1976, recommended that City Hall proceed narrow. The planners withdraw, and if the to legitimize and formally support neigh­ Development Department retains a site borhood groups. A spectrum of possible office, its activities become centered on structures was foreseen including neighbor­ more specific tasks. hood associations, federations of neighbor-

Hitchcock and Bellamy 99 hood groups, and community corporations. borhood work of the Ministry was carried The rationale for this proposal was that the out by a staff of twelve (covering Ontario) promotion, coordination and eventual inte­ in an Office of Community Consultation gration, of neighborhood services required which more recently became amalgamated a continuing organization at the neighbor­ with the Multiculturalism Development hood level where services are delivered. The Branch; in the merger the budget for citizens' interest in this coordination, so the community consultation disappeared. The logic goes, could best be protected by an more general community development organization of citizens themselves. interest is thereby being replaced, to a large Although City Hall appears to accept the extent, by a focus on racial and ethnic view that the time is ripe to establish­ issues. In effect, the function is similar, but under municipal auspices-some mechan­ the clientele is limited to multicultural ism for bringing order to the undisciplined groups and not the wider sphere. The array of services which currently exist,8 the message has not been lost. York Commun­ mechanism almost certainly will not be ity Services, a multi-service center in the citizens' groups. Mayor Crombie has called suburbs of Toronto, for example, is looking for Neighborhood Services Centers and has to the multiculturalism program to pay the assigned three of the line department heads salaries of two field staff. Similar events are to develop a detailed proposal. (The Plan­ occurring in Toronto itself. Other multi­ ning Board is notable for its absence from cultural activities are supported by the the group of three.) Interest in neighbor­ Citizenship Branch of the Federal Secretary hood centers stems from a belief that they of State and some resource support can be can make . the delivery of services more secured from the Ontario Human Rights efficient, a major consideration in a period Commission. of financial constraint. It is yet unclear What will come out of this is not clear, but whether they would coexist with the current in principle a community or neighborhood site offices or supersede them. may become galvanized around multicul­ turalism as a central issue and in the Non-Municipal Activities process tackle a wide variety of problems­ It is possible only to take an illustrative just as has occurred with neighborhood sample of activities supported by the volun­ planning. tary sector and senior levels of government. Community organization workers have At the present time, there is substantial been employed for years by various com­ interest in programs concerning multi­ munity centers and settlement houses culturalism and race relations. The Min­ operated under voluntary sector auspices. istry of Culture and Recreation for Ontario Many of these are located in the inner deploys 'field consultants' to undertake neighborhoods of the city and much of their community development in support of citi­ activity has centered on housing and such zen participation and organization building matters as block-busting, rent control, and in areas where multiculturalism is a key landlord-tenant relationships. As with 'issue. This is done along with financial municipal planners, their activities are support of local organizations. greatly affected by land use and occupancy It would appear that this is an emerging changes. The community workers have, focus around which a variety of neighbor­ from time to time, come into conflict with hood activities could revolve-not neces­ non-resident directors of the settlement sarily those limited to multiculturalism. houses who have frequently been of a more Until fairly recently, the Ministry of conservative persuasion, and, on the other Culture and Recreation was engaged in side, have been faced with residents who are social animation and organizing at the distrustful and who would prefer to have neighborhood level with such groups as alternative resident-controlled structures. ratepayers' associations, and ethnic and The sounds are familiar ones. cultural organizations. This general neigh- The recent decade has witnessed a rapid

100 Neighborhood Planning growth of 'information and referral' centers. their immediate areas. The Parliament In Metropolitan Toronto, at least thirty­ Street Library House, for example, has five formal organizations claim these acti­ provided information services, drop-in vities to be their main function. 9 They are centers, remedial reading, and other mostly small agencies with a staff of two or services. As our concept of library is trans­ three persons (usually low-paid), assisted formed, these kinds of resource centers can by volunteers and a small board. They become vital to neighborhood development. operate on a shoe-string budget and tend to Community schools and derivative develop­ be located in the most affordable accommo­ mental programs in school systems are dation, not necessarily in the most conven­ another promising area of activity that ient locations. Up to now, they have largely needs to be considered in the inventory of been preoccupied with access to services, neighborhood practice. but have an unrealized potential for In a report prepared for the Neighborhood planning and coordination. There are Services Work Group, the Social Planning indications, still isolated, that personnel in Council has documented the extent of the the funding agencies (voluntary and senior commitment to neighborhood activity of levels of government) are interested in some kind on the part of governments and expanding the capacity of centers to move voluntary agencies. It estimates that there in this latter direction, although as yet few are, on average, 100 'service outlets' in each centers have shown willingness to broaden of Toronto's eleven wards.10 There is no their perspective. accurate count because these services are of Another kind of community support has such a bewildering variety of types, sizes, been provided by the 'community secre­ and auspices. While many outlets represent tariat' initiated by the Social Planning specific services rather than more general Council of Metropolitan Toronto. The community development activities, each concept is to provide office and community makes some contribution (negative or development resources to neighborhood positive) to the organizational capacity of groups within a given territory. At present, the neighborhood. Last, but not least, are the Social Planning Council itself provides Toronto's twenty-two aldermen who, while services of this kind to metro-wide groups. having differing views on neighborhood There is in addition a neighborhood secre­ groups, have an active concern with neigh­ tariat set up on a pilot basis. In the Don borhood services. District in East Central Toronto, neighbor­ Whatever the defects may be in quality of hood leaders rejected the idea of locating performance, the commitment to neighbor­ the secretariat in an established agency, hoods in sheer volume of activity and and insisted upon deciding who should be manpower is substantial. To be realistic, hired as coordinator (community organizer) neighborhood planning must be viewed in and office manager. The project provided light of this larger picture of neighborhood the district with a community worker and structure and practice. clerical assistance for groups. Predictably its funding has always been of the hand-to­ Community Processes mouth variety. It might be saved if com­ Before attempting to comment on the munity development funds become avail­ general picture given above, we think a able under federal-provincial agreement workable set of concepts is needed which when a new social services act is passed, can relate neighborhood activities to other possibly in 1977. The switch in provincial levels and types of organization. For this, interest to multiculturalism, which for the we turn to the social sciences. Some time moment is deemed to be less 'political' than ago, Roland Warren developed an elaborate other kinds of neighborhood involvement, conception of community processes in his may militate against this, even if, in book The Community in America. 11 While principle, funding is available. we cannot do justice to the range and com­ Some libraries have done notable work in plexity of that work, we would like to draw

Hitchcock and Bellamy 101 on one part of it. able. Its essential value comes from two by­ Of particular relevance are the concepts of products. First, it is possible to refer to a 'vertical' and 'horizontal' patterns of orien­ community or neighborhood without tation and behavior. These are similar in prejudging the strength or comprehensive­ many ways to the organization theorists' ness of the horizontal system existing at a 'formal' and 'informal' organization. The particular time. Whether a place appears to difference is partly one of emphasis, and be a community in the more emotion-laden partly one of imagery. Communities, in this meaning of the term is a matter for concept, are places in which the basic empirical study. Second, it highlights the community processes-production, distri­ fact that while any formal organization has bution, consumption, socialization, partici­ some balance of formal and informal pation, social control, and mutual support processes, decision processes within com­ -are carried out. munities are uniquely informal in nature. One of the factors affecting the quality of To amplify this last point, no organization life in a particular place is the degree to has succeeded in completely specifying which decisions about the basic community what successful performance is; they functions are made by formal organizations, require informal organization for success. and particularly formal organizations which 'Work-to-rule' campaigns are effective in are based on a larger territory than the com­ revealing how inadequate formal job munity in question. These are the 'vertical' descriptions are. The degree to which systems which penetrate into the commun­ communities are directed and served above ity and relate it to the larger world of which the work-to-rule level, might be one it is a part. They are characterized by verti­ measure of the strength of their horizontal cally arranged hierarchies. It is this and the system. For things to work even moder­ imagery of an outside agency reaching ately well in any system people have to do down into a community, somewhat like a 'more than necessary.' This would appear to tornado cloud, which gives the concept its be particularly true in the neighborhood particular appeal. A department of city arena, and accounts for its apparent insta­ government would represent a vertical bility. As people and issues change, motiva­ system with respect to a neighborhood. tion (the desire to do things you don't have There is also a horizontal pattern which to do) changes. If issues remain constant derives from decision-making mechanisms over an extended period and there is no falling between, or completely outside, the turnover in the people involved, those who realm of formal organizations, particularly have been doing more than necessary those of the tornado cloud variety. 'If the become 'burnt out.' vertical pattern is characterized by 'follow­ ing the rules', the horizontal is character­ A related feature of horizontal systems is ized by 'making exceptions', by being the importance of individuals in determin­ 'human' rather than merely impartial, by ing what happens. Vertical systems are personal relationships rather than categori­ designed to provide some stability against cal. '12 There is an inherent ambiguity in the the vicissitudes of personnel changes. In horizontal pattern and, in communities as horizontal systems, individuals create their changeable as metropolitan neighborhoods, own roles to a greater extent. The departure one must presume the horizontal pattern is or retirement of an individual can mean the inherently unstable as well. Neighborhood loss of a role; at the very least it means politics are part of the horizontal system of replacement by another person who may the neighborhood community, however define the role differently because of defined spatially. Thus, horizontal systems different training, experience, or personal are within-community decision-making style. structures and may exist at a variety of Warren's conceptualization helps to illu­ scales. minate the ever present potential for change This conceptualization is loose and malle- in the nature of events in the neighborhood

102 Neighborhood Planning arena. Participation in neighborhood affairs one would have to say that the current by residents is partly a function of popula­ round of plans will be completed in a few tion composition (social class, age, and years, and it may be some time before an family status); attitudes and perceived equivalent effort is mounted again. If one's interests obviously vary among groups. concept of neighborhood practice is advo­ Too, population mix partly determines and cacy of community interests against major partly reflects the issues within the com­ land use changes, the excitement may have munity. The South of Carlton area, men­ passed to suburban areas or possibly to tioned earlier, has seen dramatic changes other metropolitan areas. If the conception in the nature of participation as a con­ is protection of working class interests, it is sequence of occupancy changes. More no longer clear that neighborhood action is recent arrivals, 'white painters,' tend to see strategically important; occupancy changes their interests in terms of property rights are blurring the picture of what interests rather than 'social rights' which are inde­ are being promoted by use of a territorial pendent of ownership and which may be definition of a community. Provincial and asserted against property rights. In this voluntary agency initiatives may proceed district, the change in population base independently of any of these kinds of reduces the potential of using the horizontal activities. system to serve the needs of the remaining boarders, single-parent families, alcoholics, Comment and others of low or relatively low income The nature of neighborhood activities is a who cannot afford the luxury of ownership. function of population composition and It has destabilized a neighborhood social attitudes, agency purposes, and community agency (Central Neighborhood House) problems. The number of possible combina­ which is now faced with the question, tions of these is large indeed. It seems to us should it follow a social neighborhood to its futile to attempt to generalize about neigh­ new physical setting, whatever this may be, borhood practice without taking due or deal with the changing social pattern account of this complexity. Not only are within the same physical neighborhood? neighborhood situations numerous and As neighborhood practice shifts with diverse in kind, but in large metropolitan population composition, it also changes areas they are likely to change over a rela­ with the purposes being pursued. In tively short period of time. Considering one addition to self-generated activities, a major aspect of neighborhood practice, for neighborhood may be 'used' by a variety of example, all neighborhoods have the poten­ outside agencies. This does not necessarily tial for extensive participation at some imply manipulation in the narrow sense, point in time; few, if any, can sustain but the act of defining one purpose rather activity of the 'more than necessary' than another obviously makes a difference. variety indefinitely. Alternating periods of One can define need (and hence purpose) in more and less activity seem reasonably terms of social services, physical facilities, analogous to work and rest: each is natural, land use type and occupancy, economic but not all the time. development of groups defined spatially, External forces have an important place in political process, or social process. The last neighborhood participation too. A prime item refers to a general concern for example is private land ownership, an strengthening horizontal ties without underlying interest which may change in preconception as to the desired outcome. response to decisions made outside the Changing events cause purposes to change neighborhood and which may or may not and to make various agencies with different coincide with, or reinforce, other neighbor­ purposes gain or lose interest in the neigh­ hood interests. For a time, class and neigh­ borhood scene. If one's concept of neighbor­ borhood interests may reinforce each other, hood practice is neighborhood planning in but the chances are that they will not do so the preparation of part II (district) plans, indefinitely.

Hitchcock and Bellamy 103 A conclusion we draw from this is that to pation is a sham after all, but that one talk about citizen participation without cannot necessarily count on the conditions taking account of time or place may be com­ under which the desired form of participa­ mitting the same error as treating all crime tion will flourish and thus serve as a as a unitary phenomenon.13 medium for social planning and/or social In the recent past, Toronto experienced a reform. 'new' kind of community participation in We can only conclude from this that in which residents became extremely active in Toronto, and probably other Canadian defending community interests, as distinct cities too, attempts to treat citizen partici­ from individual property interests, by pation as one 'thing' will be neither success­ resisting certain forms of private redevelop­ ful, nor even necessarily constructive. The ment. It is entirely possible to be cynical search for citizen control untempered by about this development and view one other concerns does not do justice to the defense of interest as very like another. We complexity of the neighborhood environ­ take a different view, but what does seem ment. indisputable is that, during this period, Neighborhood practice is not going to be a horizontal systems in Toronto were panacea for anything. One can argue, enormously more active than they had been however, that some level of neighborhood before. participation of varying kinds is a Many politicians and others with commun­ necessary, if not a sufficient, condition of a ity experience were skeptical about the new democracy. We need some concept analo­ phenomenon of participation,14 and, as a gous to ambient noise in a city to describe consequence, much energy was spent in the base level of neighborhood activity; a attempting to demonstrate the authenticity general policy about neighborhoods might and distinctiveness of the new type of be relevant here. It is our belief that the resident involvement. In the Department of purpose of such a policy should be to Urban and Regional Planning at the Uni­ develop much more satisfactory mechan­ versity of Toronto a special program (called isms to relate horizontal and vertical COPLAN) was established in which systems and to make use of their comple­ students worked as planners for neighbor­ mentarities. The principal virtues of hood groups.15 Much importance was vertical systems are that they are relatively placed on the community regarding nature stable, consistent, and (within limits) of citizen participation, and there was a comprehensible. We need some form of coincidence of interests on the part of vertical system to assist in maintaining students concerned with general reform and some continuity of neighborhood structures residents concerned with particular issues. over time so that accomplishments can be Subsequent reports from those same built upon and lessons do not have to be students, many of whom work in Toronto in relearned every few years. We also need some aspect of neighborhood planning, vertical systems to help stabilize the pace of suggest how quickly the scene can change. change which can be so destructive of While they have traded their volunteer community processes in city neighborhoods. status for paid employment, this does not Horizontal systems, for their part, are appear to account for all of the change in consumer-oriented and have a natural view. There is now a recognition 9f how capacity to reveal relationships across transient the conditions are which led to the subject matter sectors (e.g., physical situation they experienced a short time ago. development and social services) and They are not cynical, but they have become between producer agencies. They are cautious about making generalizations as to responsive to the perceptions and role the nature of participation. In some cases, definitions of individuals, which can be a they find that residents' groups do behave source of great personal satisfaction. While very much as pictured a decade earlier. The this may have negative consequences, seen appropriate conclusion is not that partici- in its positive light it provides incentive for

104 Neighborhood Planning enhanced effort and innovation. Moreover, development functions, even a modest it is a valuable learning environment where center could relate to a broader range of one can learn, by experience, a remarkable services and have greater permanence than amount about civic affairs in a short period any existing program. of time. One can guess that the model, when and if it Municipal and other bureaucracies could is forthcoming, will be one in which well profit from a strengthening of their residents advise rather than manage. While horizontal patterns. In spite of what seems some would view this as a 'sell-out,' we to be 'common sense' in working across think it is appropriate. It provides a 'cap­ sectors, the decision process in Toronto turable structure' which can be given de became divided into land use concerns and facto management by local residents when social service provision. In part this came conditions favor it, but which will not about because of different professional collapse and disappear when those orientations and vested interests, and in conditions do not exist. It could provide a part from tunnel vision in the respective mechanism by means of which all areas of City Hall bureaucracies. It would thus the city would be covered-a territorial appear that, in Toronto and elsewhere, equality principle-while allowing for procedures and structures which would greater resources in areas of greater need­ encourage the mobility of personnel, ideas, an equity principle. and loyalties across departmental boundar­ In our view, Toronto has had some success ies would help. New possibilities for career with neighborhood planning. While those patterns as well as much greater use of who are active in it are frequently cynical, it short term assignments on interdepart­ certainly reflects a net increase in both mental task forces should be explored. humanity and sophistication-however far English experience has suggested a variety it may be from desired goals. The cynicism of approaches to area management16 which undoubtedly comes from the fact that it is could be valuable as long as it is understood trying to do more than is possible at that it is the behavior and not the structure present. A more permanent structure at which is important. All of these could assist least has the potential for further develop­ in making better use of the neighborhood's ment. ability to think comprehensively. In a recent article, Grant Anderson In a long term perspective it is intriguing to suggests that area planning is unlikely to speculate on the potential for training in generate large scale changes and that it is c1v1c affairs. Warner Bloomberg has no stronger than the reform movement in commented that in the United States there city politics.18 He does indicate that it has are no major formal organizations in the been somewhat more successful in Toronto community which have as a central function because of political support. While the cultivation of citizenship.17 In Toronto, continued support is not a certainty, training does occur but in a haphazard way. sufficient changes have occurred in this With the sorts of resources alluded to City to permit us to indulge in speculation. earlier, not to mention governmental and There is much that is uncertain and puzz­ voluntary programs in 'leadership training' ling, but the development thus far indicates and a great array of adult education that it may be fruitful to begin to think of programs, one cannot help thinking that neighborhood planning as part of some there is a better way to do it. larger enterprise. As noted earlier, the City of Toronto has shown some interest in developing neigh­ NOTES borhood service centers which might serve as a starting point for a more systematic 1 See Donald Keating, The Power to Make It Happen. Toronto: Green Tree, 1975. way of linking the vertical and horizontal 2 There is a brief review of this experience in Craig systems. If they were to include service Dowler, 'Two Approaches to Planning with delivery, coordination, and community People.' (Unpublished major paper, Department

Hitchcock and Bellamy 105 of Urban and Regional Planning, University of 10 In Search of a Framework, op. cit., p. 18. Toronto, 1973). 11 Roland Warren, The Community in America. 3 There were a great many currents which stimu­ Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1963, particu­ lated this interest; in Toronto it was focussed larly pp. 237-302. around planning concerns. The Globe and Mail 13 The social sciences have informed our under­ articles by James Lorimer, reprinted in The Real standing by pointing out the diversity of dimen­ World of City Politics. Toronto: James, Lewis, sions that are involved in the classification of and Samuel, 1969, were influential and give the social phenomena. For example, in what might be flavor of discussion at the time. termed a classic in sociology, Maclver points out 4 The classic article is by Sherry Arnstein, 'A that 'crime' is a legal category which may or may Ladder of Citizen Participation,' Journal of the not be relevant to questions as to why certain American Institute ofPlanners, vol. 35, July 1969, social events occur. Similarly, 'participation' may pp. 216-224. be an organizational or behavioral category from A useful paper is that by Francis Bregha, Public which political implications cannot automatically Participation in Planning Policy and Program be drawn. See Robert Maclver, Social Causation. (Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Community and New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1964, pp. 88-89. Social Services, not dated), and is the source of 14 Bureau of Municipal Research, 'Neighborhood the term 'joint planning.' Participation in Local Government,' Civic Affairs, 5 See Graham Fraser, Fighting Back. Toronto: January, 1970, p. 11. Haakert, 1972, for a case study of this situation. 15 John Hitchcock and Gerald Hodge, COPLAN: An 6 See Dowler, op. cit., and also Craig Dowler, 'Two Experiment in Advocacy Planning. Toronto: Approaches to Neighborhood Planning,' in John Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Hitchcock, (ed.), Case Studies of Neighborhood University of Toronto, Papers on Planning and Planning in Toronto. Toronto: Department of Design, no. 6, 1974. Urban and Regional Planning, University of 16 See, for example, Great Britain, Department of Toronto, Papers on Planning and Design, no. 1, The Environment, The Sunderland Study, vol. 2. 1973. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1973. 7 Report of the Neighborhood Services Work 17 Warner Bloomberg, 'Community Organization,' in Group, Toronto: City of Toronto, 1976. Ralph Kramer and Harry Specht, Readings in 8 This is well documented by In Search of a Frame­ Community Organization Practice. Englewood work, Toronto: Social Planning Council of Metro­ Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall Inc., 1969, p. 102. politan Toronto, January 1976, prepared as a 18 Grant Anderson, 'Local Area Planning: The background report for the Neighborhood Services Dream and the Reality,' City Magazine, vol. 2, Work Group. March 1977, pp. 35-43. 9 This excludes constituency offices and centers whose main function is the promotion of ethnic identity, both of which perform some information and referral functions.

106 Neighborhood Planning Planning for the Delivery of Social Services at the Local Level

John Gandy and Roger Delaney

In Canada the federal, provincial, and was an attempt to increase the effectiveness municipal governments provide a wide of the services and make them more acces­ range of programs and services to assist sible to consumers. The multi-service center persons in difficulty or need and to amelio­ can best be described as a physical location rate social problems. These services are that houses the range of social services supplemented by a parallel service system provided by the community with joint in the voluntary sector with similar target planning among the services to the end of populations. The term social services is better service to the consumer and more usually used to describe the programs and effective and efficient use of community services under voluntary and governmental resources. The reasons why multi-service auspices that are designed to achieve the centers did not succeed in meeting their two objectives stated above. In the first major objectives will be explored in some section of this article, the term social depth. We have developed a model for the services includes programs that provide planning and delivery of services on a cash benefits to persons in need, counselling regional basis that we believe will result in a and casework services, and a range of more effective and rational structure. If this services for children and the elderly model is implemented, it will facilitate the including 'hard' services such as home­ integration of physical and social planning. makers, meals-on-wheels, day care, and The search for a more rational approach to group homes. This is a more limited view of planning for the delivery of services at the the social services than we believe is local level should be of special interest to appropriate for planning purposes. In the city planners because most of these services latter part, we use the term 'human directly affect the 'quality of life' in the services' which we have defined as community. If one accepts this position, the including the traditional social services plus quantity, quality, and impact of social and social insurance schemes, manpower human services must be considered in the services, universal grants, recreation and development and implementation of official leisure time programs, subsidized housing, plans. The model we are proposing provides and public health services. The rationale for for an integration of a range of human moving away from the more limited defini­ services, greater accountability at the local tion of social services for planning is level, and a responsiveness to local needs. developed later. All of the above will help the city planner in At present all of the services listed above his efforts to integrate physical and social are administered at the provincial and local planning. More specifically, we will examine levels by numerous government agencies planning that has as its objective an and departments with little or no communi­ increase in the utilization of social services cation, integration, or joint planning. We by making these services more available review one major effort at integration and and accessible to persons who are users and decentralization of services at the local level potential users of the services. -the multi-service center. This approach to Although this area of planning is one that integration and decentralization of services has always received attention from social

Plan Canada 17/2 June/juin 1977 107 planners, in recent years government, social systems by government and voluntary agencies, private funding bodies, and agencies. This reassessment resulted in the welfare organizations have expressed development of models that provided for concern about the inadequacy of the social decentralization of social welfare delivery service delivery system. The following are systems. Thus the focus of social planning some of the factors that have contributed to shifted from the organizational concerns of the widespread dissatisfaction with tradi­ social agencies to the interface of the clients tional methods of service delivery: and the social welfare agencies. D an increasing imbalance between the With this shift in focus, social planners set expectations of the public and the limited out to develop methods and techniques for resources to meet these expectations; the delivery of social welfare services that D the re-discovery of the importance of the would accomplish four major objectives: neighborhood by social workers; • increase the accessibility, utilization and • a recognition of the complexity and accountability of government and volun­ impersonal nature of large urban areas; tary social welfare services; D increased use of social services by the D improve the communication between the non-poor in the population; users and providers of the services; D failure of the social services to plan joint­ D reduce the fragmentation of social welfare ly with other human services; and services; and D inefficient use of expensive highly trained D provide for joint planning and programs staff and physical resources. with other human services such as educa­ In the post World War II years, social tion, health, and recreation. welfare planners directed most of their Although a number of experimental efforts to structural modifications in the projects were developed, the concept of the organization of services to meet the multi-service center was seen by many problems of lack of coordination, duplica­ planners as the most promising practical tion within and between the governmental alternative to meet the above objectives. and voluntary sectors, the development of schemes for setting priorities, problems Multi-Service Center Concept caused by competition among agencies for Organizationally, the multi-service center clients, and the haphazard growth of social was conceived as the location of selected services and programs. In addition, social community related services, such as planners in Canada were confronted with personal social services, income mainten­ two major problems. First, the growth of ance services, public health services, services and programs lacked an organizing manpower services, adult education ser­ principle which would serve to maximize vices, etc., in a single complex located in a the relationship between individual social defined geographic community. This design service programs and the goals of the social is similar to the 'shopping mall concept' service delivery system. Secondly, there where the potential shopper comes to a was a failure to develop standards for conveniently located center which offers a service delivery. The latter resulted from an sufficient variety of resources to meet most inability to resolve differences of opinion of his needs. It was anticipated that with a regarding the content and boundaries of smaller service area and increased resources many social services, (i.e., child protection, (other collocated services) complemented financial assistance, daycare) and a lack of by greater awareness of the problems of one specificity with regard to target popula­ community, the staff would be able to tions and populations at risk. perform their duties (planning, program In Canada and the U.S. during the 1960s, design and evaluation, service delivery, concern about poverty and pressure from community consultation, etc.) more effi­ clients for a devolution of control and ciently and effectively than with previously service delivery to small areas contributed existing structures. to the reassessment of service delivery Parker noted in her study of the develop-

108 Delivery of Social Services ment of multi-service c~nters that the At best, the multi-service center repre­ centers basically arose either from adminis­ sented a cosmetic organizational change trative reform or political reform. 1 The which did not have a substantive impact on administrative reforms occur at the level of the effective delivery of social service the service provider and depend on 'the co­ programs. Burns asserts that this emphasis operation and consensual agreement of all on improving the means of social service the providers involved.'2 These reforms can delivery reflects an attitude that the key be government initiated, as was the situa­ problem is inadequate coordination of tion in the Boston Little City Halls and existing services rather than the inadequacy the Prince Edward Island Regional Service either in quantity or quality of the resources Centers, or community initiated, such as themselves.4 Davidson notes that coordina­ the York Community Service Center in tion should occur at the planning and Toronto and the Brittania Community delivery of services levels: Services Center in Vancouver. Political In planning, it is the process by which two or more reform, on the other hand, addresses the organizations make decisions together. In the delivery issue of control over resources and alloca­ of social services, it is the integration of the activities tion powers and as such, involves some of two or more organizations.5 However, Parker goes even further when shift in political authority. Where adminis­ trative reform does not give clear mandates she advocates the adoption of the concept of a Community Service Team which utilizes a to integrate services, political reform re­ multi-function rather than multi-service assigns power to allow appropriate service model. A multi-functional team would integration, and as such, empowers operate under designated bodies to coerce, if necessary, reluctant providers who wish to maintain ... one center of authority, to which community service workers are accountable. Skills are integrated their own autonomy. Political reform can be into a set of common purposes for a given local area. government managed or community Workers acquire a sense of responsibility for that area managed. An example of this type of reform and for the elimination of gaps, even when the support can be found in British Columbia where required is not in the area of their own specialization.6 local resources boards were established by A Case Study provincial legislation. 3 The majority of multi-service center One of the more interesting developments projects to date can best be characterized as in multi-service centers occurred in Prince government-initiated administrative reform Edward Island where the concept of a enterprises. As a result, the goals of the regional service center evolved to a multi­ center are formulated to deal with govern­ functional service team for the delivery of ment's perception of community and client social services. The regional service center needs, and the services made available to was first advocated in the Report of the the public (service mix) are determined by Premier's Task Force on Extended Care government officials. and Alcoholic Treatment Facilities in 7 While the centers did make services more P.E.I. which recommended that the accessible to their defined communities and regional service center be established as an served as a central point for information instrument for social and economic policy in . exchange, service planning and delivery Prince Edward Island for the next five were still a function of the parent organi­ years. zation of the collocated staff. The services The first regional service center housed were still fragmented and the responsibility fifteen provincial agencies that offered for the clients was shown by several twenty-five services and four federal agencies. For the planner, the decision­ agencies that offered six services. The making process within the center was still a center was staffed by an intake worker, a function of member consensus rather than center manager, and clerical staff. The the vehicle for total client/community center manager reported to the Deputy planning. Minister of the Department of Develop-

Gandy and Delaney 109 ment, who was in turn advised by a Board 3 Targeted Referrals of Directors. Among the many provincial The client should be offered access to agencies located in the center were the the services of other departments and Departments of Social Services, Agricul­ agencies on a formal guaranteed basis. ture and Forestry, Education, Community Referrals ... should incorporate a call­ Services and Fisheries, the Land Develop­ back feature; ment Corporation, the Prince Edward 4 Total Client Planning Island Lending Authority, the Rural Devel­ A complete assessment of client needs opment Council, the Red Cross Society, the should be made with the client and a Provincial Land Valuation Board, the case plan worked out with him/her District Veterinarian, and the Administra­ during the intake process. Such a case tive Offices of the local School Unit. plan should have an agency guarantee The intake worker for the center ensured of delivery. that all of the relevant resources of the 5 Client Needs Assessment center were at the disposal of the client. The The case plan should identify basic major difficulty confronting the center client needs. Needs which are not pro­ manager and the intake worker was that vided by the department or secured they were never given authority to inte­ through referral are recorded as 'unmet grate the center's resources. As a result, the needs' and serve as a basis for subse­ center's achievement was limited to colloca­ quent program design. tion of service agencies and a common file 6 Rationalization of Management Infor­ depot. mation System An assessment of the center8 attributed the Information systems must be rational­ center's lack of success in integrating the ized from a random gathering of data to collocated services to the failure to delegate a disciplined system producing informa­ appropriate authority to the center's tion for case management program management and to the lack of technical monitoring, evaluation, planning, finan­ understanding required to answer the cial control and administrative require­ critical question of 'how,' after agreement is ments, and for public information pur­ reached on 'what' should be done. poses. 9 In response to this assessment, the Depart­ A direct implication of investing the power ment of Social Services embarked on an of 'service contracts,' which are binding for extensive departmental re-organization all departmental services, in the hands of an designed to integrate the delivery of social intake system, is that this power must be services. At this time, social services were consistent with the power delegated to the delivered through three main divisions, division responsible for intake. Thus, not Child and Family Services, General Welfare only must services be integrated to enhance Assistance, and Rehabilitation. Design service delivery, but management must also principles to govern the re-organization be integrated. All divisional activities were were carefully articulated under the follow­ carefully articulated and divided into those ing headings: directly related to service delivery and 1 Client those which supported service delivery The Client is the basic unit to whom all (such as liaison with other departments, services are directed. He/she should not funding arrangements, legislative revisions, be perceived as a consumer, shopping and reviews, etc.). Two new divisions subse­ for services; quently evolved and activities were 2 Intake Mechanism assigned according to purpose. The The client should have access to any of Division of Field Services was given author­ the social services through one agent of ity for all service delivery activities and the the Department who has at his/her program support activities were divided command all the resources that the between the Division of Program Support Department has to offer; and Development, and the Research,

110 Deliver) ;Jt Social Services Planning, and Evaluation Unit. tive systems engineering, he is also aware Multi-functional service teams eventually that the role of the social services is not evolved which operated out of regional limited to planning specific remedies to service centers. However, the same diffi­ identified problems, but, as Wharf points culties were encountered and the same out, planning must also address three determination required to reassign power prevention activities: and change organizationally entrenched Prevention is usually broken down into primary, roles was demanded in this re-organization. secondary, and tertiary activities. Primary prevention The Department has yet to examine in is concerned with preventing problems from arising, secondary with identifying problems and dealing with detail the quality of the services being them at an early stage, and tertiary with developing delivered and the relevance of the services effective programs so that problems do not reoccur.12 and their impact on the sources of social The second missing element is the ability to problems. implement plans. Regardless of how While the integration of services through a brilliant, comprehensive, and politically and multi-function center may facilitate service socially sensitive a plan may be in its con­ delivery for the client and make possible ceptual stage, it is only as valuable and as total client planning, the management of useful as its implementation. Planners must the center must serve as the generating then have an intimate awareness of (1) the energy for proper service targeting and social reality to which the plans are delivery. In other words, to ensure that the addressed, and (2) the administrative center is functioning as reported, it requires planning system already in operation in the a research, planning, and evaluation capa­ organization. bility. Bloedorn, et al recommended that In order to increase the sensitivity of the ideal social service delivery system planners to the social reality, Wharf would have a planning capacity at the local recommends that two types of planning be level which would ensure: purposely excluded from the organizational ... the development of a continuing planning func­ framework of social service delivery tion, that is, the capacity to identify and evaluate local systems.13 These are innovative and social service needs, to outline local social service objectives, to formulate local operating plans to meet advocacy planning. Innovative planning is these objectives, and then to accurately forecast an 'attempt to break out of the existing resources required to carry out these plans.10 models of thinking' 14 in order to free the Parker11 identified two important factors search for new solutions to existing which would have to be considered in the problems and to identify issues not yet design of multi-functional service centers. perceived as problems. Advocacy planning First, all service providers will have to is concerned with the examination of establish coterminous catchment areas so existing public policies and programs and that all will serve the same geographical the offering of alternatives which will area. Second, planners will have to address directly benefit an identified interest group. the issue of scale which will establish the Both these planning activities should pro­ relationship between the number and kind vide feedback mechanisms on the impact of staff required to support the mix of and public perception and appreciation of services while maintaining a responsiveness their programs. to local needs and characteristics. We visualize the planning process at the neighborhood level as essentially incre­ Some Limitations of the Multi-Service mental and deriving its main rationality Center Concept from a higher level of government. In this There are two essential elements which relationship, planning at the neighborhood are missing in the multi-service center level would represent an inductive approach approach to planning service delivery: where problem solving skills are of para­ prevention and implementation. While the mount importance. Higher levels of social service planner is certainly cognizant government planning assume a deductive of the need for rational planning and effec- approach which helps to provide 'answers

Gandy and Delaney 111 to planning decisions which are eventually neighborhood approach to the planning and embodied in budget and legislative delivery of social welfare services through decisions. •15 This identifies one of plan­ the multi-service and multi-function agen­ ning's fundamental relationships, that is, cies has clearly demonstrated that substan­ its relationship with policymaking.16 In tive changes in the service delivery will not the past, this relationship was seen as one result from reform at the neighborhood in which the planner was basically a techni­ level. cian whose expertise was the application of In Canada several provinces saw the devel­ scientific methods to the resolution of pre­ opment of regional administrative units as determined problems.17 This role is now providing an opportunity to make the changing as planners and policy makers delivery and planning of social services recognize that the environment is unstable more rational in terms of the needs of the and that the future cannot be deduced from public while achieving greater efficiency in the past. 18 Therefore, not only would the the use of services. More specifically, the role of planning be decentralized by a administration of social services on a community service center model, but the regional basis was seen as having the role of policy making would have to be potential for accomplishing the following: adapted to the needs of smaller areas as • increasing citizen input in planning and well. This requirement for decentralization developing services; was recognized by Novick who envisioned a • reducing administrative costs; social policy capability for the municipal D achieving more uniformity in the stan­ sector. The municipality would then have dard of service; the capacity to: • differentiating services according to the ... monitor the varied trends in needs; develop an needs and characteristics of the popula­ integrated and responsible set of priorities on the tion in the regions; and preferred pattern of human services spending; ensure making effective and efficient use of staff that services are adequately distributed ... ; that • some minimal set of common standards exists; and through decategorization of services at that the municipal sector is able to clearly and intelli­ the service level. gently put forward its policy proposals to senior Regionalization was also seen as providing levels.19 an opportunity and a mandate for the The next section will deal with the issues development of comprehensive plans for involved in the decision to decentralize each region based on local priorities and social services to the neighborhood level identified needs. under the auspices of a regional administra­ Several provinces have developed experi­ tive unit. mental or demonstration projects that created regional social welfare units or Planning and Delivery of Social Services combined health and social welfare units.21 On a Regional Basis A major problem has been that the respon­ The multi-service and multi-function sibility for services is lodged in two or more centers discussed in the previous section ministries with little or no integration or represented a new initiative in the planning coordination between ministries. Quebec and delivery of social services on a neigh­ has gone further than any of the provinces borhood or small area basis. In most in regionalizing its social welfare and health instances, the centers operated as separate services and we will use their experience as administrative units with no administrative an example of the regional approach to or functional ties with surrounding neigh­ planning service delivery. borhoods or other human services, except possibly health services. In this regard, Regional Planning for the Delivery of Kahn has observed that: 'A Neighborhood Social Services in Quebec ... cannot sustain a system network (of The Health and Social Services Act of 1971 services), and complete local control will provided for the integration of health and thus be eventually dysfunctional. •20 The social services in Quebec and divided the

112 Delivery of Social Services province into twelve regions for the admini­ developed in Quebec would appear to meet stration of the integrated services. In each some of the objections to earlier efforts at region, a Health and Welfare Council, developing a viable framework within which accountable to the Minister of Social a responsible and effective social planning Affairs and with community participation effort could be mounted and maintained. in administration, is assigned the responsi­ One of the criticisms of the system, in which bility for the planning and delivery of a each municipality was responsible for social wide range of health and social services that services within its boundaries, was that are accessible and available to all. The there were wide variations in the quality of legislation states further that in each region service between municipalities. Regional these services will be delivered through administration of services should produce Local Community Service Centers, Social more uniformity in the standard of service Service Centers, Hospital Centers, and provided across several municipalities. Reception Centers. The Local Community Integration of health and social services Service Centers have been assigned the might be expected to reduce the responsibility for providing the following competition for funds and clients among services: Information and Referral; Coun­ these services. The regional Health and selling; Public Health; Primary Health Welfare Councils have a mandate to plan Care; and Preventive Health. Social Service and deliver health and social services Centers are multi-function centers that which represents a substantive change from provide a range of specialized services the fragmented approach in which different formerly provided by both voluntary and levels of government shared the responsi­ governmental agencies and departments. bility for planning and service delivery. Hospitals and Reception Centers are In view of the above, it would appear that administrative units responsible respec­ the regionalization of services in Quebec tively for groups of hospitals and institu­ might provide a model that could be the tions for the aged, juveniles, the chronically basis for reorganization of service delivery ill, etc. systems in other jurisdictions in Canada. An important change introduced in Quebec However, upon closer examination of this with the passage of the Health and Social approach some very significant limitations Services Act was statutory provision for become apparent. election of the consumers or users of the Silcox, discussing the regionalization of services to the boards of all centers. It services, reminds us that: 'It is quite should be noted however that no provision possible to create a series of regions was made for the direct election of the complete with regional offices without the consumers of the service as members of the decentralization of any authority or Regional Health and Welfare Councils. The power.'22 This is what has happened in members of the Regional Councils are either Quebec despite the spirit and intent of the appointed by the Minister of Social Affairs Health and Social Services Act. One or selected by the Mayors of the munici­ observer has commented that in adminis­ palities in the region. tering the Act, 'The Province has kept The intent of the legislation was to improve effective control of budgets and of decisions the organization and delivery of health and regarding changes in existing programs and social services. The provision for consumer the development of new ones.'23 The failure input in the planning and delivery of to delegate authority to the regions to services was seen as important to ensure control program and budget means that that health and social services would evolve their ability to develop and implement according to the special needs and expecta­ plans is· minimal. tions of each region and to provide continu­ The regional Health and Social Welfare ing feedback to planners and administrators Councils are accountable to the provincial at the regional level. Ministry of Social Affairs rather than to The regional approach to service delivery as locally elected officials. Although it was

Gandy and Delaney 113 Figure 1: An integrated delivery system for the human services: proposed inter-governmental relationships and functions

DIRECT SERVICES FEDERAL LEVEL TRANSFER PAYMENTS -to establish a Nationnl Social Policy - manpower services -to negotiate Federal-Provincial cost-sharing agreements -work activity programs -to enact appropriate legislation 1------;> -consultation in criminal justice field -to offer international services -parole -to establish an effectiveness audit '' 'I SERVICE AUDIT PROVINCIAL LEVEL INCOME SUPPORT I' •'--) -to monitor the quality and effectiveness -to reconcile Provincial-Federal Social Policy k--J of regional services -to establish funding formula for Regional Councils -Family Allowance Program -to offer staff training and development k-- -to enact appropriate legislation I------=,, -General Welfare Assistance programs -to delegate appropriate authority (Guaranteed Income) -lo offer s_pecializ~d services -to develop a strong research, planning, and policy -Income Supplement Programs -to establish service standards development capacity '------'----'-----'-,1-----_J CITIZEN'S HUMAN REGIONAL COUNCIL SERVICES COUNCIL -to determine appropriate 'social service mix' for region -to monitor the input and appro- -to develop liaisons with appropriate human and priateness of all services in physical resources ~ the area -to prepare a regional budget -to establish an innovative -to maintain an evaluation, planning and research advocate & transactive capacity planning posture I HUMAN SERVICES COMMITTEE -management of integrated social service program I -hiring of staff .. ,.•:.=.··· ~------,....; -human resource management .. ······":•.1:.- -program evaluation f REGIONAL ACTIVITIES -citizen self-help activities -outreach programs ~------provision of appropriate facilities ____ direct relationship -impact analysis of social service programs - • • • • • • monitoring relationship !individual and collective) · · · · · · · · co,operative relationship -social problem identification

intended that community participation and daries are not conterminous and it will be accountability would be accomplished difficult to achieve effective linkages unless through consumers elected to the boards of all service functions are the responsibility of the centers, there have been many problems a regional government. in implementing this prov1s10n of the Proposal for an Integrated Service Delivery Act. 24 However, even if the notion of consumer input is fully implemented, it is System at the Regional Level necessary and desirable that there be Although we have identified a number of political accountability at the level where weaknesses in the regional structure planning must be implemented. In Quebec, developed in Quebec, we think that a regionalization has effectively bypassed the service delivery system controlled by the local political structure which is probably a regional government has the greatest contributing factor to the continued concen­ potential for developing a truly integrated tration of decision making at the provincial delivery system. Support for our position is level. provided by Mayo who reported that trans­ An important limitation of this model is its ferring responsibility for social services failure to provide for linkages with other from the municipalities to the regional human services. This problem is exacer­ government in the Ottawa-Carleton Region bated by the lack of shared boundaries. The was one of the 'wisest' steps taken when the social service system is a sub-system of a regional government was established. His larger service system and effective planning assessment is that: will only occur when there is planned inter­ To have the social services under one management action and communication between the promotes 'conscious planning, coordination and eval­ uation ... Centralization of effort and resources ... sub-systems. Interaction and communi­ in order to achieve equality of opportunity, uniform cation between the sub-systems is less policy and standardize programs.' It removes dispari­ likely to happen when their service boun- ties and ad hoc developments.25

114 Delivery of Social Services Space does not permit a discussion of some and welfare councils or committees to coor­ of the more obvious implications of our dinate services. These councils and com­ model and although we recognize many of mittees usually have been provided with the problems that would arise in imple­ few, if any, resources for research or menting it, we do not think these problems program planning. Consequently, their are insurmountable. Figure 1 outlines the major thrust has been to improve the basic structure of the model and provides efficiency of services with little attention to examples of the functions that would be the effectiveness of the delivery system. To carried by different levels of government. In move beyond this more limited objective, our discussion of the model, we will focus on we propose that the regional councils the changes recommended at the regional establish Human Services Committees with level because we see these changes as the responsibility for developing and imple­ central to the approach we are proposing. menting plans within policies established It is our position that an elected regional by the regional council for the delivery of a council is a necessary prerequisite for range of human services. The following establishing an effective delivery system at services and programs, delivered by various this level. The direct election of regional levels of government, would be included in councillors serves to make the council the service delivery system: accountable to consumers and offers the • all social services presently provided by further advantage of placing the accoun­ the municipalities, the province, and the tability with elected rather than appointed federal government, with the exception of officials. Mayo strongly supports the direct social insurance and programs that election of councillors with the following provide universal grants; comment summarizing his position: • public health services; ... there is a strong tendency for councillors serving • recreation and leisure time programs; at the regional level, representing local (municipal) • institutions for the aged; councils to take a parochial 'What's-in-it-for-my-muni­ • subsidized housing; and cipality viewpoint with a concomitant failure to view issues regionally ... The 'indirect' councillors' power • purchase of service, and grants to volun­ base is at the lower tier hence their chief loyalties lie tary agencies, provided these are services there also. The result of this is to undermine the for which the regional council has respon­ authority and effectiveness of regional councils. sibility. Mayo further recommends that members of The assignment of the responsibility for the regional councils be elected by wards which above programs and services to the regional follow municipal boundary lines. We council, and ultimately to a Human Service support this recommendation for the elec­ Committee, will result in the creation of a tion of councillors on a ward basis as new, large service delivery system with sub­ contrasted with election-at-large. systems of interrelated and interdependent The elected regional council must be given services. One effect of creating this larger control of the funds spent in the region for system will be to end the isolation of the programs that are administered by the social service system from the other council, and a mandate to develop and systems with which it shares responsibility deliver services within broad policy guide­ for the provision of service. lines established by the federal and provin­ Consumer input in the planning and cial governments. In addition, ultimately a delivery of human services at the regional procedure will have to be developed that level will come from two sources. First, the will permit the regional council to have consumers will have the same access that some impact on direct services that are they have at present through their elected provided in the region by the federal and representative. A second, and more impor­ provincial governments. tant access, will be through a Citizens' The more traditional approach to the Human Services Council which will act as a delivery of social services at the regional spokesman for citizens, consumers, and level has been to establish regional health voluntary agencies with respect to com·

Gandy and Delaney 115 munity needs, provide a continuing forum resulting in a more vertically structured for monitoring the performance of the organization. Ultimately social service Human Services Committee of the regional integration could result in a 'service council, and report to the regional council monopoly' resting in the control of a very on a regular basis. The Citizens' Human powerful policy and decision making Services Council should have reasonable network. autonomy with respect to budget and staff. For the purposes of this article, integration One of the objectives of the Citizens' implies much more than the appointment of Human Services Council would be to raise one department or agency to serve as an the consciousness of the public27 with overlord for all other agencies and depart­ respect to the contribution that human men ts offering social service functions. It is services can make to improve the quality of seen as a purposive assignment of power to life in the region and to encourage know­ a designated body commissioned to make a ledgable participation of citizens. To accom­ fundamental inquiry into the etiology of plish this objective, the Council should be social problems with the specific objective staffed by persons with skills ranging from of reconceptualizing and aligning services planning and research to adult education. and overcoming problems. It is our conten­ The brief discussion of selected aspects of tion that integration is an essential factor in our model has stressed those aspects that the development of a social service delivery we believe distinguish it from other system characterized by quality, compre­ approaches to service delivery at the hensiveness, suitability, legitimacy, and regional level. However, we have attempted effectiveness. to present a broad perspective of service delivery based on the position that it is NOTES self-defeating to design a service delivery system for social services in isolation from 1 Anella Parker, 'Models of Decentralized Coordi­ other related services. nation,' Coordinating Services in Metropolitan Toronto. Urban Institute Three. Toronto: Social Throughout this article, we have stressed Planning Council of Metropolitan Toronto, 1976, the importance of integration and decen­ p. vi-9. tralization of services in the development of 2 Ibid., p. vi-10. a service delivery system; however, we have 3 For a detailed analysis of several multi-service center projects, the reader is urged to consult the found that often these concepts are not Parker article, with specific attention top. vi-11- complementary, so our final observations vi-24. will be directed to this point. 4 Virginia Burns, Social Service Delivery Project Final Report. Chicago: University of Chicago Caveat Emptor School of Social Service Administration and the Center for the Study of Welfare Policy, 1973, While this article supports an integrated pp. 3-15. and decentralized service delivery system, 5 Stephen Davidson, 'Planning and Coordination of recent experiences demonstrate that an Social Services in Multiorganizational Contexts,' inherent conflict naturally exists between Social Service Review, vol. 50, no. 2., 1976, p. 118. 28 6 Parker, op. cit., pp. vi-7. these two concepts, and that either the 7 Province of Prince Edward Island, Report of the integration component (as exemplified by Premier's Task Force on Extended Care and Quebec's Bill 65) or the decentralization Alcoholic Treatment Facilities in Prince Edward component (as exemplified by British Island. Charlottetown: The Queen's Printer, Columbia's Community Resources Act) is March 31, 1969. 8 Province of Prince Edward Island, Department of preferentially treated. Development, The Regional Service Center Pro­ Decentralization implies the 'flattening out' ject: An Instrument for Social Development, of organizational structures with an Charlottetown, 1973, p. 8. emphasis on greater sharing by more staff 9 John Eldon Green and Kevin Costello, 'Audio­ Visual Presentation to Annual Conference,' in the decision making process. On the (mimeographed) paper presented to the Annual other hand, integration implies the centrali­ Conference of the American Association for the zation of the decision making process, Mentally Deficient, Toronto, June 5, 1974, p. 18b.

116 Delivery of Social Services 10 J. Bloedorn, E. Maclatchie, W. Friedlander, and BIBLIOGRAPHY J. Wedemeyer, Designing Social Service Systems. Chicago: American Public Welfare Association, Armitage, A., Social Welfare in Canada: Ideals and 1970, p. 44. Realities. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975. 11 Parker, op. cit., p. vi-8. Brown, R.G. The Management of Welfare. Glasgow: 12 Brian Wharf, 'Social Planning Functions and William Collins, 1975. Social Planning Organizations,' (mimeographed) Friedmann, John, and Hudson, Barclay, 'Knowledge paper presented to a Seminar on Social Planning and Action: A Guide to Planning Theory,' Journal at the Ministry of Community and Social Services, of the American Institute of Planners, vol. 40, Toronto, September 18, 1973, p. 10. Selected por­ January, 1974, pp. 2-16. tions of this paper are offered in Province of Gandy, J., Social Service Delivery in Scotland: A Ontario, Ministry of Community and Social Study of Four Area Social Work Teams. Toronto: Services, Sourcebook to Pathways to Social University of Toronto, Faculty of Social Work, Planning. Toronto: Ministry of Community and 1975. Social Services, 1975, pp. 93-121. Godschalk, D., (ed.), Planning in America: Learning 13 Ibid., pp. 10-12. from Turbulence. Washington: American Insti­ 14 Ibid., p. 10. tute of Planners, 197 4. 15 H.J. Gans, People & Plans: Essays on Urban Hepworth, P., Community Multi-Service Centers. Problems and Solutions. New York: Basic Books, Ottawa: Canadian Council on Social Development, 1968, p. 86. 1970. 16 A. Faludi, A Reader in Planning Theory. Toronto: Kahn, A., Theory and Practice of Social Planning. New Pergamon Press, 1973, p. 1. York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1969. 17 Ibid., p. 2, for a more detailed account of Faludi's ____ Social Policy and Social Services. New concept of planning theory and in particular, the York: Random House, 1973. distinction between the theory of planning and Malm, A., Strategic Planning Systems. Lund, Sweden: theory in planning. Studentlitteratur, 1975. 18 D. Schon, Beyond the Stable State. New York: Piliavin, I., Handler, J., and Hallingsworth, E.J., Alter­ W.W. Norton, 1971, pp. 9-30. natives for Delivery of Social Services: A Re­ 19 Marvyn Novick, 'Developing a Municipal Frame­ search Design and Experiment. Chicago: Univer­ work for Coordination.' Coordinating Services in sity of Chicago, School of Social Science Admin­ Metropolitan Toronto. Urban Institute Three. istration and the Center for the Study of Welfare Toronto: Social Planning Council of Metropolitan Policy, 1972. Toronto, 1976, p. iii-25. Titmuss, R., Social Policy: An Introduction. London: 20 Alfred Kahn, 'Service Delivery at the Neighbor­ George Allen & Unwin, 1974. hood Level: Experience, Theory and Fads,' Social Service Review, vol. 50, no. 1, 1976, p. 49. 21 Province of Ontario, Ministry of Community and Social Services, op. cit., pp. 13-22. 22 Peter Silcox, 'The Future Relationships Between the Voluntary Social Planning Councils and Local Municipal Governments, Particularly Reformed Regional Governments,' (mimeographed) paper presented to Seminar on Social Planning at the Ministry of Community and Social Services, Toronto, September, 1973, p. 2. 23 Brian Wharf, 'Health and Social Services in Quebec,' op. cit., Sourcebook to Pathways to Social Planning, p. 22. 24 B. Kalmanasch, 'Community Participation in V.M.S.S.C. Programming,' Newsletter Ville­ Marie Social Service Center, no. 40, 1977. 25 H.B. Mayo, Report of the Ottawa-Carleton Review Commission. Toronto: Ministry of the Treasury, Province of Ontario, 1976, p. 164. 26 Ibid., p. 112. 27 J. Friedmann, Retracking America: A Theory of Transactive Planning. New York: Anchor/ Doubleday, 1973, pp. 171-193. 28 For a comprehensive analysis of the problems confronting the design of social service delivery systems and the major efforts and strategies being employed, the reader is urged to consult N. Gilbert and H. Specht, Dimensions of Social Welfare Policy. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice­ Hall, 1974, pp. 107-138.

Gandy and Delaney 117 Social Planning in Vancouver

Maurice Egan

Introduction Within the context of these constraints, the Social planning, a relative newcomer to the following pages present an historical ranks of urban professions, is a widespread evaluation of Vancouver's Social Planning movement to influence selectively social Department, describe its style of operation, change, control its externalities, and plan define its goals and objectives and discuss a for its impacts. It has emerged in recent number of departmental programs in order years as a separate function of government to illustrate some of Vancouver's responses and private enterprise. Social planning's to social change over the past decade. appearance in 1968 at the municipal level as By the mid 1960s, Vancouver, like many a City Department in Vancouver was other major North American cities was prompted by architects, planners, engi­ embarked upon a number of ambitious neers, and city managers. They recognized programs designed to improve the live­ that the knowledge explosion plus the ability of its inner City. In the light of the increasing specialization in their respective disastrous problems that were highly fields of expertise, made it difficult for them apparent in several of the largest cities in to assess fully the social impact of their the United States, eradication of urban plans. Municipal initiatives in social social problems was high on Vancouver's planning also reflected one of the primary list of priorities. Whether Vancouver's concerns of government, namely, to physical structure or social circumstances redistribute more equitably economic and were vulnerable to the problems envisaged, social benefits. Cities with high concentra­ and whether the solutions adopted tions of human settlements most starkly elsewhere were suited to Vancouver, were manifested the disparities between growing not questions that diminished the feeling of affluence and climbing expectations on the urgency to act. At first, the major problems one hand, and continued poverty and of the City's core area were considered widening social inequities on the other. susceptible to physical intervention in the The intent of this article is to provide a case form of clearance and redevelopment. study of social planning within a municipal However, it soon became apparent that the framework. For those who have experience physical deterioration of inner city neigh­ with city government, the municipal borhoods was only one aspect of a myriad of framework limitation by itself is sufficient social ills associated with low-income and to bring forth a host of others by implica­ other disadvantaged status. tion, such as: In June of 1965, the City's then Board of • divisions in jurisdiction between levels of Administration (now the City Manager's government; Office), recognizing the increasing demand • limited municipal tax base and budget; on local government for social initiatives, • administrative prerogatives in local prepared a memorandum supporting the bureaucracies; establishment of a Social Planning Depart­ • and the immediacy of pressures and short ment. The memorandum suggested that: term political horizons to which munici­ The proposed Department of Social Planning would pal politicians are subject. coordinate the efforts of civic departments and

118 Plan Canada 17/2 June/juin 1977 voluntary agencies to deal with families and persons city resulted in their involvement in a wide requiring assistance, and to achieve concerted applica­ range of community and neighborhood tion of health, education, welfare, recreation and employment services combined with public works of activities. Social workers, teachers, nurses, all descriptions including public housing and urban police, recreation workers, and other field renewal. staff met as 'local social service teams' to The Department's terms of reference were discuss common problems. Social service approved by City Council in June of 1968. coordination at the local level helped to They were quite broad and convey the increase the field workers' level of aware­ impression of a strong department with ness of different aspects of multidimen­ authority to effect significant changes in sional problems and of their own responsi­ the administration of civic services, and in bilities in relation to the larger network of the coordination of outside boards and service delivery. The Local Area Coordina­ voluntary agencies. In recommending the tors chaired the regular service team meet­ establishment of a Department of Social ings and attempted to provide close liaison Planning, the City's Board of Adminis­ between the area professionals and the local tration also recommended that the City be citizen councils. The citizen councils were divided into discrete local areas based on a established with the aid of community recognition of established informal neigh­ development workers funded by the Social borhoods, community self perception, popu­ Planning Department, United Way, and the lation, natural geographic boundaries, and Provincial Government. The City's Board existing administrative divisions. The of Administration had originally recom­ Department was to organize 'local area mended that the Social Planning Depart­ councils' in the various communities to ment's own staff function in community engage residents in the task of identifying development roles; however, the Director social problems and designing appropriate sensed the potential conflict of interest programs to solve them. Departmental between these roles and sub-contracted the staff, designated 'Local Area Co-ordinators' function to a private social agency, Neigh­ in 1968, were to work with the local area borhood Services Association. This agency councils and with decentralized area staff established a Community Development from various provincial, federal, private, Department and made available to local and municipal agencies in order to coor­ areas of the city a complement of com­ dinate the delivery of social service pro­ munity development workers. In a couple of grams.1 years their community development budget Thus, from 1968 to 1970, Vancouver's ranged between $175,000 · $200,000 Social Planning Department concentrated annually. on attempting to coordinate social services By late 1970, the local area coordination on a local area basis. The goals of the approach to municipal social planning in Department at that time were to make Vancouver had virtually disappeared. social services: Difficulties with this role had become D better known and more acceptable to the evident early in the Department's life. The users; various local area professionals tended to O more manageable and better designed to view most problems in terms of lack of meet the particular needs of the people in services, shortage of money, and personnel. their own neighborhoods; Almost always the local area staff lacked O more accountable by ensuring that spe­ authority to plan or launch new programs. cific social agency and field staff respon­ They were not policymakers within their sibilities would be clearly pinpointed and own organizations, and while they were difficult to evade; and generally desirous of coordinating their O more amenable to outside performance activities with workers from other agencies, evaluation, including public opinion. with a view to the establishment of new During this period, presence of social plan­ methods of working together and providing ning staff in the various local areas of the more effective programming, approval from

Egan 119 middle management and policymaking departmental staff to work closely with administrators in central offices, removed policy makers, senior management, and line from the field, was seldom forthcoming. staff in various private agencies and Quite naturally, senior level administrators government departments. in different agencies such as provincial, At present the Social Planning Department federal, and voluntary agencies, did not has three main functional areas of responsi­ want to lose control of their staff in the bility, namely, social services planning, field. Nor were the priorities, policies, and cultural program planning, and social budgets of an individual agency always environment planning. The Department's responsive to varied pressures from dif­ administrative budget ($509,000 in 1977) is ferent local area staff and citizen groups. the smallest of those of all the major line Conflicts and tensions were created that departments, and only the City Manager's were not easily convertible into better office and the Mayor's office rank below it quality social services. As a result, benefits in salary expenditures. However, the total derived from the Social Planning Depart­ budget of programs managed or monitored ment's local area approach were limited. It by Social Planning ranks much higher became apparent that Social Planning ($3,187,000 in 1975). Department successes arose, not from staff The Department is small. It is comprised of roles as local area coordinators, but rather thirteen professionals from the fields of by selective intervention in City-wide social work, recreation, urban planning, issues, supported by clear City Council engineering, law, architecture, sociology, mandates. research, and the arts. Social planning Early in 1970, the Department radically influence cuts across established adminis­ altered its emphasis and working style. The trative jurisdictions and moves vertically narrow approach, based on local area to interact with policymakers as well as coordination of social services was staff at middle management and field abandoned in favor of a strategy of selective levels. The Department's style of operation intervention over a broader and much wider reflects a more open, initiatory, and less range of urban issues and concerns. Staff traditional approach within the City admin­ began to work in clearly defined subject istration. As a small, multidisciplinary areas rather than on a geographical basis. Department, it is able to relate to a broad Particular problems were pinpointed and spectrum of public interests. What the specific projects were designed to allow the Department lacks in depth of resources is 'Social Planners' to work at all levels of made up by its ability to react fairly quickly problem solution. This new working to developing situations, supported by line arrangement reflected not only a dissatis­ departments, who make up the bulk of the faction with the benefits achieved by City's administrative force. This role has attempting to coordinate social services been most successful when the Department from the bottom up, but also the fact that has clear mandates from City Council. City Council had begun to assign to the department new responsibilities in the Social Services Planning fields of housing, transportation, environ­ The Social Planning Department is respon­ mental planning, urban rehabilitation, and sible for the evaluation and recommenda­ research. City Council referred new tion of Social Service grants to City problems and projects to the Social Plan­ Council. These grants (seventy-four agen­ ning Department because they lacked the cies received $794,000 in 1975 and fifty-five precise definition that might mark them as agencies received $841,000 in 1976) are used the sole and unquestioned responsibility of to encourage new programs and support other City departments. These assign­ established services provided under the ments, almost always problem oriented, auspices of a wide variety of private called on social planners to range over a agencies. The overview inherent in the wide field of civic concerns and required grant process allows the City to set priori-

120 Social Planning in Vancouver ties on an annual basis, and to support their Canadian-born peers. Language diffi­ selectively those services where social need culties presented an educational problem is the greatest. As a general rule, it has been and much of the work in their area centered the Department's practice to seek perman­ in the schools. Social workers from private ent federal or provincial financing for agencies operating in the Strathcona area successful programs that are to be brought the problem to the attention of the continued over a long period and incor­ Social Planning Department. The City porated into an established agency. This responded by providing funds to employ a strategy allows the City the freedom to youth worker, a recent Chinese immigrant support new and innovative social service himself, who was familiar with the Hong programs. Kong juvenile gang phenomenon and exper­ Aside from the civic grant process, the ienced in the delinquency field. He Department incubates new and experi­ struggled with the problem for two years mental programs, sometimes as a result of before bringing it under control. While requests from City Council for rapid Social Planning provided the money for this response to fast developing community program, the youth worker was employed problems. More often, the Department's by a social agency active in the area and role is to design programs to cope with was able to draw upon the resources of that specific problems. This style of operation agency to assist him in his work. has allowed the Department purposely to Services for elderly persons have rated high maintain a small flexible staff with the priority in recent years with several City freedom to react to new problems unen­ Departments. Senior citizens are increasing cumbered by the constraints inherent in both in absolute numbers and as a propor­ long term service commitments. tion of the total population in Vancouver. Youth programs have figured prominently The Social Planning Department has ini­ among the services that have occupied the tiated several programs to facilitate the time of social planners. The various youth adjustments necessary both by the elderly projects with which city staff have been themselves and by other people to the involved have differed in target population, changing status of older people in society. age, ethnic grouping, local area, and Some examples are: purpose. However, three youth problems • recreation programs for the disabled, tackled by the Department are delinquency, elderly, or those discharged from hos­ unemployment, and transient housing. pital, who need physical, mental or emo­ One such program developed to deal with tional stimulation; juveniles at an early age, the Spring Street • 'Operation Step-out' which provides Project, was designed to work with delin­ recreational outings for residents of quent boys and girls. Youth workers were nursing homes; involved on a 'case by case' basis with both • housing relocation programs for those the children and their parents. Following an elderly persons who need aid in moving to outside research evaluation in 1974, the new dwellings; and program was transferred to the Provincial • special bus and taxi services for the dis­ Department of Human Resources. abled and elderly who have difficulty in An example of City involvement with youth getting about and maintaining their inde­ problems was developed in the Strathcona­ pendence. Chinatown area. There, the problem was the In Vancouver's West End, where high existence of a well developed juvenile gang density apartments located adjacent to the structure based on the Hong Kong exper­ downtown area, Stanley Park, and the iences of the immigrant juveniles. It was ocean have attracted a high proportion of aggravated by the cultural alienation that elderly residents, the City has encouraged new immigrants experience, not only in inter-service integration as one means of relation to the dominant social values of achieving more efficient specialized services their Caucasian peer group, but also from for people in this age group. One example is

Egan 121 the coordination by City staff of the cooper­ changes is that daycare services have ative efforts of two private societies, B 'nai moved into the forefront of urban programs B'rith and the Netherlands Society, to presently in popular demand. Staff from provide a senior citizen housing complex, several City Departments have been including a recreation center and a health involved in the provision of these services. clinic with a mobile unit. The health and Although daycare is mainly a provincial social facilities are to be open to r.esidents responsibility, social planners have helped and non-residents of the complex. numerous daycare groups find their way Much of Vancouver's growth has been due through the building and funding maze set to immigration. Various ethnic groups have up by municipal and provincial agencies. gravitated towards specific local areas in The City's response in the daycare field the city which have taken on distinctive includes the establishment of a daycare ethnic flavors. These areas generate much center near City Hall for city employees and interest in the city as a whole and the the provision of two daycare centers in a amenities they provide are enjoyed by the commercial office tower in the Marpole area population at large. Immigration has also through the use of bonus zoning. This latter caused problems which need to be alleviated project was the first successful attempt by by special support services. social planners to induce a private The Immigrant Services Center is an developer to provide social facilities in a example of a facility and services in which commercial development. the City has played an important role in City police and social planners have worked promoting intergovernmental cooperation. closely on developing new approaches to a Established by the City, this Center is number of social problems. Often these located in South Vancouver where a high have been youth problems. Two illustra­ proportion of East Indian immigrants tions of the varied nature of this coopera­ resides. The Management Board of the tion are the Police and Community Services Center, chaired by a City social planner, Project and the Task Force on Public includes representatives of the Federal Safety in Parkades. The former is an experi­ Department of Manpower and Immigra­ mental project in the largest of four police tion, the Police, and the Provincial Depart­ districts to bring together police, social ment of Human Resources, as well as com­ workers, probation officers, and mental munity representatives. Employment relat­ health personnel in a coordinated and ed services, counselling and language cooperative service delivery system. The classes are available through the Center. Police and Community Services Project Another program for immigrants to which encourages decentralization of services to Social Planning Department staff time and the neighborhood level through the forma­ resources have also been allocated provides tion of small police teams working in co­ English language training for immigrant operation with field staff from other govern­ women in the labor force. This program has ment departments and private agencies. required the cooperation of employers in The latter project, dealing with the City's several immigrant oriented industries and parkades and involving personnel from has opened up opportunities for the con­ Fire, Engineering, and Planning Depart­ tinued expansion of social planning ments as well as the Downtown Business­ programs in private industry. men's Association, had as its objective the The changing role of women in society has development of new design standards and been one of the really significant social guidelines to ensure greater personal safety shifts in recent years. There is an ever in public parking garages. Thus Police and increasing number of women in the labor Social Planning co-operation resulted in force and a growing number of women as new parkade guidelines and standards, single parents. The number and status of approved by City Council. children within the family have also under­ In the area of social research, the Depart­ gone significant change. One result of these ment has emphasized short-term, low cost

122 Sucial Planning in Vancouver operational projects. The objective has been local residents, provides the policy direction to enable the Department to advise Council for the Center's operation. It was the first and assist City staff in formulating specific major project assigned the new Social Plan­ policy and program alternatives. The Social ning Department back in 1969. Planning Department has not involved Recently, in response to the need for a more itself in long-term or theoretical research. flexible approach in meeting community Research that has been undertaken to recreational demand, the elected Board of enable the Department to carry out its Parks and Public Recreation requested the responsibilities includes surveys and Social Planning Department to carry out an studies of: administrative review and reorganization of D the demography of the Downtown East its Recreation Department. This was side; completed in 1975 and recommendations for D the reasons young people go on welfare; streamlining the administration of the D housing problems of persons dislocated City's recreation services have been put by redevelopment; into effect. At the same time, the Depart­ D recreation needs of public housing resi­ ment has been actively involved in co­ dents; ordinating and funding, through the federal­ D community schools; provincial partnership, recreational facili­ D characteristics of residents in conversion ties to complement public housing develop­ zones; ments built in the 1960s. Where possible, D the elderly in Vancouver and their hous­ new neighborhood centers are now being ing needs, including shelter allowances to attached to existing elementary schools. In allow them to stay in their own residences the area of private recreation, the Social rather than housing them en masse in Planning Department, through its involve­ senior citizen housing developments; ment in the planning and zoning proce­ D funding for the arts in North American dures, has been able to provide such ameni­ cities; ties as theaters, squash courts, and work­ D historical preservation; and out rooms for employees in office buildings D Granville Mall social and economic and for downtown residents by permitting impact studies. developers additional floor space. An increasing demand for a diversity of leisure and recreational activities is Social Environment Planning nowhere more evident than in Vancouver. It The expression 'social environment plan­ seems due in part to shorter and more ning' has been adopted by the Social Plan­ flexible work hours, higher incomes, and ning Department to describe its activities in public awareness of the value of physical the fields of physical development including fitness. In the area of traditional public zoning, housing, transportation, and social, recreation, social planners have been recreational, and cultural amenities. In involved with the City Parks and Recrea­ most of these functional areas, the Depart­ tion Board in developing new strategies for ment does not carry principal responsibil­ the delivery of community recreational ity. Initiatives usually arise from Depart­ programs. One major involvement in this mental interaction and cooperation requir­ area was the Britannia Community Services ing social planners to work closely with Center, a project aimed at integrating a engineers, private developers, and citizen wide range of compatible community organizations. With the exception of the services that had heretofore been offered to Department's formal involvement in the residents in an uncoordinated fashion. The City's development permit process, there is Center offers a wide variety of educational, no single theme running through the community, and recreational services all various social environment projects in under one roof and one management. A which Social Planning staff are involved. Board of Directors, with representation from Social planners are as likely to be associated all the civic agencies involved as well as with planners on historical preservation as

Egan 123 they are with engineers in the evaluation of between young and old, presented the City the community impact of grade street with a unique set of problems. The City's improvements. response to these problems was to involve How people live, where they live, and who residents with social planners in identifying lives beside them, are significant social those aspects of their environment that questions. Strathcona, a small neighbor­ required improvement. A set of West End hood in the City's East End, was a major Guidelines was produced from these discus­ turning point for both the City of Van­ sions and from surveys of public opinion. couver and Canada in the handling of inner­ The Guidelines, dealing with issues from city housing problems. Opposition to urban traffic to recreation, were approved by City renewal in Strathcona forced recognition of Council. As a result, the first Local Area the fact that a community was not just a Planning program in the city was estab­ collection of housing units to be torn down lished and coordinated by the Department and replaced. Experience in Strathcona of Social Planning. Local Area Planning is showed that people, their relationship to now established in seven different com­ one another, and their association with the munities under the auspices of the City physical environment, are of paramount Planning Department. importance. The Strathcona Rehabilitation Vancouver has not escaped the trend of Project placed equal emphasis on people young families moving further into the and physical space in neighborhood suburbs in search of housing they can planning and demonstrated that residents afford. The City's response to this exodus can be meaningfully and actively involved began with a social planning investigation with government officials in making deci­ of the socio-economic viability of reintro­ sions about their neighborhood. The project ducing housing into the downtown area. also strongly indicated that housing The Central Area Zoning By-law adopted in problems can be more successfully dealt 1975 incorporated provisions for housing in with when they are not separated from conjunction with commercial development other community elements. It was partly in the core of the City. from Vancouver's experience with the In the downtown east side, the City's low Strathcona Rehabilitation Program that rent rooming house district, where housing national programs such as NIP and RRAP needs were more critical and less conducive evolved. The Director of Social Planning to private market solution, the City chaired the Planning Committee of citizens assumed a much more direct posture. City and government officials that devised the Council requested the Director of Social Rehabilitation Program for Strathcona. The Planning to advise on ways of improving City Planning Director was responsible for conditions of low income persons in that program implementation. area. Working directly with other CIVIC As the question of what to do about deter­ departments, private agencies, and local iorating inner-city neighborhoods surfaced, residents, a number of programs were the City was also having trouble with high developed to increase housing opportunities density neighborhoods. The West End, and improve the residential environment. where 40,000 people live in one square mile, In co-operation with United Housing Foun­ was a prime example. Rapid development of dation, the City, by extending loans and the West End during the 1960s was caused securing funding from the provincial and by clearance and removal of an older com­ federal government established a Multi-Use munity by private redevelopment. A Center (meal services, recreation programs physical environment that fostered an and bathing facilities) and also rehabili­ impersonal way of life, encouraged tated two older hotels. Social planners also isolation, lacked community services and played a prominent role in the planning of facilities, suffered traffic problems due both public housing for skid row residents. The to its high density and inner-city location, rehabilitation of a long abandoned library and attracted to it a population divided building in the downtown East Side to

1?.4 Social Planning in Vancouver provide a multi-use community resource The new by-law, covering both urban center is also underway under the super­ design and general policy guidelines, gives vision of the Director of Social Planning. the Board a great deal of discretion, and In this area, when city initiatives were requires major developers to negotiate with taken to improve the health standards and city staff, including social planners, in the fire safety in rooming houses and hotels, the conceptual and detailed development of direct intervention of City social planners their proposals. Provisions drafted into the was required to mitigate the negative by-law allow exclusion from floor space impact of stringent code enforcement on ratios for specified social amenities up to low income renters. 10,000 square feet, and also provides for The realm of community planning is always bonuses, at the option of the City, for the an active one in periods of growth and rapid provision of publicly dedicated social, change. Related to suburban migration and cultural, or recreational facilities. urban expansion, commuter pressures on The Social Planning Department has the transportation network in the central always numbered urban planners among its city have been a growing concern. Social staff, and their concerns in the development planners have been involved with major process focus on such issues as historical circulation and transportation proposals in preservation, provision of social or cultural recent years. The social impact of various facilities, retention of existing housing, freeway proposals in the late 1960s involved development of new housing, and other the Department in transportation studies. similar community impacts. The sections of In the West End, where the Department the zoning by-law allowing floor space established the first decentralized and local exclusion and bonusing provisions for social area planning program, a system of street spaces were drafted by the Social Planning barriers was established in response to Department. The Social Planning Depart­ increasing commuter overflow onto residen­ ment has used these sections of the by-law tial streets. More recently, working within to negotiate for recreational amenities for the City's present policy of improving the residents and employees in new buildings. street system, the social planning role has been one of monitoring the social benefits Cultural Program Planning and costs of such incremental improve­ Currently, the City of Vancouver budgets ments. The Social Planning Department over $2 million a year to help non-profit coordinated the civic departments involved cultural organizations present a rich variety in planning a transit mall in 1975 in an of arts programs throughout the City. This attempt to reverse the social deterioration civic concern for the arts includes every­ of Granville Street, including an increasing thing from facilities and program develop­ incidence of crime, prostitution, and drug ment to sponsorship of city-wide and neigh­ offences. borhood arts festivals. All of these activi­ The most formal of the Social Planning ties are considered by Council to be a Department's ties with the City's physical responsibility of the Social Planning planning process are the result of recent Department which now has two social zoning and development by-law changes planners employed in this area. in the central area of the City and the conse­ In a similar manner to the Social Planning quent establishment of a radically different Department's responsibilities for Social development approval procedure. A Devel­ Service grants, social planners are also opment Permit Board, comprised of the responsible for the evaluation and Director of Planning, City Engineer, and recommendation of civic cultural grants. In the Director of Social Planning (voting 1977, these cultural grant recommendations members) along with an Advisory Panel of will add up to over $500,000, exclusive of six citizens (non-voting members), now has museums and civic theatre subsidies. This the jurisdiction over the granting of devel­ task brings the Department into close opment permits in the City's central area. contact with Vancouver's theater, music,

Egan 125 art, and festival communities, tial; and The Social Planning Department has • the formal political and administrative become involved in the media to present ties necessary to obtain mandates and issues and cultural events since its objec­ money which are the prerequisites of tive for Cultural Program Planning is to social action. encourage involvement and to coordinate In 1974, the American Society of Planning participation on the part of the private Officials (ASPO) surveyed urban planning sector; to create a condition in which other bodies across Canada and the United States organizations individually or severally can in search of the 'social planning prototype' move in and take over the management of a for North America. They selected Van­ given program as it evolves as an ongoing couver's Social Planning Department as part of Vancouver's cultural life. their model and reported their findings in the March/April, 1975 issue of their maga­ Conclusion zine.2 Some Planning Departments now The dominant characteristic of contempor­ employ sociologists and social workers and ary life in cities is change; environmental some Social Service Departments employ change, change in number and types of planners. The City of Vancouver is entering people, change in patterns of living and its 10th year with two separate but equal activity, change in popular attitudes and planning departments, Their relationship, change in values and expectations. Local and the fruits thereof, improve with age. government and civic institutions are con­ stantly under pressure to adopt new postures and remold existing roles, It is not NOTES possible in an article of this kind to detail 1 Social services, by Social Planning Department the entire range of Vancouver's response to definition, include health, recreation, police, social change over the past decade, nor to welfare, education, probation, library services, and list all Social Planning Department involve­ the arts, ments. 2 Daniel Lauber, 'Social Planning in Vancouver,' Planning, v, 41, March/ April 1975, pp. 19-21. The pattern that emerges from Vancouver's experience is that, while a recognition of long term trends is necessary to successful social planning, it is not the most important factor in the success or failure of municipal efforts to respond rationally to change. Even when trends, such as the increasing proportion of elderly in the population or the decline in the number of children per family are identified, it is still difficult to forecast, in the short run, the sequence, magnitude, or form in which particular problems arising from such changes will appear. The critical factors necessary for coping with social change in a civic administration are: • early identification of emerging social problems; • evaluation of the effectiveness of alter­ nate forms of remedial action; • the co-operative working relationships necessary to involve private and public interests, whose participation is essen-

126 Social Planning in Vancouver Social Planning Practice: Two Case Studies

John W. Frei

Change which creates urgent needs or were used. endangers well-being affects relationships b Decision on needs priority among people and produces problems which When correlated and evaluated these vari­ can be solved by a proper social planning ables clearly indicated, as the most impor­ action. Figure 1 identifies the social plan­ tant need, better education of children in ning process leading to decisions on policy the disadvantaged part of the U.S.R.P. and problem solutions. It is imperative to area. emphasize that in the social planning Next, a study of available literature was process continuous communication with the undertaken. Efforts in the field in the people and systems involved is essential. United States were analyzed and a visit to To illustrate the process and the methods of three important projects1 there and study social planning given in Figure 1, synopses of their methods followed. of two cases of successful social planning c Systems involved processes follow. The following main institutions have taken part in the P.A.S.S.: Le Conseil des Projet d'action sociale et scolaire (P.A.S.S.) Oeuvres (C.0.), at present Le conseil de in Montreal, 1965-1969, and its Follow-up in developpement social de Montreal; City 1970-1976 Health Services (C.H.S.) and the City Wel­ This project was a part of the five-year fare Services (C.W.S.) of Montreal; La Urban Social Development Project (U.S. Societe des Services Sociaux aux Familles R.P.) organized by the School of Social (S.S.S.F.); Commission des Ecoles Catho­ Work of McGill University in co-operation liques de Montreal (C.E.C.M.) and its with the School of Social Work of L'univer­ several departments; two Schools of Social site de Montreal in an area of central Work; and the Parents' Council of the Montreal with about 60,000 inhabitants. action area. The methods of social planning in the d Social Planning Process P.A.S.S. were the following: It was difficult to obtain acceptance of the a Identification of needs principles of the P.A.S.S. by the various The bases were: A study of social problems institutions. The first research results were (pathology) in the area. Data on four vari­ therefore prepared in the form of graphs ables: payments of social assistance; and maps, showing the problems of the area contacts with the Family Court; arrests for studied. These were instrumental in gaining major crimes; and admission to mental the whole-hearted co-operation of the hospitals were collected from the records of C.E.C.M., theC.H.S., the C.W.S., and later pertinent institutions. Cases identified of the other institutions. according to address were plotted on the A Coordinating Committee of professionals area maps, giving distribution and con­ in teaching, health, and social services from centration of the variables in the area. the participating institutions was organized A survey of about 400 households from to lead the work. All important decisions which further variables of family income, were discussed with the Parents' Council. years of schooling of breadwinners, and An agreement was reached that the education levels of several ethnic groups P.A.S.S. would be an experimental project

Plan Canada 17/2 June/juin 1977 127 Figure! Social planning process steps

0 Study the NEED* felt and the FIELD involved; discuss the need with the SYSTEMS* and PEOPLE concerned; identify their feelings and opinions.

Assulption: Assulption: @ Need could be satisfied by an No system exists which could existing system. satisfy the need, t Research the system; gather data Get feedback from field. By analogy, on its capacity, quality, existing estimate basic methods for satisfy­ means. Get feedback from field and ing need. Gather approximate data people involved, Analyze and eval­ on quantity and quality of means uate. If system basically capable of necessary to satisfy need. Evaluate satisfying need, possibly with some what kind of system needed for it. changes, proceed to work with it. Study and select the nearest suit­ able one; discuss cooperation and start working with it. I I Research the FIELD and the NEED: IJentify various other systems involved and their functions. Identify decision-makers in the systems. Study intensity of 0 the need, possible priorities, and timing of the necessary decisions. Involve as many people influenced by the decisions as possible and feasible. Get feedback from them. Gather and analyze data. Discuss the results with the systems and people involved and secure their opinions and cooperation. 't' Research the SOLUTION possibilities. Identify the main variables. Gather all 0 possible quantitative data on physical and human means available and needed. Gather qualitative data on the fields involved, on ideas, feelings, values, pros­ pects, etc. Identify possible conflicts of interests, opinions, priorities. Discuss thoroughly with the systems involved. Get decision on POLICY. t EVALUATE research OUTCOME. Develop alternatives of needs satisfaction ~ 0 within the parameters of the POLICY. Do it in constant touch with the systems' decision-makers and the people involved. Present the alternatives to the per- tinent decision-makers for decision on action. 0t t© '--..re--'-----® Alternatives not satisfac- An alternative of solution tory. Further planning approved. Decision on ac­ work requested. 0 tion made. Solution not accepted. Any fti:\ ® decision on action refused. \'.'.'9 Follow the action process. Review it periodically. Evaluate effectiveness and Ladvise the decision-makers and the people concerned if changes in process necessary. Start ADVOCACY action, if deemed necessary.

*NEED can be: a lack or an adjustment of an existing service (e.g., in welfare, health, etc.); a development of a new product or service to satisfy new needs; elimination of a damaging quality of a product or service; etc.

•SYSTEM can be: a commercial or welfare organization; an institution; a government body; a citizen group; etc.

with one action school and two control method should be used in the experimental schools and these schools were selected. school to improve the children's learning As it was necessary to determine what ability, several research sub-projects were

128 Social Planning Practice carried out. Among these, one involved an involved. enquiry into the qualifications of the An evaluation research of the O.R. was teaching personnel. Another study review­ carried out in 1976 (using the method of ed thoroughly the approach to teaching dis­ grounded theory, 5 the results of which 6 advantaged children since it was generally justified the continuation of the O.R. accepted that they form a special culture in Several changes to improve the system our cities.2 The third study concerned the further were recommended. health and social conditions in these child­ The Ministry of Education of Quebec ren's lives.3 adopted the system for all schools in all Based on this work, a program of action disadvantaged areas of the Province, and was developed and subsequently improved. the Education Act was revised to include A special course for teaching in disadvan­ the decision. taged areas was organized by the C.E.C.M. to adjust some teaching methods. More­ The Project North of the Anglican Church over, a special curriculum better suited to of Canada the needs of the children in the experi­ This project was initiated by a Task Force mental school was developed. Services to on the North (T.F.N.) of the Anglican remedy some health and family problems of Church of Canada (A.C.C.) in 1972, based the children were organized in co-operation on the T.F.N. studies of problems caused by with the participating institutions. The the impact of modern technology and atti­ ongoing program was evaluated yearly and tudinal changes north of the 60th parallel. the work methods adjusted wherever needed. No intensive advocacy was neces­ a Identification of Needs sary in the process. The Parents' Council In 1972, the T.F.N. requested a review of played a very important role and even parti­ the strategies and priorities of the A.C.C. cipated in evaluation of some of the research work in the North and the development of a results. proposal of action from 1973 to 1982. This e Results needed thorough research which, however, In 1969, when the five year U.S.R.P. project was not favored by the Council of Bishops ended, an evaluation research of the of the A.C.C. An outline of demographic P.A.S.S. was undertaken. Its results and economic conditions and trends in the confirmed clearly the importance of North was presented to the Bishops in an improvement of the health and social situa­ oral report with visual aids. After a dis­ tion of the children. It also showed encour­ cussion, the research and project proposed aging results in academic performance of by the T.F.N. were approved by the the children in the experimental school Bishops. This decision was crucial in the when compared with those in the control whole social planning process in the North. schools. The results were printed and distri­ b Systems Involved buted to all concerned. 4 Besides the A.C.C., a wide variety of f The Follow-up systems was involved such as: the native In 1970, the C.E.C.M. allocated $680,000 and white population and their organiza­ and the City of Montreal gave the coopera­ tions; the whole government structure, tion of the City Health Services to local, territorial and federal; other churches implement the course of action recom­ working in the North; the economic system mended by the P.A.S.S. research report in of corporations, banks, etc; and scientific eight C.E.C.M. schools with about 4500 institutions studying the problems of the children in a five-year project called 'Opera­ North. tion Renouveau' (O.R.). c Social Planning Process Over the period of these five years, a total of After the general approval of the Project, $6,500,000 was spent by the C.E.C.M. on details of the plan were worked out. Further the O.R. project. In 1976, there were 49 statistical data on twenty main variables of schools, including about 19,500 children demography, ecology, economy, and

Frei 129 Church functions were gathered from North. The Inter-Church Project is very twenty-one institutions 7 in the North and active and, as recommended in the original across Canada. After several meetings with Research on the North report, works not the T.F.N., the proposed survey of the only as a spiritual body of leaders, but also situation in the North was approved and on secular problems of the people in the organized. Five interviewers were trained to North using advocacy as one of its gather data using the in-depth interviewing methods. method. A semi-structured interview schedule was prepared and tested, and a Conclusion plan was developed and effected covering Other social planning projects could be used both the Yukon and Northwest Territories as examples of successful application of from Dawson in the West of Yukon to methods proposed in Figure 1. All of them, Pangnirtung on Baffin Island in the East, including the two described above, seem to and from Tuktoyaktuk in the North to Hay have paved the way in Canada toward the River and Fort George in the South of the use of the recently developed principles of Northwest Territory. institutional research as described by Dr. Altogether, 204 native and white people McElroy, 8 and at the same time, seem to were individually interviewed and six indicate some innovative solutions to the groups were interviewed. Most interviews very serious dilemma of relationships were tape-recorded. After the data had been between the academic researcher and the coded, categorized, and correlated, a Back­ social planning practitioner as described by ground Paper was prepared dealing with Marris and Rein. 9 the preliminary results. This Paper was discussed at a meeting with a group of NOTES Bishops, Priests, members of the Northern 1 The Community School Development in New congregations, and the researchers. Details Haven, Connecticut; the A.B.C.D. Project in Boston; and the Head Start Project in Chicago. of the data were generally approved and 2 Harry A. Passow, 'Early Childhood and Compen­ further important insights of both the satory Education,' in Harry A. Passow, (ed.), A.C.C. group and the researchers gained. A Reaching the Disadvantaged Child. New York: proposal for additional data gathering was Teachers' College Press, 1970, pp. 36-37. 3 This study diagnosed health and family problems subsequently carried out. of 117 families with children who entered the d Results experimental school, 'Olier,' at the beginning of the The results of the Social Planning process school year, 1965-1966. Twenty-one health and were then analyzed and evaluated. Some home problems were identified, some of which recommendations and a set of alternative involved more than fifty percent of the children. 4 Nicole Durand, Joan Roberts, and Edward V. solutions of problems were prepared as a Shiner, (eds.), Un defi a relever en education, Le flow chart extending from 1973 to 1982. A P.A.S.S. Montreal: Plan de Reamenagement Social thorough report, Research on the North, et Urbain, 1970. (U.S.R.P.) was presented to the A.C.C. in February, 5 B. Glaser and A.L. Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory. Chicago: University of Chicago 1972, published by the A.C.C., and pre­ Press, 1967. sented to the Synod of the A.C.C. in Regina 6 Anne LaPerriere-Nguyen, La culture de l'ecole in 1973. The report and its results were face aux milieux socio-economiquement faibles. approved by the Synod. Montreal: La Commission des Ecoles Catholiques de Montreal, 1975; and, Division of Special Ser­ e The Follow-up vices, Critical Analysis of Operation Renewal, 1. Most of the recommendations were acted Synthesis. Montreal: The Montreal Catholic School upon by the A.C.C. and subsequently an Commission, 1975. Inter-Church Project on Northern Develop­ 7 The Anglican Church of Canada, Research on the ment was developed by the A.C.C. In the North. Toronto: The Anglican Church of Canada, 1973, pp. 22-23 and pp. 28-49. spring of 1977 this Project included, besides 8 W.D. McElroy, 'The Global Age: Roles of Basic and the A.C.C., the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, Applied Research,' in Science, vol. 196, no. 4287, Mennonite, United, and Presbyterian April, 1977, pp. 267-270. Churches who accepted co-operation in the 9 Peter Marris and Martin Rein, Dilemmas of Social Reform. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967, pp. 191-207.

130 Social Planning Practice Canadian Regional Development Strategy: A Dependency Theory Perspective

Ralph Matthews

Introduction of values. Usually the statement of policy This article will argue that there are funda­ spells out in detail the means whereby this mental biases and weaknesses in Canada's goal is to be achieved. These means are also regional development strategy when it is governed by values which determine those examined from the point of view of a considered legitimate and those considered 1 sociologist. More specifically, the federal illegitimate. As I have argued elsewhere, approach to eliminating regional disparity the goals and values incorporated in many and regional underdevelopment in Canada types of 'plan' are frequently those of the will be examined and an attempt made to planners who design them, and often have demonstrate: little relationship to the goals and values of 1 That Canadian regional planning has those people who are most likely to be undergone a major shift in value orien­ affected by the plan. tation during the past 15 years; As far as regional planning is concerned, 2 that the present value orientation of Canada has a comparatively long history Canadian regional planning biases it in when compared with other countries. favor of economic considerations to the Efforts in this area date from the 1930s point where it fails to take into account when Canada passed the Prairie Farm important aspects of the social vitality Rehabilitation Act (PFRA), which was a of Canada's underdeveloped areas; deliberate attempt to revitalize small rural 3 that the biases of current Canadian farms which had suffered from several suc­ regional development policy are most cessive years of drought and crop failure. 2 likely to result in failure to reduce Cana­ A similar program to aid east coast farmers dian regional disparity significantly; was introduced under the Maritime Marsh­ instead it is likely to exacerbate class lands Rehabilitation Act (MMRA) in the differences within the region and to 1940s. In terms of their value orientation, institutionalize disparities to the point both programs were rural development where they become permanent; oriented. 4 that, over the long term, such policies A similar value orientation was incorporat­ are likely actually to create the further ed into the early programs begun under the dependency of Canada's underdeveloped Agricultural Rehabilitation and Develop­ regions, rather than assist in their devel­ ment Act (ARDA) of the early 1960s. opment; and ARDA was an attempt to do nationally 5 that there is empirical evidence which what the earlier programs had done for suggests that such a process is already selected regions. It focused on 'land use' underway. projects designed to 'salvage lands abandoned as agricultur retreated from The Changing Value Orientation of Canadian marginal areas.'3 Regional Development Policy However, the mid-1960s saw a major Any policy is, by definition, a goal-value change in the value orientation of Canadian system. It is an attempt to achieve a goal regional development planning. One of the which is deemed legitimate in terms of a set major forces in bringing about this change

Plan Canada 17/2 June/juin 1977 131 was a report on Canadian regional develop­ ment in Canada through three interrelated ment programs by Helen Buckley and Eva programs; (1) industrial incentive grants to Tihanyi for the Economic Council of large industries to encourage them to estab­ Canada. It was highly critical of the land lish in areas of regional economic disparity; development strategy of ARDA and earlier ( 2) infrastructure assistance grants to programs, arguing that they were 'unlikely provincial governments and municipalities to have had any appreciable impact on the to encourage them to build those amenities problem of low-income farming.•4 The new which 'industries require,' and (3) programs direction advocated by Buckley and of 'social adjustment. •8 Tihanyi was away from programs of rural Thus, with DREE, Canadian regional development toward measures which they development planning has shifted its value described as 'adjustment.'5 These were orientation 180 degrees. From a concern aimed at moving large numbers of rural with the importance of rural life and with people out of rural areas so that their farms maintaining the family farm, the emphasis could be consolidated into larger farming has now shifted to building up selected units. Obviously 'adjustment' was their urban areas as 'growth centers.' The way of arguing for rural depopulation. dominant concern of DREE is with encour­ Thus, Buckley's and Tihanyi's work aging the large scale industrialization of marked the beginning of a major change in these centers. It appears to be an under­ the value orientation of Canadian regional lying assumption of DREE that economic development programs. Economic consi­ growth will not take place in underdevelop­ derations began to take precedence. ed areas unless industries establish there. Buckley's and Tihanyi's formulations Finally, DREE, as its name suggests, is appear to have had a considerable impact very much a department of economic on the next major phase of Canadian expansion. Its dominant consideration is regional development planning. The FRED economic development and there is relative­ program (Fund for Rural Economic Devel­ ly little effort spent in examining the social opment) begun in 1965 was designed to vitality of the areas it is affecting. provide comprehensive development plan­ ning for selected regions of Canada. Most of The Value Orientation of the Growth Center the plans for these regions embodied . Strategy of Development programs of population movement. 6 The growth center strategy of development However, few of these comprehensive has its origin in the growth pole concept of development plans were ever implemented. French economist-geographer Franr;ois As part of his campaign for leadership of Perroux9 and in the works of American the Liberal Party and the position of Prime economist A.O. Hirschman. 10 Perroux's Minister of Canada, Pierre Elliot Trudeau concern was with 'economic space as a field turned regional development into a national of forces,' 11 in which all economic forces issue. He argued that regional disparity had were seen as centered around certain 'poles' the same devisive potential as the more or foci. Hirschman argued that regional publicized French-English cleavage, 7 and underdevelopment could be overcome by promised that, if elected, he would make an developing particular growth poles. The key effort to rectify regional economic differ­ to such development was the introduction ences. After his victory, he undertook to of 'master industries' which have the ability make good on this promise by establishing to alter the whole pattern of economic rela­ in 1969 a new Department of Regional tionships within the region. They were able Economic Expansion (DREE ). to do this through their ability to develop DREE marked a further change in the value strong forward and backward linkages. orientation of Canadian regional develop­ Backward linkages were essentially those to ment policy toward the direction encour­ the suppliers of raw materials which the aged by Buckley and Tihanyi. The new master industry processed. Forward link­ department encouraged regional develop- ages were those outlets which received the

132 Regional Development product of the industry. A master industry infrastructural services generally unavail­ was, by definition, one which could bring able in non-urban areas. For Canadian changes to the area around it by encourag­ regional planners, this presented few prob­ ing new companies to come and supply it lems as their plans were already leading with the materials which it needed (back­ them toward an emphasis on urban areas. ward linkages) and which could also The only question was whether to provide develop external markets for its products so the urban area before or after the industry as to bring needed cash into the area had been established. (forward linkages). For a number of reasons 'growth centers' The basic way in which a master industry tended to appear long before there was could accomplish this was through cost sufficient industry to justify calling them reduction. By producing its product at a 'growth poles.' First, with little attention lower cost than was available elsewhere, it being paid to developing jobs in rural areas, was able to attract these other industries many farm workers now had little choice and market its product. The two major but to move out, providing a pool of factors which would enable it to reduce unemployed, unskilled workers searching costs were its more modern technology and for employment. Second, the proposed its large size. The former would lower labor industrial developments in urban areas costs and the latter would produce received widespread publicity and their economies of scale. proposed sites became meccas for migrant There were, of course, obvious problems workers. Third, as the roads, sewers, with this theory. It hinged almost entirely schools, hospitals, and airports were being on the ability of a master industry to built to lure such industries to selected produce at a cheaper rate than industries locations, they provided a large number of located elsewhere, thereby overcoming the temporary construction jobs at incomes transportation costs involved in shipping considerably higher than those of most its product to market. However, immedi­ rural residents. Fourth, in some cases there ately an industry of similar size was built were actual government policies aimed closer to the metropolis, or even when an directly at phasing out rural communities. older industry modernized its technology, For example, the Newfoundland resettle­ the master industry lost much of its advan­ ment program was originally designed to tage. Moreover, by employing more modern move 70,000 rural Newfoundlanders to technology, it tended to employ relatively more urban areas. 12 Fifth, there seems to few workers, thereby defeating some of the have been a general feeling among reason for its existence. However, perhaps Canadian planners that a large unemployed the major flaw of this model is that it is labor force was an attractive incentive to formulated virtually exclusively in econo­ prospective industry, for the industry was mic terms without any consideration of its thereby assured a continuing labor supply social impact. As we shall see, it is the of willing workers.13 The result was a social impact of this model which has massive movement of rural population to created major problems and which under­ urban centers throughout the 1960s. mines its usefulness as a strategy of One of the major social consequences of regional development. Canada's 'growth pole' strategy was its failure to recognize and develop the poten­ Economic vs. Social Considerations in tial of Canada's rural communities. Almost Canadian Regional Development invariably small communities were judged In order to have a growth pole, one must by economic criteria and rarely or never by have a large concentration of people, i.e., an social criteria. Thus the lack of economic urban area. This is implied in the model, for viability was accepted as evidence of a a large industrial operation must have a community's failure without ever consider­ labor supply upon which it can draw. More­ ing attributes of social vitality. Too often over, a large industrial complex needs highly vital patterns of living were dis-

Matthews 133 rupted and even wiped out without any real external to it. From this perspective, attempt to salvage them. It is impossible in underdevelopment is the product of an the few pages provided here to establish historical pattern of exploitation of the that this was the case and that, for many impoverished areas by more wealthy ones. rural communities, there might have been The wealth of these latter areas is seen as alternatives. To do so requires intensive largely a result of their ability to harness community case studies. 14 the resources of underdeveloped areas for However, the weaknesses in Canada's their own gain. present strategy of regional development, From this perspective, the world economic while certainly sufficient to impair its effec­ system is an interlocking set of metropolis­ tiveness and wreak havoc on the social lives hinterland relationships. Thus, developed of many Canadians, are unlikely to doom it countries are the economic metropoli and to failure. To understand this claim, it is underdeveloped countries are their hinter­ necessary first of all to have a basic under­ lands, both bound together in economic standing of a theory of underdevelopment relationships which serve to maintain the generally known as 'dependency theory.' economic status of each. However, within each nation there are also metropolis-hinter­ Dependency Theory and Underdevelopment land relationships between richer and Traditional approaches to underdevelop­ poorer regions. 16 ment explain the plight of underdeveloped In this relationship the underdeveloped areas as either caused by their isolated areas perform the function of providing the location or as the result of some internal scarce natural resources needed to operate weakness. Underdeveloped regions are said industries controlled by central economic to suffer from being too far from major interests. Usually the resources are sent trading and industrial centers. Mention is outside the underdeveloped region for refin­ also frequently made of a lack of resources ing, ensuring that little of the economic within the region, its lack of capital, the low gains remain within the underdeveloped level of training of its population, or the region. However, even if resources are lack of administrative and entrepreneurial refined locally, economic control of the skills amongst its political and economic manufacturing industry usually rests leaders. Occasionally such explanations are outside the area and the bulk of the surplus also couched in social and socio-psycholo­ profit is still likely to leave the underdevel­ gical terms. Thus, we are told by some oped region. theorists that residents of underdeveloped The underdeveloped region is also exploited areas lack 'achievement motivation,' or that for its labor. The surplus of unemployed they suffer from overly stringent ties to a local labor usually ensures that the natural traditional culture that is essentially resources of the region can be obtained at opposed to modern development. The minimal labor cost. Moreover, this labor obvious solution to such problems is to pool is also of benefit to manufacturing change the character of the underdeveloped industries located outside the region. It can area through training programs, and be drawn on in times of economic through grants for economic development. expansion, and it simply returns home However, in recent years, there has appear­ when times get tight. ed a rival theory of underdevelopment, Quite frequently, the underdeveloped area generally known as dependency theory, even provides the economic capital for its which argues that development and under­ own exploitation. Political and military development are not separate phenomena leaders usually want goods and equipment but are actually manifestations of the same manufactured in the economic centers. In economic process.15 Furthermore, these order to finance them, the area must export theorists argue that the primary cause of even more of its scarce (and frequently non­ underdevelopment does not rest within the replenishable) resources, or it must borrow underdeveloped regions but is actually money from the metropolis. This ensures its

134 Regional Development economic dependence for long years to region. 'Domination is practicable only come. The same process occurs at the level when it finds support among those local of the individual consumer who uses up his groups which profit by it.'23 Dos Santos surplus income in his attempt to acquire thus parallels Galtung by suggesting that expensive consumer goods generally there is a group within the peripheral area produced elsewhere. Such actions ensure which actually benefits from its depen­ that there is no local fund of surplus capital dency, and he argues that certain internal available to finance local economic growth. groups are 'compromised' into supporting However, for purposes here, the key their own domination. portions of this theory are those which The preceding synopsis should, at least, explain how the more developed areas are make clear that the dependency theory capable of economically exploiting their explains underdevelopment in terms of dependent satellites without encountering class interests. Galtung, Sunkel, and Dos extensive opposition. Adapting Galtung's Santos all imply that a segment of the argument, this is possible because both the population of an underdeveloped region metropolitan and hinterland areas have a becomes the mediator of external economic small and powerful 'center' group and a interests and owes its position of economic large undeveloped and generally powerless power primarily to these external ties. 'periphery' group in their population.17 The main instrument facilitating this Galtung argues that the economically process is seen by Sunkel to be the powerful groups within both the metropolis multinational corporation. The multi­ and the periphery have 'interests' in national corporation is the economic agent common. As a result, the powerful unit in of the dominant area operating within the the metropolis is able to develop an alliance dependent one. with the controlling group in the hinterland. The multinational corporation is a medium for the Galtung refers to this alliance as a 'bridge­ intrusion of the laws, politics, foreign policy and head.' 18 Galtung further argues that there culture of one country into another ... Multinational corporations reduce the ability of the government to is a disharmony of interest between the control the economy.24 center and periphery groups inside each of Dos Santos likewise suggests that such the two areas, and there is a conflict of external corporations are particularly detri­ interest as well between the two large peri­ 19 mental to the development of locally owned phery groups. industry serving local needs, for they move The consequences of the alliance between much of the surplus capital out of the the two dominant 'center' groups can be underdeveloped area. 25 Both writers argue inferred from the work of Sunkel. Sunkel that the domination of these external argues that a 'simultaneous process of dual industries places severe restrictions on the polarization' occurs in both the developed development of local entrepreneurial and the underdeveloped nations. 20 The activity. On the one hand, the multinational result is a growing division of the societies corporation tends to centralize its decision­ into advanced and backward regions. making in the home country or region, 26 Industrial activity supported by outside thus allowing its local agents little scope to investment creates large urban concentra­ exercise entrepreneurial skills. On the other tions. However, this is frequently accom­ hand, many of the residents of the under­ panied by the stagnation of the traditional developed region who show independent sector. entrepreneurial skill are ultimately bought Dos Santos gives us greater insight into the out by foreign capital. 27 implications of this type of analysis for the dependent region.21 He theorizes that the The Implications of Dependency Theory establishment of a metropolis-hinterland for Canadian Society 'dependency' relationship is only possible The dependency framework presented through the formation of 'a certain type of above was developed by South American internal structure'22 in the hinterland economists and sociologists to explain the

Matthews 135 inter-relationship between their countries Watkins has also noted, 'The essential and those more economically advanced. characteristics of Canada as a capitalist Thus, it may be difficult at first glance to country are that it is rich and dependent. ,3o see the relevance of this framework to Any needs have been alleviated primarily regional underdevelopment in Canada. by selling more raw materials. However, However, it will be argued that dependency Canada's resource dependency goes further theory provides an alternative to the tradi­ than that. It has generally used very little tional modernization approach to under­ of its own capital to develop its resources. development, and also implies an alterna­ Instead it has offered incentives to foreign­ tive to the growth center strategy of owned corporations to come and develop regional development discussed earlier. Canada's raw materials for their own use. From a dependency perspective, Canada is The result, as Porter, 31 Mathias, 32 a series of metropolis-hinterland relation­ Watkins, 33 and a host of other studies have ships in which the relatively rich central demonstrated, is that Canadians do not region dominates and exploits the hinter­ own the majority of resource-based corpora­ lands of the east, west, and north. At the tions operating in this country. Of course, same time, Canada is itself a hinterland of there has been some industrial develop­ economic interests elsewhere, primarily ment, particularly in central Canada. those in the United States. It is possible to However as Levitt34 and others document, point to already published work which most of this industrial development has verifies that such a perspective has also been financed by outside interests empirical validity. which maintain control over it. Thus, A good place to start is the work of Canada closely fits the model of a Canada's best known social scientist, dependent or 'satellite' economy described economist Harold Innis. Innis argued that by the dependency theorists. the Canadian economy can best be con­ The same model can also be applied to the sidered a 'staples economy' in which relationships among the regions within economic growth and development is based Canada. One of the first to recognize this on the exportation of raw materials. 28 . He was A.K. Davis who argued that Canada claimed that new countries such as Canada consisted of a series of metropolitan-hinter­ were able to develop a high economic land relationships in which 'the metropolis standard of living simply because there was continuously dominates and exploits an overabundance of raw materials and a hinterlands whether in regional, national or favorable man/land ratio. Though condi­ class terms. ,35 He emphasized the inherent tions have changed since Innis wrote his 'oppositions' between Canadian regions.36 theory in the 1930s, the structure of the More concrete evidence of this basic organi­ Canadian economy has not altered appre­ zation within Canadian society is to be ciably. Much of Canada's export income found in the work of a number of economic still comes from the exportation of raw historians. Naylor has shown how Canada's materials rather than from manufactured banks and major business enterprises products, though fish and fur have now slowly moved out of the hinterland regions been replaced by oil, gas, and hydro-electric into the central areas of Ontario and power. In this respect, Canada has been Quebec. 37 This process was hastened by lucky, for the greatest threat to a staples the National Policy of 1876 which was a economy is that it falls into what Watkins systematic attempt to centralize Canadian has called a 'staples trap.'29 Either it runs wealth. Acheson has also traced the failure out of staples for which there is world and decline of Maritime metropoli in the demand, or it stagnates to the point of latter part of the nineteenth century. 38 being unable to develop new staples as they More recently, Laxer has documented the are needed. continuation of this process as Toronto has Innis' work emphasizes the highly depen­ come to replace Montreal as a center of dent nature of the Canadian economy. As metropolitan dominance in Canada. 39

136 Regional Development Lest this be thought a particularly radical presented by such researchers epitomizes interpretation, it should be noted that the that described by dependency theorists leader of the Progressive Conservative such as Dos Santos, Sunkel, and Galtung. Party, the Honourable Joe Clark, has The comprador elite are the 'compromisers,' recently made the following similar state­ Canadians who act as the agents of external ment. economic interests. In Canada they are But it is, in fact, quite justified for the West and for joined by a body of non-Canadians who act Atlantic and Northern Canada to note that national directly for these external organizations. policy, from the construction of seaways, through to This is particularly true in the areas of most transportation and tariff policy, has encouraged growth to concentrate in Canada rather than to resource exploitation and manufacturing. disperse in Canada.40 The Implications of Dependency Theory for American multinational corporations have Canada's Regional Development Strategy also been major contributors to the central­ ization of Canadian wealth. They have In the preceding two sections the approach tended to locate their branch plants as close to underdevelopment known as dependency to the major American industrial centers as theory has been examined and the attempt possible. For example, Ray calculated that made to demonstrate that, in many key 45 percent of American controlled manu­ respects, Canadian society and Canadian facturing is within 100 miles of Toronto, regional underdevelopment fit the model of and that if American controlled manu­ a dependent economy and society. 45 facturing employment had the same distri­ Throughout the remainder of this article the bution as Canadian controlled manufactur­ way in which Canadian regional depen­ ing employment, there would be an dency is affected by Canada's present approximately 20 percent increase in strategy of regional development will be employment in the Atlantic Provinces. 41 examined. Hodge has suggested that Cana­ This foreign control of industry and dian regional planning is essentially 'colon­ resources has made it difficult for Canada to ialism,' and is done with an eye to exploit­ develop her own economic elite in these ing rural and hinterland areas to serve the areas. 42 Instead most elite Canadian needs of metropolitan ones.46 While I am businessmen are in trade, transportation, unwilling to attribute such Machiavellian and communications. motives to Canadian development planners, That Canada's dependent economic status nevertheless I would agree that this is most has implications for our social structure is likely one of the consequences of their readily apparent in the work of Wallace plans. I would contend that Canadian Clement who has shown how, particularly development policy, to the extent that it is in the 1960s, 'U.S. economic elites have based on incentive grants to corporations, penetrated the Canadian power struc­ is trying to combat regional underdevelop­ ture.' 43 His work demonstrates that ment by giving money to those economic Canada now has three elite groups. interests which are essentially the cause of First is the indigenous elite, closely associated with underdevelopment. Such an approach can dominant Canadian controlled financial, utilities, and lead only to ultimate failure.47 transportation corporations, with smaller representa­ In tracing the dependency framework, tion in the manufacturing and resource extraction several reasons why this is so have already sectors. Second, is the comprador elite, the senior been suggested. If the corporations which management and directors of dominant foreign controlled branch plants, mainly in manufacturing and receive incentives happen to come from the resource sectors. This group is subservient to the outside the region, their basic aim will be to third group, the parasite elites, who control major extract wealth from the area rather than to multinational corporations which dominate important increase the wealth and benefit the living sectors of the Canadian economy through branch plants. They focus on resource and manufacturing conditions of those who live there. More­ sectors and operate their enterprises as part of an over, most major decisions will be made by integrated organization.44 metropolitan 'head-office,' and the head of The picture of Canada's social structure the local branch-plant will essentially be

Matthews 137 only an administrative figure charged with These have come to light because the carrying out the day to day implementation respective governments finally refused to of such decisions. keep up ever increasing requests for assis­ A significant sub-group of these industries tance. Many more such operations may still presents still further problems. When they be continuing. first come to the hinterland area, such Of course, not all incentive grants go to industries are usually welcomed as firms with head-offices outside the under­ providing much needed jobs. However, developed region. A number of local entre­ many such industries are attracted to the preneurs also benefit from such assistance. area because of the incentives, because On the surface, this would seem to have wage levels are low, and because local considerable benefit for it allows local workers are unorganized. Their continued entrepreneurs to develop their enterprises operation is often conditional on their and it builds up capital within the region. continuing ability to pay lower wages than Certainly this has advantages over the they would have to pay elsewhere. Thus, giving of funds to outside corporations. instead of eliminating regional disparity However, it also has its pitfalls. Many such and underdevelopment, such industries are firms are engaged solely in resource exploi­ more likely to 'institutionalize' it to the tation and thus they are simply being sub­ point where regional wage differentials sidized to export the scarce resources rather become permanent. than to develop them locally. Before this happens, the workers in such an One can look more benignly on those local operation frequently organize in order to firms which receive incentive grants to protect themselves from easy dismissal and further the secondary manufacturing of to receive wages on a par with those paid local resources in the region before they are elsewhere. Only in this way can it be exported. Even though the resource is being explained why some of the most militant taken from the region, a considerable labor union locals in the country at the portion of the labor value is being added present time are located in Newfoundland there, and local workers are benefiting. One and in the western provinces. 48 As it is can even smile pleasantly upon those locally unable to meet these workers' demands and owned firms which get incentive grants to still remain in operation, the company's develop local resources and manufacture only resource is to appeal to government. local products for consumption within the Unless still further 'incentives' are forth­ region itself. However, one still must be coming, the company will have to be closed. aware of the apparent illogic involved in an Given the company's size, this will have approach to alleviating regional under­ devastating economic impact, to say development and worker poverty which nothing of the impact on the careers of begins by giving large sums of money to politicians who have loudly proclaimed those who are already well-off and who, if their own role in attracting such concerns. successful, will succeed in increasing their As a consequence, ways are frequently fortunes even more. However, lest this devised to continue assistance on a point be carried too far, it may be noted permanent basis, often concealed as tax that one of the significant features of concessions or subsidized resources and Canada's industrial incentives program has power. When this happens, scarce resources been its difficulty in getting local entre­ are being exploited even further while the preneurs to take advantage of the program. industry has now become a permanent It would seem that most such persons are subsidized dependent. If this scenario involved in commercial activities and are appears far-fetched, it should be noted that unwilling to become heavily engaged in it fits the circumstances surrounding manufacturing. Newfoundland's defunct oil-refinery, New Such reflections move us further into a Brunswick's Bricklin plant, and the consideration of the social class implica­ Churchill Industries operation in Manitoba. tions of Canada's regional development

138 Regional Development policy. Already noted is the possibility of class differences are highly exaggerated. increased labor strife and the likelihood that However, such an argument overempha­ the local elite will get richer. Regretfully, sizes economic factors and fails to consider further explication must essentially be properly the likely social consequences of speculative for we do not have any studies OREE assistance. As Usher notes, the of the regional class structure of Canadian fundamental fact remains that the DREE society paralleling the major work on incentive program is a transfer of income national elites of Porter and Clement. 49 'from all Canadians to that group of However, the work of Galtung, Sunkel, and Canadians rich enough to be owners or Dos Santos leads us to expect certain pat­ stockholders in the subsidized firms.' 52 He terns to emerge. further notes that the 'principle of need,' First, much greater involvement could be whereby applicants must prove that they expected of multinational and central need subsidies and that the designated Canadian manufacturing firms in the region investments would not be made without and, with them, a substantial increase in them, in fact favors outside entrepreneurs the number of people who fit the categories over local ones. Firms already operating in which Clement has labelled the comprador the region would find it much more difficult and parasitic elite. As these people will have to prove that they would not make the important economic ties to outside sources proposed investment without governmental of capital, they will tend to replace the assistance. 53 Woodward has also shown traditional economic elite of the region in that DREE subsidies are biased in favor of terms of power and prestige. As the para­ capital, for they reduce the price of plant sitic elite is essentially a transient group, machinery and equipment proportionally the social elite of the region is likely to have more than the cost of other inputs, such as a greater representation of compradors, the labor. 54 A$ a result, new installations are native-born agents of outside economic more likely to be technologically efficient interests. However, we would also expect to rather than labor intensive. Woodward see a significant change in the characteris­ contends that this is 'inconsistent with the tics of the merchant elite as well. Whereas department's primary objective-employ­ the old commercial elite was likely to be ment.'55 comprised of 'self-made men,' the new The social implication of all this becomes merchant elite is more likely to be composed apparent when it is noted that the studies of the agents of external economic interests. by Springate and the Atlantic Provinces They will be what we would label a Economic Council cited previously quite 'franchise elite,' the owners of franchised emphatically indicate that between one­ branches of national and international chain third and two-thirds of all grants are stores, rather than independent business­ virtually windfall profits for the companies men. involved. Moreover, the people who are It could be suggested that the effect which structurally most advantaged are entre­ OREE is likely to have on the hinterland preneurs from outside the underdeveloped region has been overdramatized. At least area. Thus the available evidence appears to one study which interviewed executives of support the theoretically derived conclusion some businesses receiving assistance dis­ that DREE subsidies are likely to enhance covered that two-thirds of the firms repre­ regional dependency and exacerbate class sented would have made their investment differences within the region. without the grant which they received.50 A The OREE incentives and development similar study undertaken by the Atlantic program is also likely to have another Provinces Economic Council indicated that important impact on the social structure of this was certainly the case for at least one­ Canada's underdeveloped regions. If third of their sample.51 One might therefore Galtung and Sunkel have any validity, conclude that claims that DREE subsidies there is likely to be a widening 'gap' lead to further dependency and exacerbate between developed urban and industrialized

Matthews 139 areas, and the underdeveloped and the hinterland status of the region. The increasingly impoverished peripheral areas federal incentive grants have enabled some within the regions themselves. In short, on major industries to develop in the region, this point as on many others, the depen­ but they have either been resource exploit­ dency theory is in direct contradiction to ing (e.g., mining), or they have done so the growth center theory. While the growth without drawing heavily on local resources center approach envisages a spread effect (e.g., petroleum refining and automobile throughout the whole regional economy as a assembly). Indeed, the most significant result of backward linkages of the master factor in propelling the economic growth of industry, the dependency approach envis­ the region in a positive way has been the ages a cleavage and increasing duality in development of the major ports as tranship­ the economy and society between the ment centers, perhaps reflecting Watkins' developed and underdeveloped segments. long standing claim that transportation is Galtung explains this in terms of different the key factor in generating economic class interests between the newly developed spread effects. 58 While the urban areas of central area and the still dependent peri­ the Atlantic region may be flourishing, they pheral area within the region. Sunkel thus remain highly dependent on the explains it in terms of the tendency of the economic fluctuations of other countries new urban areas to produce consumer goods and other regions of Canada. Given this, the for the urban population with little ties to economic future may not be as rosy as the traditional economy. But perhaps the Burke and Ireland suggest, for their pros­ best explanation can be built out of the perity depends on factors totally beyond Innis staple theory. It is the argument that, their control. 59 In the meantime, the as much of the investment goes for duality in the local economy and society increased resource exploitation, there is continues to increase. little involvement and integration of the local rural economy beyond a few openings Towards a Better Way for laborers. It would take considerably more space than Whatever the reason, there is now evidence is available to develop an alternative that this dualism is occurring in at least one strategy of regional development which of the major Canadian hinterland regions. would overcome some of the negative In a recent study, Burke and Ireland docu­ consequences of the growth center strategy ment that, since the start of the DREE without falling into the pit of dependency. incentive programs, there has been a However, it does not seem right to end an growing division in Atlantic society article as critical as this one has been between the industrialized urban core and without some constructive suggestions. the rural hinterland. They describe the area One place to start such a consideration is as having 'a sharp dualism in the regional with an examination of the alternatives economy, with a prospering area, success­ suggested by others. fully attracting private investment, and Burke and Ireland argue for a continuation with a lagging area with little or no employ­ of the incentives program, only this time ment growth. •56 Indeed, they even describe with a focus on smaller centers. Such a one sub-region as 'very much a classic strategy would not overcome some of the hinterland colonial economy.•57 long term problems of providing incentives. Burke's and Ireland's findings are highly If incentive grants were made to outsiders, significant, for they suggest that there has the region would still remain economically been an improvement in the economic well­ dependent. If the grants were made to being of the urban core in the Atlantic existing local entrepreneurs, the major class region since the inauguration of the DREE divisions would become greater as the rich incentive program. However, I would got richer. All that is likely to happen is suggest that their findings help demon­ that the next level of semi-urbanized strate that there has been little change in centers becomes drawn into the vortex of

140 Regional Development dependency. Moreover, there are major they are likely to doom our hinterland obstacles to the development of local entre­ regions to perpetual underdevelopment. preneurial activity. I have already indicated NOTES how they can become transformed easily into comprador and parasitic elites. 1 Ralph Matthews, 'Ethical Issues in Policy Re­ The dependency theorists, virtually uni­ search,' Canadian Public Policy-Analyse de Poli­ formly, all agree on a solution. That solu­ tiques, vol. I, no. 2., 1975, pp. 204-11. 2 Helen Buckley and Eva Tihanyi, Canadian Poli­ tion is socialism; government ownership of cies for Rural Adjustment: A Study of the Econo­ new industrial development. That solution mic Impact of ARDA, PFRA, and MMRA. Special certainly has considerable attraction for it Study no. 7. Ottawa: Economic Council of Canada, ensures that profits remain in the region 1967, p. ii. 3 Ibid., p. 18. and are likely to be plowed back into further 4 Ibid., p. 17. economic expansion. It also ensures that 5 Loe. cit. the 'owners' have an overriding interest in 6 L.E. Poetschke, 'Regional Planning for Depressed having local resources refined and manu­ Rural Areas: The Canadian Experience,' in John Harp and John Hofley, (eds.), Poverty in Canada. factured within the region. The biggest Scarborough: Prentice Hall of Canada, 1971, pp. problem here is a decided lack of interest 274-280. among the people of Canada's hinterland 7 R.W. Phidd, 'Regional Development Policy,' in G. regions in electing governments committed Bruce Doarn and Seymour Wilson, (eds.), Issues to government sponsored resource exploita­ in Canadian Public Policy. Toronto: MacMillan of Canada, 1974, p. 174. tion and government ownership of manu­ 8 J.P. Francis and N.G. Pillai, Regional Develop­ facturing, though there are some signs of ment and Regional Policy: Some Issues and changing attitudes in western Canada. 60 Recent Canadian Experience. Ottawa: Depart­ The other problem is that, within Canada, ment of Regional Economic Expansion, 1972, p. government run organizations have tended 46. 9 Franfois Perroux, 'Notes sur la notion de 'pole de to become bureaucratic preserves and have croissance,' Economic Appliqu~e, janvier-juin, not displayed a strong record of economic 1955, pp. 307-320. Translated as 'Notes on the efficiency or imagination. Indeed, if past Concept of 'Growth Poles,' in David McKee et al, experience is any indication, Canada's pro­ (eds.), Regional Economics. New York: Free Press, 1970, pp. 93-103. vincial governments seem even more likely 10 A.O. Hirschman, Strategy of Economic Develop­ to end up in a 'staple trap' than is private ment. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University industry. Press, 1958. However, the one thing which does seem to 11 Morgan D. Thomas, 'Growth Pole Theory: An Examination of Some of its Basic Concepts,' in be clear from the preceding analysis is that Niles M. Hansen (ed.), Growth Centers in every effort should be taken to develop to Regional Development. New York: Free Press, the fullest extent possible, the regional 1972, pp. 50-81. economy as an independent entity. The 12 Noel Iverson and Ralph Matthews, Communities primary goal should be the development of in Decline: An Examination of Household Re­ settlement in Newfoundland. Newfoundland local resources for local consumption, rather Social and Economic Studies no. 6, Institute of than external consumption. In this way, the Social and Economic Research, St. John's: local residents get the fullest value for their Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1968. See resources, the local economy remains inte­ also Noel Iverson and Ralph Matthews, 'Ander­ son's Cove,' in W.E. Mann (ed.), Poverty and grated, and local entrepreneurs (be they Social Policy in Canada. Toronto: Copp Clark, private individuals or governments) are not 1973, pp. 233-240. supplanted by outside interests. 13 I would hasten to point out that I do not accept Thus, I would argue that the dependency the argument that a large labor pool is necessarily theory incorporates the precepts of the posi­ attractive to industry. Most of the people who make up this labor pool in most of Canada's so­ tion generally espoused by those who claim called growth centers are unskilled laborers who 61 that 'small is beautiful' and who argue for are generally unsuited for employment in the 'the limits of growth.' The goal is self-suffi­ technologically advanced master industries. How­ ciency, not industrialization and urbaniza­ ever, such a labor pool of unskilled workers is attractive to those industries which employ tion. If our planners fail to recognize this, unskilled workers and/or which survive by

Matthews 141 paying low wages. The competition for scarce jobs 29 Melville Watkins, 'A Staples Theory of Economic among such workers may mean that the industry Growth,' Canadian Journal of Economics and Poli­ can pay lower wages than if workers were in tical Science, May, 1963. Reprinted in W.T. short supply, and may also serve to cut down Easterbrook and M. Watkins, (eds.), Essays in labor unrest. Thus a worker who causes trouble Canadian Economic History. Toronto: McClelland for the company can quickly be replaced. and Stewart, 1967. See particularly pp. 62-63. 14 See Ralph Matthews, There's No Better Place 30 Melville Watkins, 'Economic Developmeut in Than Here: Social Change in Three Newfound­ Canada,' in Immanuel Wallerstein, (ed.), World land Communities. Toronto: Peter Martin Asso­ Inequality. Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1975, ciates, 1976. Also Ralph Matthews, 'Economic p. 73. Viability versus Social Vitality in Regional Devel­ 31 John Porter, The Vertical Mosaic. Toronto: Uni­ opment,' in H. Guindon, D. Glenday, and A. versity of Toronto Press, 1965. Turowitz, (eds.), Modernization and the Canadian 32 Philip Mathias, Forced Growth: Five Studies of State. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1977 (forth­ Government Involvement in the Development of coming). Canada. Toronto: James, Lewis & Samuel, 1971. 15 One of the founders of the dependency position is 33 Melville Watkins, 'Resources and Underdevelop­ Latin American sociologist Andre Gunder Frank ment,' in Robert M. Laxer, (ed.), Canada Ltd: The whose books, Capitalism and Underdevelopment Political Economy of Dependency. Toronto: in Latin America. New York: Monthly Review McClelland & Stewart, 1973, pp. 107-126. Press, 1967, and Latin America: Underdevelop­ 34 Kari Levitt, S11ent Surrender: The Multinational ment or Revolution. New York: Monthly Review Corporation in Canada. Toronto: Macmillan of Press, 1970, are key works in the area. In present­ Canada, 1970. ing the Frankian position I have taken pains to 35 Arthur K. Davis, 'Canadian Society and History omit the frequently accompanying rhetoric. In as Hinterland versus Metropolis,' in Richard this way, I hope to show the potential of the Ossenberg, (ed.), Canadian Society: Pluralism, framework for explaining underdevelopment Change and Conflict. Toronto: Prentice Hall of whether or not one accepts the Marxist assump­ Canada, Ltd., 1971, pp. 6-32. Particularly p. 13. tions. Certainly one does not have to be a Marxist 36 Arthur K. Davis, 'Metropolis/Overclass, Hinter­ to make the argument presented here. land/Underclass: A New Sociology,' Canadian 16 Frank, op. cit., pp. 146-147. Dimension, vol. 8, March/ April 1972, pp. 36-43 17 Johan Galtung, 'A Structural Theory of Imperial­ and 49-50. See particularly p. 36. ism,' Journal of Peace Research, vol. 8, 1971, pp. 37 Tom Naylor, The History of Canadian Business, 81-114. 1867-1914. 2 volumes. Toronto: James Lorimer & 18 Ibid., p. 83. Co., 1975. 19 Ibid., p. 84. 38 T.W. Acheson, 'The National Policy and the 20 Osvaldo Sunkel, 'Transnational Capitalism and Industrialization of the Maritimes,' Acadiensis, National Disintegration in Latin America,' Social vol. 1, no. 2, Spring, 1972, pp. 3-28. and Economic Studies, vol. 2, 1973, p. 140. 39 Gord Laxer, 'American and British Influences on 21 Theotonio Dos Santos, 'The Crisis of Develop­ Metropolitan Development in Canada 1878-1913,' ment Theory and the Problem of Dependence in paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the Latin America,' in Henry Bernstein, (ed.), Under­ Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Associa­ development and Development: The Third World tion, Fredericton, New Brunswick, June 12, 1977. Today. Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1973, pp. 57-80. 40 House of Commons Debates, February 18, 1977. 22 Ibid., p. 76. 41 Cited in Watkins, 'Staples Theory,' in Easterbrook 23 Ibid., p. 78. and Watkins, (eds.), op. cit. p. 119. 24 Sunkel, op. cit., p. 166. 42 See Watkins, 'Economic Development,' in Waller­ 25 Theotonio Dos Santos, 'The Structure of Depen­ stein, (ed.), op. cit.,pp. 78-79 and Naylor, op. cit. dence,' American Economic Review: Papers and 43 Wallace Clement, The Canadian Corporate Elite: Proceedings of the 82nd Annual Meeting of the An Analysis of Economic Power. Toronto: American Economic Association, vol. 60, no. 2, McClelland & Stewart, 1975, p. 117. 1970, pp. 235. 44 Loe. cit. 26 Sunkel, op. cit., p. 167. 45 I am acutely aware that, in the confines of this 27 Dos Santos, 'Crisis of Development Theory,' in article, I have not been able to 'prove' that Canada Bernstein, op. cit., p. 71. is a dependent society. What I have tried to do is 28 See Harold A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: indicate how several major studies of Canadian Introduction to Canadian Economic History. New society can be used to demonstrate that this is Haven: Yale University Press, 1930; revised indeed the case. edition, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 46 Gerald Hodge, 'Regional Planning: Where It's At,' 1956. The Cod Fisheries: The History of an Inter­ Plan Canada, vol. 15, no. 2, 1975, pp. 87-94. national Trade. New Haven: Yale University 47 One of the anonymous reviewers of this article Press, 1940; revised edition, Toronto: University has argued that the industrial incentives program of Toronto Press, 1954. Political Economy in the is but 'a minor part of DREE expenditure' and Modern State. Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1946. that I am therefore attaching too much impor-

142 Regional Development tance to its social and economic effects. In reply, I 50 David J.U. Springate, Regional Development would point out that, while the industrial incen­ Incentive Grants and Private Investment in tives grants may not be a major part of DREE's Canada. Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge, Massa­ budget, they nevertheless represented a very chusetts: Harvard University, Graduate School of considerable sum. Between 1965 and 1972 they Business Administration, 1972. amounted to nearly two and a half billion dollars. 51 Atlantic Provinces Economic Council, Fifth (See Dan Usher, 'Some Questions About the Annual Review, October, 1971. Regional Development Incentives Act,' Canadian 52 Usher, op. cit., p. 569. Public Policy-A7Wlyse de Politiques, vol. I, no. 4, 53 Ibid., p. 562. p. 561). Second, I would note that many of the 54 Robert S. Woodward, 'The Capital Bias of DREE other DREE expenditures are also indirect grants Incentives,' Canadian Journal of Economics, vol. and subsidies to industry. Thus money spent on 7, no. 2, May, 1974, pp. 162 and 163. infrastructural development may go for large 55 Ibid., p. 173. finger piers required by new oil refineries, for 56 C.D. Burke and D.J. Ireland, An Urban Economic new roads to paper mills, for water and sewage Development Strategy for the Atlantic Region. systems which will particularly benefit new Ottawa: Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, 1976, factories, and for trade and technical schools to Seep. 20. train the workers required in all these enter­ 57 Ibid., p. 22 prises. 58 Watkins, 'A Staples Theory of Economic Growth,' 48 This may also be a partial explanation for the mili­ in Easterbrook and Watkins, (eds.), op. cit., p. 55. tancy of labor unions in Qmlbec. However, the 59 For a more detailed analysis of the implications of Quebec situation is obviously also complicated by Burke's and Ireland's work see Ralph Matthews, ethnic and cultural factors which make generali­ 'Growth and no growth in Atlantic Canada,' City zation more difficult. Magazine, vol. 2, no. 8, June, 1977, pp. 45-47. 49 I regard it as significant in itself that Porter's and 60 There, the tendency seems more toward state- Clement's studies of Canada's national elite really capitalism than state-socialism. . . provide us with a picture of the lifestyle of a 61 E.F. Schumacher, Small Is Beautiful: Economics handful of very powerful individuals living almost as if People Mattered. N.Y., Harper & Row, 1975. exclusively in southern Ontario, Montreal, Van­ couver, and Winnipeg. Virtually no one from the hinterland centers is included. This, in itself, demonstrates the differences in economic power between metropolis and hinterland in Canada.

Matthews 143 BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS

Donald R. Keating, The Power to Make it Unfortunately, he does not include what Happen. Toronto: Green Tree Publishing happened to the GRO after he was Co. Ltd., 1975. 245 pp. $4.95 (PB) dismissed. Keating emphasizes not only the tactics, From 1969 until 1973, Don Keating worked but also the goals of community organiz­ as staff director for community organiza­ ing: 'winning and building' (p. 219). A tions in Riverdale, a working-class area east community group cannot win an issue of Toronto's commercial downtown. The unless it uses that issue to build the power Power to Make it Happen is his biography of its organization. Indeed, power is the of this experience. underlying goal of community organizing, The author presents a thorough case for 'the basic problem in working-class history of his work in Riverdale. He des­ communities is powerlessness .. .'(ibid.). cribes how a small group of leaders, mostly The author's determination to help the clergymen, sponsored the Riverdale Com­ people of Riverdale win power led him to munity Organization (RCO) in reaction to confrontations with bureaucrats and politi­ an insensitive urban renewal scheme of the cians who refused to share their power­ late '60s. As staff director for the 'tempor­ power to make decisions and to solve ary' RCO, he organized small groups of problems for others. He also disagreed with citizens around local issues; for example, the local 'fixers,' whether politicians or the need for a bus or the problems caused chairmen of ratepayers' groups, who would by a meat-packing plant. Keating brought personally solve an issue, thereby building to this role five years of training with Saul their own power rather than that of the Alinsky and Tom Gaudette in Chicago, as organization. well as his experience as a United Church I am a fixer. As a city alderman, I minister. frequently 'fix' small problems for my In example after example, Keating constituents. I can thus sympathize with describes how he helped citizens define an the chairman of one Riverdale group who issue and select a method of resolving it. had the Toronto works department remove Often the best tactic was confrontation: if some posts from a lane, rather than the offender (a landlord, businessman, or confront the Works Commissioner with the politician) refuses to attend a meeting, send problem at a meeting. Along with the rate­ a delegation to confront him at his home or payers' chairman, I could ask Keating office to negotiate a solution. whether, if a problem can be solved through Keating describes the planning of a 1972 the existing system, it is worth organizing convention to which the many small com­ around. munity groups sent over 1,000 delegates to Most of the Riverdale issues, however, elect an executive and adopt a program of defied solution through the existing action for the 'permanent' organization, the system. Keating catalogues a number of Greater Riverdale Organization. And, major successes; for example, city expro­ finally, he describes the problems of financ­ priation of an offensive dairy, Chinese ing and leadership which led to his firing by classes in a school, and, most important, the organization he had helped create. the recognized right of Riverdale residents to be consulted on issues that affected

144 Plan Canada them. ment politics. However, it should not be The most controversial aspect of the book ignored by politicians and students; it is is Keating's relation of community organiz­ valuable for anyone who would form an ing to his theories of democracy. He is accurate appreciation of why privately­ merciless in his criticism of representative owned housing has become almost unreach­ democracy, especially at the municipal able for the average Canadian. Spurr's level. Aldermen, he says, 'contact people formidable documentation on land develop­ when they want their votes.' (p. 71). Their ment challenges our conventional wisdoms game is 'telling lies in return for favours about housing markets and the efficiency of granted. (p. 72). Weneedanewformof the property industry, and it discloses democracy, he says, 'functional democracy' information hitherto buried in bureaucratic which 'meets the needs of a society that files. insists on participating in the decisions that Government statistics and the informa­ affect them.' (p. 231). This goal can be tion on companies provided by Spurr is a achieved by organizing groups around garden of delights for reformers. For the issues, winning the power to effect solu­ classical economist, it may prove no more tions, until there is 'self-government' on than a forest of trees. Putting that contro­ every issue' (p. 227). versy aside, it must be recognized that only This goal raises many questions. Do a few researchers have so far bothered people want 'self-government on every about the Canadian property industry. Too issue'? Do no politicians try to make repre­ few have seen fit to analyze its organiza­ sentative democracy work? How can tion, its policies and appetites, and its influ­ citizens' groups develop long-term goals? ence upon public policy. Generally speak­ Can they sustain this activity without com­ ing, we tend to validate the process of land munity organizers? If not, how do the transformation, from raw state to urban organizers develop their goals? form, within a framework of public adminis­ The Power to Make it Happen raises tration and consumer choice which uncriti­ fascinating questions. For those involved cally accepts economic determinism. The with community groups or for politicians picture Spurr draws permits one to who may think they are involving the com­ conclude that concentrated power and uni­ munity in decision-making, it will provide form technology in the development valuable lessons in strategy and an exami­ industry leave no choices open for original­ nation of long-term goals. However, there ity in the design of suburban Canada. are several warnings for the prospective The central issue is this: why does the reader: the uneven spacing of type and market mechanism in Canada result in paragraphs is distracting, and the author's housing which is far too expensive and, in style is rambling and repetitive. Many certain localities, scarce beyond toleration? examples are given where several would Spurr's evidence suggests that our tolera­ suffice, and community organizing is tion of oligopolies and monopolistic redefined in each chapter. practices in the land development business has much to do with it. To redress the situa­ Lois Miller, tion, he proposes public monopoly. In Kingston reference to Toronto, he says, 'Accordingly, it would be more equitable if these gains (i.e., profits) went back to the local society Peter Spurr, Land and Urban Development. . .. by having the public sector in the posi­ Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1976. tion of monopolist developer.' (p. 126). 437 pp. $16 (Cloth); $6.96 (PB). Spurr seldom adverts to theory, and he is not rigorous in political or economic This book will likely be of most value to analysis. The work is documentary and community workers seeking ammunition occasionally polemical. Yet, it is a for their contest with home town develop- prodigious, revealing assembly of data on

Book Reviews 145 the land and housing industry. His docu­ confined territories of industry control mentation supports a contention, long represented by a single-city market. There pressed by many social scientists, that are those who argue that the market in Canadians get gouged. Gouging occurs Canadian cities is competitive, and a casual because supply and competition are control­ reading of Spurr's data might even support led by a handful of companies with huge the assertion: after all, the number of firms land assemblies. operating in Ottawa is twenty-two; in Spurr also reviews the track record of Toronto, twenty-three; and so on. But these municipal land assemblies. It seems that statistics alone mask the true nature of these have not worked to the advantage of structural and financial organization within the house buyer. Two important aspects of the development industry which, in turn, public land assembly invite criticism. The leads one to doubt that true competition first is the minor extent to which it has been exists. applied by the municipalities and provinces. Spurr's persistent theme is high profits. Financial provisions were put into the He considers four bad features of the National Housing Act as early as 1949. industry: concentration of land holdings; There since has been increased funding to vertical integration within corporations; encourage local governments to get into the interlocking companies; and foreign owner­ land business. Yet a mere 32,905 acres of ship. land figure in all of the federal-provincial For most of his case studies, Spurr projects up to 1972. Clearly, the political­ concludes that anywhere from three to a economic perspective of local governments half dozen companies in a given locality has been manifestly at variance with the manage to assemble up to one thousand federal view that public intervention times the holdings of their smallest compe­ through land ownership can produce titors. These oligopolistic holdings are beneficial results for people seeking reason­ situated in the inevitable paths of urban ably-priced housing. growth. One need only possess a street­ A second criticism is that about 80 level knowledge of economics to understand percent of public projects were sold at the consequences of this concentration. prices already set by the private develop­ Moreover, the profit dimensions of the ers; they made no dent in the final cost of industry are enormous: as Spurr relates, up housing to the consumer! Spurr's account is to 75 and 100 percent on the sale price of a assiduously descriptive, devoid of in-depth lot alone. speculation about causal factors. However, Vertical integration compounds these he gives us to believe that Central Mort­ high price features of concentration. A gage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) company which commands substantial policies discouraged municipalities from in-house control over raw land, cement, selling public lots any cheaper. Thus, gravel, piping, house-building materials, CMHC contraverted the fundamental and transportation and construction purpose of public land assemblies. All this resources in a given location can take as strikes a discouraging note about national profit all the economics that integration policy and local politics. offers. The company can decide where (in It is doubtful, however, that public accounting terms) to 'take' their profits and assemblies under more benevolent policies incur their costs. To the degree that concen­ could alleviate the situation in any event. tration and reduced competition prevail, Economic theory would suggest that, short vertical integration only enhances profits of dumping immense tracts of public lands with no benefits going to the consumer. on the market (which governments do not In Chapter Four, two graphic illustra­ have and cannot now afford to buy), no tions catch the eye (pp. 219 and 220). They great impact can be made by public lands show the interwoven organizational and on house prices where these private mono­ ownership patterns of Genstar/B.A.C.M. polies exist. This is especially true in the · and Ladco, two companies with pre-

146 Plan Canada eminent positions in a number of cities. One legislation already exists for dealing with is left with a sense of futility in any effort to monopolies and cartels, and one wonders make sense out of the ethical dimensions of why it has never been applied to the pro­ property and land or to discern the social perty industry. Spurr is silent on the ques­ logic of development organization in tion. Some years ago, the Calgary City Canada. Land development is today a Administration prepared a dossier on the sophisticated industrial enterprise of activities of Genstar/B.A.C.M. and gigantic financial and organizational announced its intention to seek an investi­ proportions. As for foreign ownership, gation by the Federal Combines Authority. Spurr notes that 40 percent to 50 percent of This was resisted by local politicians. corporations are foreign owned. He asserts Eventually, the City's case was 'buried' by that foreign ownership has negative effects the federal interlocutors and abandoned by on the housing economy, but his analysis municipal officials after threats of suit were here is not at all impressive or convincing. made by Genstar. The timidity of the In the concluding Chapter, Spurr argues federal and provincial Governments in this for 'monopolization of the land development crucial area of public regulation is a source function' by governments. He would have of frustration and economic contradiction: private lands come on stream for housing in Canada we do not take seriously only after they had first been offered for combines legislation for any sector of sale to a local government. Governments economic activity. If the law as it is cannot could thus 'monitor the land market, freeze be applied (successfully) to land mono­ land value ... open up a new avenue for polies, then it ought to be modified to ad­ acquiring land, while leaving land owner­ dress forthrightly how Canadians can ob­ ship and the right to trade in land in the tain equitable treatment from the property private domain' (p. 382). Spurr would industry. Legislative remedy might be the replace private monopoly with public mono­ only practical one, short of nationalizing poly. This is essentially a tit-for-tat land or creating public land monopolies. proposal-better 'we' than 'they.' Unfor­ Institutional reform is another possible tunately, the book does not capture the remedy not discussed. If the Federal quality of historical debate between market Government can enter into the energy economists and public monopolists and business (e.g., Petro-Canada) why could not does little to inspire confidence in his governments enter the urban development scheme. One wonders if the over-bearing industry? The idea is hardly untried in apparatus of public bureaucracy and more democratic societies. The venture has risks, quasi-judicial processes that this proposi­ one of which is that we could be moved tion entails can indeed produce meaningful closer toward corporate statism, a form of consumer benefits. Spurr also looks at three enterprise with which some provincial conventional means of remedy: capital Governments are already fondly playing. gains tax, price control, and land national­ Yet, if new public corporations were consti­ ization. He rejects nationalization because tuted along the lines of community-based it involves a 'centrally controlled state' structures and representation, one could (public monopoly presumably does not!). expect self-restraint as well as innovation, Taxes and price controls are rejected and even cost-effective and competitive because they militate against the driving housing enterprise. force in market enterprise and leave the Our current land development practices consumer picking up added costs. He is enjoy powerful legitimacy in the arenas of correct about price controls, but on the local government and public administra­ question of taxing, Spurr's arguments are tion. It would be fool-hardy, therefore, to too cavalier. speculate on the practical value this book Two possible remedies are not discussed might have. However, the Royal Commis­ by Spurr, namely judicial intervention and sion which is currently probing land mono­ direct competition from the state. Federal poly in Manitoba seems to have been

Book Reviews 147 inspired by the findings in Land and Urban Cities' and, although each volume title Development. It remains to be seen whether mentions the spatial arrangements of cities, Spurr's book-and the Manitoba enquiry­ the papers concentrate heavily on social will serve for more than the fodder of anti­ behavior and only secondarily on the three quarian research twenty years hence. dimensions of geographical space in which Against his impressive accomplishment urban life is set. This is probably a result of of data assembly must be weighed Spurr's two factors. Firstly, it arises from the style. It oscillates between the laconic­ interests of the authors, who are mainly descriptive and the verbose. His meaning is human geographers and sociologists and too frequently lost by grammatical clumsi­ whose subject is the pattern of life set in ness and leaden prose. The book lacks an what is usually described as social or index which could have enhanced its utility economic space. The other factor is the for a diversity of readers, and many of the relatively primitive state of the study of tables are too finely photo-reduced to be spatial location in which there is still debate inspected with ease. This book narrowly as to whether observed data is a legitimate missed getting into print. As early as 1973 index of the process under study, or it was rumoured that the Spurr Report, a whether it is partially or wholly an artifact revealing CMHC document, was coming of spatial autocorrelation, map patterns, up. Publication was resisted in Ottawa, and etc. only after the personal intervention of Together, the two volumes provide an Urban Affairs Minister Barney Danson in extensive and thorough introduction to, 1976 did it see the light of day. Among its and survey of, the spatial implications of virtues, Land and Urban Development is social organization in the English speaking further testimony to the need for a public world. The cited research was conducted in information act in Canada. Europe, North America, Australia, and New Zealand, and comparisons, especially William Perks, regarding effects and evolution of public Calgary policy, are frequent and illuminating. Vance's article on institutional develop­ ments and Boal's article on ethnic segre­ D.T. Herbert and R.J. Johnston, (eds.), gation are particularly good in this regard. Social Areas in Cities. New York: John In the two volumes, only R.A. Murdie's Wiley, 1976. Volume 1, Spatial Processes paper is directed toward the definition of and Form, xiv 281 pp. $19.50 (cloth); spatial form and an assessment of the Volume 2, Spatial Perspectives on utility of the three paradigms (concentric Problems and Policies, xviii 243 pp., zones, radial sectors, and multiple nuclei) of $18.95 (cloth). spatial structure. Inclusion of another paper dealing with the contribution of Each of these volumes contains an intro­ bivariate statistical moments, spatial inter­ duction by the editors and seven commis­ action models or, perhaps, network sioned essays on an aspect of the social and strncture would have provided the books spatial organization of urban settlements. with better coverage of spatial aspects of The first is addressed to the spatial urban settlements. arrangement of residential areas as influ­ Several articles make use of social area enced by social forces, while the second is and factorial ecological research, so R.J. problem oriented, dealing with evidence, Johnston's article in volume 1 is appro- political behavior, medical service delivery, priate and gives a lucid description and and education. The last three chapters substantial criticism of the techniques discuss the psychological and sociological involved. This is the most strongly method­ origins of the concept of community and ological paper in volume 1 and the collec­ mental images of the city. tion is carefully designed to avoid exposi- The overall study title is 'Social Areas in tion of methods for their own sake.

148 Plan Canada However, the question of design and collec­ distributed in two dimensional space. I tion of social indicators, which has been would have expected that a volume devoted growing in importance as the need for to a spatial treatment of social phenomena improved social statistics has been more would, of necessity, employ some type of clearly recognized, is not raised by any of instrument to compare maps generated by the authors and would have been a useful the multidimensional analyses of what contribution to the methodological side of should have been the first stage of the the book. studies. For example, the potential surfaces The second volume begins with a series generated by similar, but not identical, on social activities, some of which would be maps of factor scores are both descriptive considered pathological, and examines how and more informative than the raw maps spatial location and residential differenta­ because relative location of each zone tion affects them. The first article by C.J. contributes to the potential score of every Thomas deals with use of services, meaning other zone. Another tool that could have retail facilities. He suggests that there are been employed to illustrate and compare useful parallels between retail location/ relative locations is the contact matrix. The shopping behavior studies, on the one hand, concentric zone and sectoral models of and medical facility planning/usage on the urban structure generate radically different other. The case is not proven, though, and contact matrices and this technique could in a long paper the material on medical have been used to illustrate the spatial geography is not well integrated. properties of any of the mapped character­ Herbert, in his article on social deviance, istics presented in either volume. points out that the purely spatial properties It is now generally recognized that vir­ (location and contiguity) of the distribution tually every human activity in urban of social characteristics are relevant to an society contributes to and is underlain by a adequate understanding of the patterns of multidimensional mosaic. Volume 1 was incidence of these problems and are often dedicated to this proposition and illustrated overlooked in sociologically oriented work. it in many subject areas and cultural This position also underlies Johnston's settings. Yet, having constructed a con­ analysis of research efforts on the vincing argument for this approach to a geography of voting patterns. study of social activity in cities, the spatial The objective approach of the statisti­ component is treated as a simple mapping cally based work in volume 1 and the first exercise of characteristics in absolute half of volume 2 is shown by Lee's paper on geographical space. The added information perception and imagery to be only part of on the spatial organization of cities the analysis of urban space. He reviews provided by measures of relative location research on the psychological impact of has been largely ignored in these two physical features of cities and concludes volumes and this must be disappointing to that this type of information filtering is at anyone interested in the distribution of least as important an influence on attitudes human activities in space. and activities as objective conditions. The subject matter of volume 2 gives a Clarke Wilson fair sampling and treatment of the social Saskatchewan activities which comprise urban life. As is usual with investigations of social problems, both the phenomena under con­ sideration and the underlying causal factors turn out to be multidimensional. However, the treatment of the spatial aspects stops with a simple mapping of factor scores or some other index, and this is far short of an adequate description of a characteristic

Book Reviews 149 Readers' Forum In my final year of engineering, I read the Ten Books That Influenced Me several volumes of the New York Regional Plan4 and one or two engineering-type In some ways it is more instructive to planning books. The idea of pursuing a account for how one 'falls upon' certain subject field devoted to making urbaniza­ intellectual pathways than it is to signify tion work for man, together with its fascin­ what books most profoundly influenced ating intellectual ramifications took hold one. While studying engineering at McGill, with those few readings, and with the I undertook a term paper on Paracelsus for similarity I discovered between Perry's a 'history of science' course. Researching neighborhood planning principles and the this intriguing character led me to an article Town of Mount Royal on Montreal Island. by the historian, George Sarton,1 which in In 1956, I went to England to begin a one turn aroused my curiosity about Leonardo year 'apprenticeship' in the planning da Vinci. I looked long and hard at what­ department of Bradford, a 19th century ever I could find on Leonardo. I puzzled and textile town in Yorkshire. In Bradford bubbled with excitement over the spontan­ there is a Mechanics Institute5 with a~ eous, synthetic genius of the man. In excellent library. I spent much of my year images and words, he had welded technol­ in that Victorian center of learning. There I ogy and humanism. Da Vinci's designs for came across a journal article on Saltaire; 6 I urban fortifications and multi-levelled read The Great Transformation; 7 and I transportation fascinated me, and I have read for the first time something of Le never forgotten his dictum, 'Love is the Corbusier. In the Home of Man, 8 I dis­ fruit of all knowledge .... ' It was not so covered a distillation of many simple much his engineering ingenuity that capti­ planning-design principles, an evocation to vated, it was the way in which he developed create new forms of settlement, and the imaginative relationships to problems of conventions of graphic argument. I have human agglomerations, environment, and since rejected as arrogant and socially survival, and the manner in which he ignorant Le Corbusier's major planning exhorted change by design. thesis and works but the inspiration of that Shortly after, I read The Autobiography 'trivial' book is nonetheless enduring. of Benvenuto Cellini2 and Gabrielle Roy's Polanyi's great treatise is a must for any The Tin Flute. 3 In Cellini, I found not just student who aspires to be other than a the ramblings of a petulant, disaffected technocrat and who would understand the craftsman but, as well, a social commentary roots of many of today's planning issues. on politics, patronage, and urban life; my While studying civic design in the late first taste. I remember how he described a '50s I read all the current technical works syphilis 'epidemic,' the vulnerability of and 'manuals' on planning. None were cities, and capricious politics of the city profound; most were, however, utilitarian, state-three of the classical impertinences valuable instruction. The most important of man. Gabrielle Roy served to open my town planning work that I read was Aber­ eyes to my own birthplace. Her book crombie's Plan for London (circa. 1947), a revealed a sector of Montreal society that document rich in social analysis, feeling for we privileged engineering students were community, and respect for cultural contin­ learning nothing about. I began exploring uity in its designs for the future. 'On the those 'hidden' quarters of Montreal. In side,' there were two contradictory books them, I saw very different forms and that left their mark on me: Mannheim's qualities of environment compared to Ideology and Utopia9 and Popper's The Snowdon and Notre Dame de Grace where I Poverty of Historicism. IO Both are grew up. Thereafter, I decided to go on to elevating, searching accounts of liberal Town Planning studies, with the intention humanism and social change; Mannheim, of qualifying in public health and adminis­ the gestalt theoretician, Popper, the tration (which I never did). cautious empiricist, attempting to put the

150 Plan Canada brakes on a new and emergent 'planning 9 Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia. New York: order.' More recently, it has been the sweep Harcourt, Brace, 1936, (first published in German in 1929; in English in 1936). and depth of Etzioni's analysis that gives 10 Karl R. Popper, The Poverty of Historicism. me most food for thought (and concern) London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1957. about the nature of social change, the 11 Amitai Etzioni, The Active Society. Evanston, virtues of planning in general, and the Ill.: Free Press Paperback, 1968. 12 Patrick Geddes, Cities in Evolution. London: promise of urban-bureaucratic reform. I I Williams and Norgate Ltd., 1949. (I prefer this One other work I recall immediately, edition with its introduction by Jacqueline Tyr­ from which one may infer its primordial whitt and editing by the Outlook Tower influence upon my urbanistic perspective: Association of Edinburgh.) Cities in Evolution. I2 For spirit, insight, 13 Steen Eiler Rasmussen, Towns and Buildings. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1951. creation and analysis, delight of language 14 Camillo Sitte, The Art of Bui/,ding Cities. New and ideas, Geddes is still unsurpassed. To York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1945. round off this list, I offer a toss-up between two lesser known planning authors: Rasmussen IS and Sitte. I4 I value Rasmus­ sen's book for its sampling of urban design history, its profundity, clarity of style, and its exquisite drawings and sketches. From that delectable, diminutive book by Sitte, an urbanist can take away rules of form and ERRATA space that seem to me inviolable, if not absolute. We apologize . . .

William Perks On page 60 of the March issue, Reg Lang's Calgary article contains an error which distorts the meaning of the argument presented therein. In line 9 of the second column, the word 'left' should read 'right.' The mi.xup is accounted for by the author's lack of familiarity with the latter side of the spectrum. NOTES The list of selected key sources in the 1 A proceedings or symposium of lectures, the title environmental planning field, referred to of which I cannot recall. Sarton's classic work, Six Wings: Men of Science in the Renaissance. Bloom­ in the Editorial of the March issue, was ington: Indiana University Press, 1957, came out omitted due to lack of space. The list, later, and I commend it to any student of the headed Selected References, is included history of thought in science. on the next four pages in this issue. 2 Benvenuto Cellini. Translated by George Bull. London: Folio Society, 1966. 3 Gabrielle Roy, The Tin Flute. New York: Reyna! & Hitchcock, 1947. 4 New York, Regional Plan Commission, Regional Planning of New York and Its Environs. New York: The City of New York, 1931. 5 Institutes established essentially to help the laboring classes receive and further their educa­ tion. 6 A Yorkshire mill town founded and built by Titus Salt, hygienist and philanthropic pious capitalist, emulator of Robert Owen. 7 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation. Boston: Beacon Press, 1964 (first published in 1944). 8 Le Corbusier and Francois de Pierrefeu, The Home of Man. London: Architectural Press, 1948.

Readers' Forum 151 SELECTED REFERENCES

Environmental Assessment/Planning/Management: Selected References Reg Lang and Audrey Armour

Listed here are a few key published sources on environmental assessment, especially in rela­ tion to urban/regional planning and environmental management. The main sources are annotated with publisher's addresses and costs noted. A more detailed bibliography is available from the authors: Impact/Planning Resources, Box 443, Station K, Toronto, Ontario, M4P 2G9; or Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, 4700 Keele St., Downsview, Ontario.

Berry, Brian J.L. et al. Land Use, Urban Form and Environmental Quality. Prepared for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Chicago, Ill.: University of Chicago, Depart­ ment of Geography, Research Paper no. 155, 1974. Berry, Brian J.L. and Harton, Frank E., Urban Environmental Management: Planning For Pollution Control. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1974. Boothroyd, P., Review of the State of the Art of Social Impact Research in Canada. Ottawa: Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, Nov. 1975. Brooke, M.E., Housing Equity and Environmental Protection: The Needless Conflict. American Institute of Planners, 1776 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington D.C., 1976. $10.00 pb. Carter, S., M. Frost, C. Rubin, L. Sumek, Environmental Management and Local Govern­ ment. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Research and Development, EPA-600/5-73-016, February 1974. $3.80* Presents and analyzes the results of a survey of 1038 U.S. cities, conducted as part of the International City Management Association project on environmental management. The report discusses environment as a policy issue, environment programs used by cities, federal-state involvement in local environmental management, and problems in managing the environment. The appendices contain a brief report of field trips to a few cities for in-depth information. See also: S. Carter, L. Sumek, M. Frost, 'Local Environmental Management,' in ICMA, Municipal Yearbook 1974, pp. 255-264. Catalano, R.A., Local Planning and the Environmental Impact Assessment Process: The California Experience, paper presented to AIP conference in 197 4 (contact: Ralph A. Catalano, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Program in Social Ecology, University of California, Irvine, California 92664). Presents the findings of a survey of 44 county and 25 city impact assessment procedures. Some key municipalities in California worth contacting include: 1 County of San Diego, Environmental Development Agency, 1600 Pacific Highway, San Diego, CA. 2 City of Inglewood, Environmental Division, Civic Centre, 1 Manchester Boulevard, Inglewood, Cali- fornia 90301. San Diego has developed an environmental management system which incorporates a data bank and moni­ toring procedures. Inglewood has developed procedures for Total Impact Analysis, a quantitative approach to EIA, which attempts to incorporate the communities' key environmental concerns into an ongoing program for environmental improvement. Coleman, D.J., An Ecological Input to Regional Planning. University of Waterloo, Faculty of Environmental Studies, School of Urban and Regional Planning, 1975. (copies available through Director, School of Urban and Regional Planning, University of Waterloo, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3Gl).

*U.S.G.P.O. charges an additional 25% of list price for orders mailed outside the United States.

152 Selected References Council on Environmental Quality, Annual Report. Washington: U.S.G.P.O. 1971, 1972, 1973, 1974, 1975. Approx. $5.00 Dickert, Thomas G. and Katherine R. Domeny, Environmental Impact Assessment: Guide­ lines and Commentary. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California, University Exten­ sion, 2223 Fulton St., Berkeley, CA 94'720, 1972. $7.50 Dorney, R.S., Bio-Physical and Cultural-Historic Land Classification and Mapping for Canadian Urban and Urbanizing Landscapes. Paper presented to Workshop on Metropolitan Ecology, Toronto, November 23, 1976, sponsored by the Canada Com­ mittee on Ecological Land Use Classification. Ottawa: Environment Canada, 1976. Dzugan, K., 'Environmental Assessments for Community Development Block Grants,' in Practicing Planner, April 1976. (American Institute of Planners) Discusses planning procedure for impact assessment adopted by St. Paul, Minnesota. Elder, P.S., Environmental Management and Public Participation. Toronto: Canadian Environmental Law Association, 1975. Ford Foundation, The Art of Managing the Environment, 1974 (Ford Foundation, Office of Reports, 320 East 43 Street, New York, N.Y. 10017) A booklet profiling six local approaches to environmental management: Erie County, Pennsylvania; Kaneole Bay, Hawaii; Seattle, Washington; Nashville-Davidson County, Tennessee; Vancouver, British Columbia; San Diego, California. Gardner, James S., A Study of Environmental Monitoring and Information Systems. Springfield, Virginia: National Technical Information Service, 1972. $12.25 Gleeson, M.E., et al, Urban Growth Manaagement Systems: An Evaluation of Policy­ Related Research, ASPO, Planning Advisory Service Report Nos., 309, 310, 1975 (American Society of Planning Officials, 1313 East Sixtieth Street, Chicago, Illinois 60637). $12.00 A comprehensive analysis and summary of current local growth management practice intended to serve as a policy guide for communities designing their own systems. Chapter 1 overviews the approach taken in the report, chapter 2 describes 13 communities that are the most advanced in the development and operation of growth management systems, chapter 3 analyzes 55 techniques used to manage growth, chapters 4 through 7 evaluate the policy implication of the growth management systems. Hall, Richard C., 'The Master Environmental Impact Report-A Method For Evaluating The Environmental Impact of General Plans,' Design Methods and Theories, vol. 10, no. 1, Jan.-Mar. 1976. Under the California Environmental Quality Act 1970, general (comprehensive/development/master) plans and economic development plans are required to undergo an environmental impact assessment. The Master Environmental Impact Report (MEIR) is the term given to such environmental assessments. The paper describes a methodology for preparing, updating, and maintaining MEIR's as a component of the on-going general planning process. The use of a system of environmental accounts is proposed as a means of obtain­ ing current information on the community environmental condition. Hills, Angus G., David V. Love, and Douglas S. Lacate, Developing a Better Environment: Ecological Land Use Planning in Ontario, A Study of Methodology in the Develop­ ment of Regional Plans. Toronto: Ontario Economic Council, 1970.

Jokela, Arthur W., Self-Regulation of Environmental Quality. Impact Analysis in California Local Government. Claremont, Calif.: Center for California Public Affairs, 1975. The report provides a thorough overview of local approaches to environmental assessment under the California Environmental Quality Act 1970. One of the conclusions reached in the report is that localities are highly diverse in their management processes, and in the rates of change of those processes. Where there is active political support, administrators may be aggressive in modeling the EIR program to fit into a locally adapted system of regulatory controls; elsewhere it may serve as little more than a proforma 'add on' to the traditional general plan and zoning requirements.

Lang and Armour 153 Kaiser, E.J., et al, Promoting Environmental Quality through Urban Planning and Controls, prepared for the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1974. The study surveyed approximately 200 local and metropolitan planning approaches in Fall 1972. Ari approach to an urban land use guidance system is outlined. A good source. Keyes, Dale L., Land Development and the Natural Environment: Estimating Impacts. Washington: The Urban Institute, April 1976. This report is the second of three produced by the Urban Institute discussing the evaluation of land devel­ opments in terms of their economic, environmental and social impacts. The first report, Measuring The Impact of Land Development: An Initial Approach, establishes a preliminary framework for evaluation, setting forth a series of measures for estimating impacts. Keyes' report deals in greater detail with the natural environmental impacts (air quality, water quality and quantity, wildlife, vegetation, and noise). He focuses on data requirements and reliability of specific analytical techniques for estimating impacts. The report is a good reference document for those directly involved in the environmental assessment process. The third report in the series, Using an Impact Measurement System for Evaluating Land Developments re-examines the overall framework of the first report and discusses the main problems and prospects of an impact measurement system. Lang, R.S., and Audrey Armour. Urban Environmental Assessment In The United States And Canada. Downsview, Ontario: York University, Faculty of Environmental Studies, July 1976. Leopold, Luna B. et al, A Procedure for Evaluating Environmental Impact. Washington: U.S. Geological Survey, Circular 645, 1971. Linville, J., R. Davis, T. Schaffer, 'Managing Environmental Programs, Three Local Government Approaches Analyzed,' Planners Notebook, vol. 5, no. 2, April 1975 (American Institute of Planners). The three municipalities are San Diego County, Nashville-Davidson County and Columbia, Maryland. Linville, J., and R. Davis, The Political Environment: An Ecosystems Approach to Urban Management (American Institute of Planners, 1776 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C., 1976). $7.00. Looks at the environment as a political issue within urban government, and overviews perspectives on incorporating scientific methods and analysis into environmental political decision-makers. Includes a list of problem areas requiring further scientific analysis. McAllister, D.M. (ed.), Environment: A New Focus for Land-Use Planning, prepared for National Science Foundation. Washington, D.C.: U.S.P.O., 1973. $3.75 McHarg, Ian, Design with Nature. Garden City, N.Y.: The Natural History Press, 1969. Munn, R.E., (ed.), 'Environmental Impact Assessment: Principles and Procedures. SCOPE Report 5, International Council of Scientific Unions, Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment. Toronto, Ontario, 1975. (check availability with Dr. Munn's office, Atmospheric Environment Service, 4905 Dufferin Downs, Downsview, Ontario. Rodgers, Joseph Lee, Environmental Impact Assessment, Growth Management, and the Comprehensive Plan. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1976. While the author promises to offer techniques for integrating environmental impact assessment and urban growth management into a process of comprehensive planning, the book could be more aptly described as an attempt to develop perspectives and concepts. Most of the text is given over to a survey of the effective­ ness of federal, state, and local responses to environmental problems, environmental impact assessment, and other environmental control measures. Rosen, S.J., Manual for Environmental Impact Evaluation.Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1976. $14.30

154 Selected References Runyan, D., Community Managed Approaches to Social Impact Assessment, 1975. (Hawaii Environmental Simulation Laboratory, Maile Way 9, 2540 Maile Way, Uni­ versity of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96822). Presents a range of social impact assessment techniques (12) that are available and evaluates .their useful­ ness to local groups. Schaenman, P.S., and T. Muller, Measuring Impacts of Land Development:An Initial Approach, Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute, 1975. (Publications Office, The Urban Institute, 2100 M Street, N.W., Washington D.C. 20037) $2.95 The report summarizes an initial attempt to develop a system for assessing the effects of land development proposals. It sets forth measures and procedures for assessing the impact of land developments on economic, environmental, aesthetic, public and private service, housing and social concerns. Thurow, C., W. Toner, and D. Erley, Performance Controls for Sensitive Lands: A Practical Guide for Local Administrators, Parts 1 and 2, prepared for U.S. Environmental Pro­ tection Agency, Office of Research and Development (American Society of Planning Officials, Planning Advisory Service Report No. 307 and 308, 1975). Discusses environmental protection and management approaches to streams and creeks, aquifers, wetlands, woodlands, and hillsides. Provides several examples of U.S. municipal ordinances for erosion and runoff. Voorhees, Alan M., and Associates, Inc., Interim Guidance Manual for Environmental Assessment DRAFT prepared for U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Develop­ ment, Office of Policy Development and Research, Dec. 1974 (contact: Richard H. Brown, Director, Office of Environmental Quality, Department of Housing and Urban Development, (HUD), 451 Seventh St., S.W., Washington D.C. 20410). A confidential report, soon to be released in a revised edition by HUD. Presents a comprehensive approach to measures for assessing environmental quality with HUD's environmental impact review process. Warden, Richard E. and W. Tim Dagodag, A Guide to the Preparation and Review of Environmental Impact Reports. Los Angeles, Calif.: Security World Publishing Co. Inc., 1976. Wolf, C.P. (ed.), Social Impact Assessment, vol. 2 of 1974 Conference Proceedings, Environ­ mental Design Research Association, 6959 West Glenbrook Road, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 53223. $5.50 Williams, D.C., 'Environmental Impact Statements: Preparation and Review by Local Governments,' Management Information Service Report, vol. 7, no. 6, June 1975. (Washington, D.C.: International City Management Association). Outlines review procedures for environmental impact review at the local level. Suggested approach is to concentrate on assessing the environmental impacts of the comprehensive plan and to review all proposals for conformance to that plan. The EIS is then required only on projects which do not conform, have unanswered questions or are in especially sensitive areas. Examples are given of guidelines, format, contents, pre-EIS applications, and evaluation review methods.

Lang and Armour 155 BOOKS RECEIVED/NOUVELLES ACQUISITIONS

Chapin, F. Stuart, Jr., and Weiss, Shirley Project Committee on Urban Transporta­ F., (eds.), Urban Growth Dynamics in a tion Planning Roads and Transportation Regional Cluster of Cities. Huntingdon, Association of Canada, Urban Transpor­ New York: Robert E. Krieger Publishing tation Planning Guide. Toronto: Univer­ Co., Inc., 1977. (reprint) 484 pp. (Cloth). sity of Toronto Press, 1977. 167 pp. Czamanski, Stan, with Czamanski, Daniel (Cloth). Z., Study of Spatial Industrial Com­ Radforth, N.W., and Brawner, C.O., (eds.), plexes. Halifax: Institute of Public Muskeg and the Northern Environment Affairs, Dalhousie University, 1976. in Canada. Toronto: University of Toron­ 195 pp. $7.50 (PB). to Press, 1977. 399 pp. $35.00 (Cloth). Falkner, Ann, Without Our Past? Toronto; Roberts, Neal Alison, The Government University of Toronto Press, 1977. 242 Land Developers. Toronto: Lexington pp. $5.00 (PB) $15.00 (Cloth). Books, D.C. Heath and Company, 1977. Gertler, Leonard 0., and Crowley, Ronald 249 pp. $19.00 (Cloth). W., Changing Canadian Cities: The Next Russwurm, Lorne H., The Surroundings of 25 Years. Toronto: McClelland and Stew­ Our Cities: Problems and Planning Im­ art Ltd., 1976. 474 pp. $8.95 (PB). plications of Urban Fringe Landscapes. Herbert, D.T., and Johnson, R.J., (eds.), Ottawa: Community Planning Press, Spatial Perspectives on Problems and 1977. 112 pp. $6.00 (PB). Policies, Social Areas in Cities, vol. 2. Sargent, Frederic 0., Rural Environmental New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1976. Planning. University of Vermont: Fre­ 243 pp. $18.95 (Cloth). deric 0. Sargent, 1976. 199 pp. $7.00 (PB) Herbert, D.T., and Johnson, R.J., (eds.), Stelter, Gilbert A., and Artibise, Alan F.J., Spatial Processes and Form, Social Areas (eds.), The Canadian City: Essays in in Cities, vol. 1. New York: John Wiley & Urban History. Toronto: McClelland and Sons, 1976. 281 pp. $19.50 (Cloth). Stewart Ltd., 1977. 455 pp. $5.95 (PB). Keating, Donald R., The Power To Make It Stone, Leroy 0., and Marceau, Claude, Happen. Toronto: Green Tree Publishing Canadian Population Trends and Public Company Ltd., 1975. 245 pp. $4.95 (PB). Policy Through the 1980s, published for Knight, David B., Choosing Canada's Capi­ the Institute for Research on Public tal: Jealousy and F1iction in the Nine­ Policy. Montreal: McGill-Queen's Uni­ teenth Century. Toronto: McClelland and versity Press, 1977. 109 pp. (Cloth). Stewart Ltd., 1977. 228 pp. $5.95 (PB). Tulchinsky, Gerald, J.J., The River Barons: Krueger, Ralph R., and Mitchell, Bruce, Montreal businessmen and the growth of (eds.), Managing Canada's Renewable industry and transportation 1837-53. Resources. Toronto: Methuen Publica­ Toronto: University of Toronto Press, tions, 1977. 333 pp. (PB). 1977. 310 pp. $20.00 (Cloth). Lambert, Rosalind, and Lavalee, Laval, Wellar, Barry S., Impressions on the Status Bibliography on Canadian Land Market of Computer-Assisted Information Sys­ Mechanisms and Land Information tems in Urban Governance. Ottawa: Systems. Ottawa: Ministry of State for Ministry of State for Urban Affairs, 1976. Urban Affairs, 1976. 50 pp. 18 pp. Lauder, Kathleen, and Lavalee, Laval, A Wellar, Barry S., (ed.), Information Tech­ Canadian Bibliography of Urban and nology and Urban Governance, Proceed­ Regional Information System Activity. ings of a Symposium Sponsored by the Ottawa: Ministry of State for Urban Ministry of State for Urban Affairs. Affairs, 1976. 39 pp. Ottawa: Ministry of State for Urban Lotz, Jim, Understanding Canada. Toron­ Affairs, 1976. 289 pp. to: NC Press Limited, 1977. 160 pp. $6.95 (PB).

156 Plan Canada CONTENTS OF OTHER JOURNALS/ SOMMAIRES D'AUTRES REVUES

Journal of the American Institute of Journal of the Royal Town Planning Planners Institute published quarterly by the American Institute of published bimonthly Planners Royal Town Planning Institute 1776 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., 26 Portland Place Washington, D.C. 20036 London WlN 4BE Editor, Donald A. Krueckeberg Editor, Margaret Cox July 1977 Issue July 1977 Issue George Sternlieb and James V. Hughes Ian Harford New Regional and Metropolitan Realities of The Inner City: Whose Urban Crisis? America Peter Daniels Wayne R. Archer Office Policy Problems in Greater London Improving Estimates of Local Populations David Watts through Public Use Samples The Impact of Warehouse Growth Andrew M. Isserman Alan Richardson The Accuracy of Population Projections for Planning in the Soviet Union Subcounty Areas Mark Brownrigg Peter H. Guldberg, Frank H. Benesh, and New Town Growth: An Economist's View­ Thomas McCurdy point Secondary Impacts of Major Land Use Nigel Walker Projects Recreation Provision in the Urban Fringe H.J. Vaux, Jr. Rural Land Subdividing: A Lesson from Housing and People the Southern California Desert published quarterly Brett W. Hawkins and Robert M. Stein The Canadian Council on Social Development Regional Planning Assistance: Its Distri­ 55 Parkdale, Box 3505, Station C bution to Local Governments and Relation­ Ottawa, Ontario KlY 4Gl Editor, Jan McClain ship to Local Grant Getting Summer 1977 Issue Ken Scherle SELECTED CONTENTS OF OTHER The Saskatchewan Conservation House JOURNALS La maison solaire de la Saskatchewan Canadian Public Policy M. Patricia Darling published quarterly We Need It in New Brunswick! A Case for Editorial Office, Arts Building University of Guelph the Preservation and Extension of NIP and Guelph, Ontario NlG 2Wl RRAP Editor, J. Vanderkamp Nous en avons Besoin au Nouveau-Bruns­ Summer 1977 Issue wick! Pour la preservation et l'elargisse­ G.W. Davies ment du PAQ et du PAREL Macroeconomic Effects of Immigration: Stewart Fyfe Evidence from CANDIDE, TRACE, and They said It Couldn't Be Done RDX2 The Neighborhood Improvement Program J.F. Helliwell in Kingston Arctic Pipelines in the Context of Canadian Michael Wright Energy Requirements Rehabilitation of Dwellings in Rural Areas La Restauration des logements dans les zones rurales

Contents of Other Journals 157 SELECTED CONTENTS OF OTHER JOURNALS (continued)

Contact, Journal of Urban and Environ­ mental Affairs published bimonthly The Faculty of Environmental Studies University of Waterloo Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3Gl Editor, Norman E.P. Pressman Fall 1977 Issue Jaap Schouten Public Land Policy and Metropolitan Development: The Case of Canada's Capital Si Brown Planning for Technological Change David Anstis Cause for Concern: Reflections on the Cur­ rent State of Urban Design in Britain Wallace van Zyl Planning for the Performing Arts: Pipe­ dream or Possibility? Bruce Young Waterfront Redevelopment Projects in Jamaica Denis M. Jesson and Peter W. Forster Man and Habitat: The Model of the Greek Littoral Village William A. Ross Toward an Energy Strategy Alternative for Canada Doug Wicken Cambridge (Galt) Ontario: A Photographic View Don Handehnan and Lea Shamgar-Handel­ man Review Essay William Shalinsky Small Groups in the Planning and Policy Fields

158 Plan Canada CONTRIBUTORS/AUTEURS DES ARTICLES

Jim Lotz' knowledge of the non-linear world Roger Delaney is an Assistant Professor at is derived from time spent in working class Lakehead University, School of Social England, West Africa, the Canadian sub­ Work, and is presently completing his Arctic and High Arctic, Ottawa, and the Doctor of Social Work degree at the Uni­ Canadian Maritimes. Along linear lines, he versity of Toronto. He has worked for is the author of Northern Realities (1970) various provincial governments as a social and Understanding Canada (1977) and co­ worker, social welfare administrator, and author of Cape Breton Island (1974). social planner. Currently, he lives in Halifax where he is Managing Editor of Axiom magazine. Maurice Egan is the Director of Social Plan­ ning, Department Head, City of Vancouver, Mohammad A. Qadeer is an Associate Pro­ where he is a member of the City's Manage­ fessor in the School of Urban and Regional ment Advisory Committee. From 1960- Planning at Queen's University and a 1967, he was Director of Youth Services in member of the Board of Directors, Kingston Ottawa. Social Planning Council. His research and teaching are in social planning, small town John W. Frei is presently Social Planning development, and land markets in develop­ and Research Consultant and Special ing countries. Lecturer in the Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto. He directed a five John Hitchcock is an Associate Professor in year social planning and research project in the Department of Urban and Regional Montreal and was Executive Director of the Planning, and Associate Director of the Montreal Council of Social Agencies and of Center for Urban and Community Studies, the Social Planning Council of Metropolitan University of Toronto. Toronto.

Donald Bellamy is a Professor in the Ralph Matthews is the author of two books Faculty of Social Work, University of and numerous papers on regional develop­ Toronto, and teaches in the practice se­ ment in Canada, including There's No quence in Social Policy, Social Planning, Better Place Than Here: Social Change in and Social Administration. Three Newfoundland Communities (1976). An Associate Professor of Sociology at John Gandy is a Professor in the Faculty of McMaster University, he is currently on Social Work, University of Toronto. He was sabbatical leave and living in Newfound­ formerly Director of Research and land while writing a book on Atlantic Planning, Social Planning Council of Canada and employing the dependency Metropolitan Toronto. Presently, he is perspective developed in his article. engaged in research on the impact of region­ alization of government in Scotland on the delivery of social services.

Contributors 159 PLAN CANADA

Staff/Personnel Jim Lotz Godfrey Spragge Independent Researcher and Editor Freelance Writer, Halifax Gerald Hodge, M.A. Qadeer Richard Morency Associate Editors URBANEX Inc., Urbanistes-conseils Sainte-Foy, Quebec Patricia Hodge Editorial Assistant William T. Perks University of Calgary Addresses/ Adresses Thomas Plunkett Queen's University Articles Nigel Richardson Godfrey Spragge Regional Planning Branch, Ontario School of Urban & Regional Planning Mackintosh-Corry Hall James W. Simmons Queen's University University of Toronto Kingston, Ontario K7L 3N6 Robert Smith University of British Columbia Reviews Jack C. Stabler M.A. Qadeer University of Saskatchewan School of Urban & Regional Planning Mackintosh-Corry Hall Paul Villeneuve Queen's University Universite Laval, Quebec Kingston, Ontario, K7L 3N6 Brahm Wiesman University of British Columbia Editorial Advisory Board/Comite de lecture Murray Zides Eric Clemens Planning Commission, Saint John, N.B. National Capital Commission Ottawa Claude Langlois Universite de Montreal

Canadian Institute of Planners/lnstitut canadien des urbanistes

Officers/Responsables Council Members/Membres du conseil Paul Harper John Connelly, British Columbia President Z.M. Sarty, Alberta James Moodie Ron Cope, Saskatchewan Vice-President/ Secretary-Treasurer Jonas Lehrman, Manitoba John M. Bain, Northern Ontario Kay E. Davies Larry Martin, Southwestern Ontario Executive Officer John Hitchcock, Central Ontario Elizabeth Katz Eric Clemens, Ottawa CIP Forum Editor G. Guerette, Atlantic Planners Institute Address/ Adresse Pierre-Paul Gingras, Corporation des The Canadian Institute of Planners Urbanistes du Quebec 46 Elgin Street, Suite 30 Chris De Marco, Student Representative Ottawa, Ontario, KIP 5K6 Printed by Brown & Martin Limited Kingston, Ontario

Imprime par Brown & Martin Limited 160 Plan Canada Kingston, Ontario

June/juin 19~

Contents Sommaire Viewpoints Points de vue Bridging the Gap: Modern and Traditional Comment combler la breche entre le Jim Lotz moderne et le traditionnel Jim Lotz Articles The Scope of Social Planning in Urban Articles Planning L'envergure de la planification sociale en Mohammad A. Qadeer urbanisme Mohammad A. Qadeer Neighborhood Planning and Neighborhood Practice La planification des voisinages et la prati­ John Hitchcock and Donald Bellamy que des politiques du voisinage Planning for the Delivery of Social Services John Hitchcock et Donald Bellamy at the Local Level La planification pour la diffusion des John Gandy and Roger Delaney services sociaux au niveau local John Gandy et Roger Delaney Social Planning in Vancouver Maurice Egan La planification sociale a Vancouver Maurice Egan Social Planning Practice: Two Case Studies John W . Frei La pratique des politiques de la planifica• Canadian Regional Development Strategy: tion sociale: deux etudes de cas John W. Frei A Dependency Theory Perspective Ralph Matthews La strategie canadienne pour le developpe· ment regional: une perspective theorique de dependance Ralph Matthews