"Reform" As a Chaotic Concept: the Case of Toronto Jon Caulfield
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Document generated on 09/26/2021 8:41 p.m. Urban History Review Revue d'histoire urbaine "Reform" as a Chaotic Concept: The Case of Toronto Jon Caulfield Volume 17, Number 2, October 1988 Article abstract Contemporary "reformism" in Canadian cities is frequently treated, explicitly URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1017656ar or implicitly, as a coherent urban political movement and as a movement that DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1017656ar has been oriented to "anti-developmentism." In the case of Toronto neither characterization is accurate: "reform" has been neither a coherent movement See table of contents nor "anti-development." Publisher(s) Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine ISSN 0703-0428 (print) 1918-5138 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this article Caulfield, J. (1988). "Reform" as a Chaotic Concept: The Case of Toronto. Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine, 17(2), 107–111. https://doi.org/10.7202/1017656ar All Rights Reserved © Urban History Review / Revue d'histoire urbaine, 1988 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ "Reform" as a Chaotic Concept: The Case of Toronto Jon Caulfield Abstract Contemporary "reformism" in John Weaver has demurred from Paul the other hand, I find Sancton's view Canadian cities is frequently treated, Rutherford's characterization of turn-of-the- ultimately wrong-headed because, in two key explicitly or implicitly, as a coherent century Canadian urban "reformism" as a ways, it shares similar misconceptions with urban political movement and as a movement based on the principle that "city the work of Burton and Morley. These movement that has been oriented to government must be more responsive to the disagreements with Sancton, and their "anti-developmentism. "In the case of interests of the whole community" — that in implications for our understanding of Toronto neither characterization is the past "too much attention had been paid contemporary "reform." are the focus of this accurate: "reform" has been neither a to particular interests" and in the future "civic paper. coherent movement nor leadership must look to the whole "anti-development " electorate."1 Weaver argues that, on the My arguments with Sancton are these: contrary, a main thrust of "reform" was "to perpetuate a stratified society based upon 1. Like Burton and Morley, Sancton Résumé traditional patterns of deference and implicitly treats those whom he labels morality.... The claim that reformers felt "the new reformers" as ideologically like- Le "réformisme" contemporain dans les compelled to regulate the city for the benefit minded; it is assumed that the words villes canadiennes est souvent considéré, of all is simply not accurate. Instead, "reform," "reformism," and "reformer explicitement ou implicitement, comme "reformism" must be viewed as stemming as have systematicaly meaningful usage — un mouvement politique urbain much from prejudice, self-interest and a that they denote a coherent concept. In cohérent et opposé au développement concern for property values as from idealism my view "reform" is a "chaotic Dans le cas de Toronto, aucun de ces and vision."2 conception" that "combines the qualificatifs n'est juste : la "réforme" n'a unrelated"5; at least in the case of pas été le fait d'un mouvement A similar difference of views has arisen in Toronto, contemporary Canadian urban cohérenet ne s'est pas opposée au reference to more contemporary Canadian "reform" has been composed of two développement urban "reform." Lydia Burton and David distinct ideological tendencies. (I hasten, Morley, for example, in a work parallel to to stress that this is not a new view; but, Rutherford's, have characterized "reform" in as will become clear, it is apparently a Toronto in the 1970s as "a new political view that needs to be periodically perspective" oriented "against high rise reasserted.) development and growth, and for neighbourhoods as humane living spaces for 2. Sancton couches his analysis of 3 residents of all social classes." Andrew "reform" in a theorization that the "main Sancton, in contrast, has argued that "the line of cleavage in Canadian municipal new reformers', ...overall effect... was to politics involves attitudes towards urban preserve and enhance the long-term value of development," of which there are existing buildings and land" and "ensure ... "proponents" and opponents": "virtually Toronto remained an attractive location for all conflict in Canadian urban politics can real estate investment," a circumstance in be located on a pro-development/anti- which "the less wealthy were increasingly development spectrum."6 In this context, 4 less able to compete for housing." Thus, like like Burton and Morley, he locates "the Weaver in the case of tum-of-the-century new reformers" on the latter side of the "reform," Sancton finds that segmental continuum. I do agree with Sancton that interests have been embedded in "attitudes towards urban development" contemporary "reformism." are the essence of Canadian city politics. But my view is that these politics are too I concur with Sancton's sentiment. As the complex to allow the sorting of the discussion that follows makes clear, I believe participants into groups described as the shifts that occurred in Canadian urban "proponents" and "opponents." On the politics during the 1970s have not evenly contrary, at least in the case of Toronto, benefited all groups of city-dwellers ("social "anti-developmentism" is often an classes" in Burton and Morley's usage). On analytic red herring; although the groups 107 Urban History Review/Revue d'histoire urbaine Vol. XVH, No. 2 (October 1988) "Reform" as a Chaotic Concept that have been lumped under the rubric "reform" in the 1970s. A vital clue to this themselves as an organized bloc which they "reform" have been highly critical of composition was the reaction of John Sewell, styled the Reform Caucus.17 some dominant aspects of post-war city- city hall's enfant terrible, to the election of building, their principal concerns can not Toronto's first "reform" council on the night of What was happening has since been be reduced simply to opposing its apparent victory in December 1972. If analysed by several writers18 and recognized' development (more often they have "reformism" were a coherent movement, by others.19 The fragile "reform" coalition involved that kind of development that Sewell ought to have been delighted; he was had, in fact, sprung from two distinct sources: will occur in the city). not. He was upset by the defeat of two on the one hand, from more affluent candidates he had supported in downtown communities mainly concerned with The question of "reform" mono logism working-class wards and was suspicious perceived destructive consequences of post• about what might now be expected from the war city-building practices on the ambiance Sancton, Burton and Morley are not isolated several successful "reform" candidates from of the built urban environment; and, on the in their treatment of contemporary Toronto more affluent wards. As well, he was bitter other, from less affluent communities mainly "reformism" as monologic — as a coherent toward the city's new mayor, David Crombie, concerned with ways in which these concept. They are only three of a number of a "moderate" whose candidacy he had practices were violently oblivious to their authors who have recently taken this tack: supported only reluctantly; Sewell had been housing needs and traditional living-places. one of a number of civic opposition Because some of the general principles of • Richard Harris, for example, whose politicians who had not wanted to promote a the latter group were consistent with various analysis prominently features Toronto, mayoral nominee, preferring to concentrate particular policy initiatives of the former, "the characterizes "reformers" in Canadian energy and resources on aldermanic seats; objectives of the middle class (were) served city politics in the 1970s as forming a in his mind (not without reason) Crombie's .... neighbourhoods would be protected, the "fairly neat... coalition."7 victory and the defeat of the two inner-city automobile would be treated with common candidates were connected.12 sense and the style of development modified. • David Ley, writing partly in direct But these limited ojectives were a far cry reference to Toronto, identifies a "reform Sewell's election-night scepticism was the from those of reformers who saw reform as a movement" with "reform values" rooted in first of a series of incidents during the new means to achieve basic change ... (and) of 20 a "reform ideology" and supported by council's two-year term that illustrated redistributing wealth and power." Because "reform aldermen."8 "reformism" in Toronto city politics was not a the politicians who supported basic change coherent phenomenon. Council had been in were a minority at City Council, their efforts to • William Kilbourn discusses "reform" as a office less than three months when Sewell accomplish a serious reorientation of local single ideological tendency and treats lashed