The Finnish Political System (5 Ects)
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Mureen Kirjeet Evakkous Ja Elämäntavan Muutos Rajakarjalais-Ortodoksisten Sisarusten Kirjeenvaihdoissa 1930-Luvulta 1970-Luvulle JYU DISSERTATIONS 375
JYU DISSERTATIONS 375 Hannu Heikkilä Mureen kirjeet Evakkous ja elämäntavan muutos rajakarjalais-ortodoksisten sisarusten kirjeenvaihdoissa 1930-luvulta 1970-luvulle JYU DISSERTATIONS 375 Hannu Heikkilä Mureen kirjeet Evakkous ja elämäntavan muutos rajakarjalais-ortodoksisten sisarusten kirjeenvaihdoissa 1930-luvulta 1970-luvulle Esitetään Jyväskylän yliopiston humanistis-yhteiskuntatieteellisen tiedekunnan suostumuksella julkisesti tarkastettavaksi yliopiston Historica-rakennuksen salissa H320 toukokuun 7. päivänä 2021 kello 12. Academic dissertation to be publicly discussed, by permission of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Jyväskylä, in building Historica, hall H320 on May 7, 2021 at 12 o’clock noon. JYVÄSKYLÄ 2021 Editors Heli Valtonen Department of History and Ethnology, University of Jyväskylä Timo Hautala Open Science Centre, University of Jyväskylä Kansikuva: Mureen perhe 1930-luvulla: edessä Ondrei ja Tatjana Mure, takana Klaudia (vas.), Anni, Nasti, Johannes ja Yrjö Mure. Kuva: Suomen Asutusmuseon arkisto. Copyright © 2021, by University of Jyväskylä Permanent link to this publication: http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-951-39-8628-5 ISBN 978-951-39-8628-5 (PDF) URN:ISBN:978-951-39-8628-5 ISSN 2489-9003 ABSTRACT Heikkilä, Hannu The Mure family letters: Written experiences of being displaced and changes in a Border Karelian and Orthodox way of life from the 1930s to the 1970s Jyväskylä: University of Jyväskylä, 2021, 282 p. (JYU Dissertations ISSN 2489-9003; 375) ISBN 978-951-39-8628-5 This doctoral dissertation examines the written experiences of displaced persons and changes in way of life in their private correspondence. This study concerns the fields of exploration of displaced people, social and cultural research on wars, postwar and peace transition crisis research and historical letter studies. -
Finnish University Intelligentsia and Its German Idealism Tradition
1 INTELLECTUALS AND THE STATE: FINNISH UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENTSIA AND ITS GERMAN IDEALISM TRADITION Jukka Kortti, Adjunct Professor (Docent) University of Helsinki, Department of Political and Economic Studies, Section of Social Science History [email protected] Article (Accepted version) Post-print (ie final draft post-refereeing) Original citation: JUKKA KORTTI (2014). INTELLECTUALS AND THE STATE: THE FINNISH UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE GERMAN IDEALIST TRADITION Modern Intellectual History, 11, pp 359-384 doi:10.1017/S1479244314000055 2 Abstract INTELLECTUALS AND THE STATE: FINNISH UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENTSIA AND ITS GERMAN IDEALISM TRADITION The article examines the making of the Finnish intelligentsia and its relation to the state and the nation. The problem is analysed primarily from the perspective of student activism in the twentieth century. The development is viewed in the context of nationalism, (cultural) modernism, and radicalism in the development of the public sphere. The main source consists of the research findings of the student magazine Ylioppilaslehti (Student Magazine), which is not just “any student paper,” but a Finnish institution that has seen most of Finland’s cultural and political elite pass through its editorial staff in the twentieth century. The article demonstrates the importance of German idealism, as theorised by the Finnish statesman and philosopher J.W. Snellman, and its vital role in the activities of the Finnish university intelligentsia well into the 21st century. 3 INTELLECTUALS AND THE STATE: FINNISH UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENTSIA AND ITS GERMAN IDEALISM TRADITION INTRODUCTION In 2013, there has been quite a fuss around Finnish philosopher Pekka Himanen in the Finnish public sphere. Himanen is internationally known as the researcher of the information age – together with Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells, for instance. -
THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism
Article • DOI: 10.1515/njmr-2016-0012 NJMR • 6(2) • 2016 • 124-131 THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism Abstract The rise of the populist radical political right is one of the significant phenomena Tapio Nykänen* in recent European party politics. In this article, I examine the ideology of the radical right in Finland by analysing the Aloof Election Manifesto, an election Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lapland, Finland platform published by radical wing of the Finns Party for national parliament elections 2011. The analysis shows that the ideology challenges traditional notions of nationalism. It combines cultural nativism, secularism and economic neoliberalism to the fear of Islam and multiculturalism. Keywords Nationalism • immigration • radical right • multiculturalism • islamophobia Received 6 February 2015; Accepted 16 March 2016 In this article, I examine the ideology of the anti-immigrant wing of the indeed combines diverse ideas and beliefs from different ideological Finns Party, a populist and nationalist political party that represents traditions. The AM represents a particular case within neo-populism, one of the most visible changes on the Finnish political landscape in however, as it concentrates solely on opposing immigration from the recent years. For 16 years, the party was a small one, its support being Third World. Accordingly, one of the specific aims of my article is three to four percent1. This changed drastically in 2011, when the to show how different ideological features are used to support this party received 19.1 percent of the votes in the national parliamentary goal in the case of the AM. -
Presidential Elections in Bulgaria of 23 and 30
March 2011 Volume 1, Issue 1 EuroMarch 2011 pean Times Volume 1, Issue th The Newsletter of Contemporary European Politics Nr.2, December 2011 Editor: José M. Magone Contents PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN BULGARIA Presidential OF 23 AND 30 0CTOBER 2011 elections in Bulgaria Presidential and Local Rossen Plevneliev was able The ruling minority in October 2011 1 Elections took place in two to prevail in the second government of party rd th General elections in rounds on 23 and 30 of round against main Citizens for the European Denmark 1 October in Bulgaria. challenger, the Socialist Development of candidate Ivailo Kalfin. Bulgaria(GERB) under The presidential elections Elections in Bulgaria Plevneviev got 52.58 prime minister Boyko were contested by 10 in October 2 percent, and Kalfin 47.42 Borissov can rely on a candidates and the local 2011(cont.) percent of the vote. president of the same elections by 85 political party. It seems that the parties. Already in the first round, presidential and local Plevneliev was able to gain Elections in Denmark In the presidential results were a confirmation 40.11 percent, while Kalfin on 16 September elections the candidate of the present government, 2011(cont.) was just a distant second supported by the in spite of the bad 3 with 28.96 percent. conservative government economic situation.(p.2). The Finnish Elections This means that until 2013, of 17 April 2011:The Strengthening of the GENERAL ELECTIONS IN DENMARK ON 16 SEPTEMBER 2011: True Finns 4 THE ELECTION OF THE FIRST DANISH FEMALE PRIME MINISTER HELLE THORNING-SCHMIDT The Legislative Elections in Poland After a decade of the vote was just 50.2 to achieve a doubling of on 9 October 2011 conservative governments , percent for a left centre their 2007 result. -
Parliamentary Elections 2011, Preliminary Data
Elections 2011 Parliamentary elections 2011, preliminary data True Finns the biggest winner in the elections. Coalition Party the largest party in the Parliamentary elections 2011 Corrected on 27 April 2011. The correction is indicated in red. The True Finns emerged as the winner of the elections as the other parliamentary parties lost their support compared with the previous Parliamentary elections. The True Finns increased their support by 14.9 percentage points, thus gaining 19.0 per cent of the country's votes, which raised it from the smallest parliamentary party into the third largest party in Finland. The number of votes cast for the True Finns gave it 34 additional seats in Parliament. In total, the True Finns got 39 MPs and a total of 559,000 votes in the whole country, which is over 447,000 votes more than in the Parliamentary elections 2007. Support for parties in Parliamentary elections 2011 and 2007 The Centre Party of Finland lost most in the elections, as it dropped from the largest party to the fourth biggest party. The Centre Party gained 15.8 per cent of all the votes cast. When compared with the previous Parliamentary elections, its support went down by 7.3 percentage points. The Centre Party received 463,000 votes and 35 MPs into Parliament. The number of seats for the party fell by 16 and the number of votes by over 177,000 compared with the 2007 Parliamentary elections. Helsinki 18.4.2011 Quoting is encouraged provided Statistics Finland is acknowledged as the source. The National Coalition Party emerged as the largest party. -
Finland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13
Finland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13 FinlandFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 100 FREE /100 Political Rights 40 Civil Liberties 60 100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. TOP Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/finland/freedom-world/2020 7/24/2020 Finland | Freedom House Page 2 of 13 Finland’s parliamentary system features free and fair elections and robust multiparty competition. Corruption is not a significant problem, and freedoms of speech, religion, and association are respected. The judiciary is independent under the constitution and in practice. Women and ethnic minority groups enjoy equal rights, though harassment and hate speech aimed at minority groups does occur. Key Developments in 2019 • In March, the right-leaning coalition government, headed by Juha Sipilä of the Center Party, resigned after failing to push through a reform of the health care system. • A general election was held in April, with the Social Democratic Party receiving the largest share of the vote. A new left-leaning coalition government was formed in June, comprising the Social Democratic Party, Center party, Green League, Left Alliance, and Swedish People’s Party of Finland. • Following criticism within the coalition about Prime Minister Antti Rinne’s handing of a strike by postal workers in November, he resigned in December. The Social Democratic Party chose Sanna Marin to replace him. • The parliament in March completed passage of a package of bills that empowered the intelligence service and defense forces to conduct communications surveillance on national security matters. Political Rights A. Electoral Process TOP A1 0-4 pts Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 https://freedomhouse.org/country/finland/freedom-world/2020 7/24/2020 Finland | Freedom House Page 3 of 13 The president, whose role is mainly ceremonial, is directly elected for up to two six-year terms. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Finland' Political Structure NCEE
2020-21 Legislative International Education Study Group OVERVIEW OF FINLAND’S POLITICAL STRUCTURE Political Structure:1,2 • Finland is a parliamentary representative republic with both a popularly elected president, whose role is mostly ceremonial, and a parliament with a cabinet and a prime minister. • Finland has a 200-member unicameral parliament (Eduskunta). Almost all members are directly elected in single- and multi-seat constituencies by proportional representation vote to four-year terms. The most recent parliamentary elections were held in April 2019 (see below). They will be held again in April 2023.3 • Finland’s president is directly elected by absolute majority popular vote for a six- year term and is eligible to serve a second term. The current president, Sauli Niinisto, was elected in 2012 and reelected in 2018. The next presidential election will be held in 2024.4 • Finland’s prime minister is appointed by the Eduskunta.5 The current prime minister, Sanna Marin, was appointed in December 2019 (see below).6 Political Context: Finland has a strong history of multi-party politics, with no one party having majority control for long. In 2015, the Center Party won the majority of parliamentary seats and formed a coalition with the National Coalition Party and the relatively new Finns Party. The Finns Party was formed in 1995 and is a nationalist, Euro-sceptic and anti-establishment party. The 2015 coalition was the first time the Finns Party had participated in government. However, in March 2019, just a month before parliamentary elections in April, the coalition government fell apart. The April 2019 national election was the first in Finland’s history in which no party came away with more than 20 percent of the vote. -
Framework Agreement Between the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Swedish Green Party, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats
Framework agreement between the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Swedish Green Party, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats Pillars Sweden’s energy policy should build on the same three pillars as energy cooperation in the EU. The policy therefore aims to combine: • ecological sustainability • competitiveness • security of supply Sweden must have a robust electricity network with high security of supply and low environmental impact, and offer electricity at competitive prices. This creates a long- term perspective and clarity for actors in the market and helps generate new jobs and investment in Sweden. The energy policy is based on the fact that Sweden is closely linked to its neighbours in northern Europe, and aims to find joint solutions to challenges in the common electricity market. Targets By 2045, Sweden is to have no net emissions of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and should thereafter achieve negative emissions. The target by 2040 is 100 per cent renewable electricity production. This is a target, not a deadline for banning nuclear power, nor does mean closing nuclear power plants through political decisions. An energy-efficiency target for the period 2020 to 2030 will be produced and adopted no later than 2017. Conditions on the Swedish electricity market Better conditions are needed for investments in renewable energy, energy technologies and energy efficiency. Development of the energy system should be based on a variety of large- and small-scale renewable production that is tailored to local and industrial needs. One major challenge is converting energy policy from focusing almost exclusively on the amount of energy delivered (TWh) to also ensuring sufficient output (MW). -
The Res Publica Party in Estonia
Meteoric Trajectory: The Res Publica Party in Estonia REIN TAAGEPERA Formed in 2001, Res Publica won the Estonian parliamentary elections in 2003, and its leader became prime minister. It failed to win a single seat in the European Parliament in 2004 and was down to 5 per cent in opinion polls in 2005 when it dropped out of the cabinet. The founding chairperson of the party analyses here the causes for Res Publica’s rapid rise and fall, reviewing the socio-political background and drawing comparisons with other new parties in Europe. Res Publica was a genuinely new party that involved no previous major players. It might be charac- terized as a ‘purifying bridge party’ that filled an empty niche at centre right. Its rise was among the fastest in Europe. For success of a new party, each of three factors must be present to an appreciable degree: Prospect of success ¼ Members  Money  Visibility. Res Publica had all three, but rapid success spoiled the party leadership. Their governing style became arrogant and they veered to the right, alienating their centrist core constituency. It no longer mattered for the quality of Estonian politics whether Res Publica faded or survived. Key words: new parties; Estonia; Res Publica; rightist politics Democratization includes developing a workable party system. Around 2000, I would have told anyone who cared to listen that Estonia had too many parties. A study by Grofman, Mikkel and Taagepera1 also noted that no major new player had entered the field since 1995. We characterized the party constellation in the early 1990s as kaleidoscopic, but gave figures to show that the party system in Estonia seemed to stabilize. -
The Political Alignment of the Centre Party in Wilhelmine Germany: a Study of the Party's Emergence in Nineteenth-Century Württemberg
The Political Alignment of the Centre Party in Wilhelmine Germany: A Study of the Party's Emergence in Nineteenth-Century Württemberg The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Blackbourn, David. 1975. The political alignment of the Centre Party in Wilhelmine Germany: A study of the party's emergence in nineteenth-century Württemberg. Historical Journal 18(4): 821-850. Published Version doi:10.1017/S0018246X00008906 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3629315 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Historical Journal, XVIII, 4 (I975), pp. 82I-850 821 Printed in Great Britain THE POLITICAL ALIGNMENT OF THE CENTRE PARTY IN WILHELMINE GERMANY: A STUDY OF THE PARTY'S EMERGENCE IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY WURTTEMBERG By DAVID BLACKBOURN Jesus College, Cambridge LESS than a month before Bismarck's dismissal as German chancellor, the Reichstag elections of February I890 destroyed the parliamentary majority of the Kartell parties - National Liberals and Conservatives - with whose support he had governed. The number of Reichstag seats held by these parties fell from 22I to I40, out of the total of397; they never again achieved more than I69. To the multitude of problems left by Bismarck to his successorswas there- fore added one of parliamentaryarithmetic: how was the chancellor to organize a Reichstag majority when the traditional governmental parties by themselves were no longer large enough, and the intransigently anti-governmental SPD was constantly increasing its representation? It was in this situation that the role of the Centre party in Wilhelmine politics became decisive, for between I890 and I9I4 the party possessed a quarter of the seats in the Reichstag, and thus held the balance of power between Left and Right.