W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Difference and the City. Migrants from Predominantly South-

Slavic Speaking Regions in Vienna around 1900

© Wladimir Fischer

To be published in Wien um 1900: Migration und Innovation in Wissenschaft und

Kultur. Eds. Rathkolb, Oliver and Elisabeth Röhrlich. Zeitgeschichte im Kontext.

Wien: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2012 (forthcoming).

I. Intro

This chapter gives an overview on migrants from regions where South Slavic languages were predominantly spoken, concentrating sending regions inside the

Austro-Hungarian monarchy, with excursions on Ottoman subjects. This means that we will mainly deal with migrants from areas that are now in Slovenia, Croatia,

Bosnia-Hercegovina, Serbia (Vojvodina), and Italy (Trieste), but also from Serbia proper, Bulgaria, Montenegro and Macedonia. We will not exclude migrants whose native languages were other than Serbo-Croat, Slovene, Bulgarian and Macedonian neither do we exclusively cover the majority confessions Orthodox, Catholic and

Muslim.

In contrast to nowadays, the groups of people we are speaking about were not large, but the numbers are not really known, as we will discuss in more detail below.

Therefore we will start with a discussion of the relevance of the topic, the state of the art as well as the historical numbers and what is problematic about them. Then, after a description of the political and cultural context, we will describe the networks of migrants from the predominantly South-Slavic speaking parts of the monarchy that are

1 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna discernible, and the organized communities that have been coming out of these networks, and their publicity.

There are several reasons why to write a chapter on migrants from the

Southeastern parts of the Habsburg Monarchy instead of a chapter on, for instance,

Serbian, Croatian or South Slav migrants in Vienna. The reason lies mainly in the contemporary history of Austria, to be more exact in the history of contemporary labor migration to Austria that started in the mid 1960s. The according treaty signed between the Federal Republic of Austria and the Socialist Federal Republic of

Yugoslavia, later in the seventies also the treaty with the Republic of Turkey, opened up temporary employment opportunities for millions of workers of mostly rural backgrounds in the post WWII Austrian economy. The initial plan of both the sending countries and Austria, to have the gastarbeiters return after a short period of time, failed. Although many did return, many others stayed and established families in

Austria.1 During the oil crisis of the early 1970s, functionaries of the Austrian trade unions and the Socialist Party became increasingly uneasy about what they considered a threat to »Austrian jobs« (the unions had agreed to the gastarbeiter policy after a historic deal with the employers). What followed was the first racist election campaign in the Second Republic.2 Vienna has been the main destination of these labor migrants and it is estimated way over ten percent of the population have such a

1 Eva Kreisky, “Vom bürokratischen Nutzen ständiger Unsicherheit — Arbeitsmigranten zwischen Anwerbung und Abschiebung,” in Ausländische Arbeitskräfte in Österreich, ed. Hannes Wimmer (Frankfurt/M.; New York: 1986). 2 Wladimir Fischer, “Vom 'Gastarbeiter' zum 'Ausländer'. Die Entstehung und Entwicklung des Diskurses über ArbeitsmigrantInnen in Österreich,” Österreich in Geschichte und Literatur 53, no. 3 (2009); Ljubomir Bratić, “Diskurs und Ideologie des Rassismus im österreichischen Staat,” Kurswechsel 17, no. 2 (2003); Eveline Wollner, “Ausländer/innenbeschäftigungspolitik und Migration. Zur Rolle des österreichischen Gewerkschaftsbundes und zur Bedeutung von Migration aus Weltsystemperspektive,” Grundrisse 7(2003).

2 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna background today. Nearly eight percent said in 2001 they speak a Southeast European language.3 However, there are still few studies of the history of this large segment of the Vienna population. This seems all the more pressing as migrants have been the target of racist discourse in Austria, and history is one way of empowering actors who have so far been under-voiced.4

However, there is a notorious problem in historicising the labor migrants in

Austria. Since the 1970s Kolaric campaign, there is a notion that the Czech labor migrants of the late 19th century were the typological predecessors of the contemporary Yugoslav and Turkish migrants. However, the situation of migrants from Bohemia was in several decisive points different from that of the modern migrants.5 The Czechs were Austrian citizens, and had therefore the same rights as other Viennese (with the exception of Heimatrecht, yet this was also true for many german speaking Viennese). 6 A look at migrants who did originate from roughly the

3 If you define Albanian, Serbo-Croatian (Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian), Greek, Bulgarian, Slovenian, Romani and Macedonian south-eastern European languages, it was 616,785 or 7.68% in 2001. Statistik Austria. Bevölkerung 2001 nach Umgangssprache, Staatsangehörigkeit und Geburtsland, (Wien2001). 4 Wladimir Fischer, “Gute Familien auf Abwegen. Eine unsichtbare Strömung unter den jugoslavischen ArbeitsmigrantInnen der 60er und 70er Jahre?,” Zwischenwelt. Zeitschrift für Kultur des Exils und des Widerstandes 28, no. 1-2 (2011); ———, “Migrant Voices in the Contemporary History of Vienna. The Case of Ex-Yugoslavs,” in Constructing Urban Memories: The Role of Oral Testimony, ed. Cynthia Brown and Richard G. Rodger, Historical Urban Studies (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007); ———, “Wege zu einer Geschichte von MigrantInnen aus dem Südosten in Wien um 1900,” Pro Civitate Austriae, NF 10, no. Themenschwerpunkt "Migration" (2005); ———, “An Innovative Historiographic Strategy. Representing Migrants from Southeastern Europe in Vienna,” in Enlarging European Memory: Migration Movements in Historical Perspective, ed. Mareike König and Rainer Ohliger (Stuttgart: Thorbecke Verlag, 2006); ———. Prominently Absent. Problems of ’Ex-Yugoslav‘ Migrants’ Representation in Vienna. Paper given at the 8th International Metropolis conference in Vienna, 16. September 2003. 5 Wladimir Fischer, “„I haaß Vocelka – du haaßt Vocelka“. Der Diskurs über die „Gastarbeiter“ in den 1960er bis 1980er Jahren und der unhistorische Vergleich mit der Wiener Arbeitsmigration um 1900,” in Wien und seine WienerInnen. Ein historischer Streifzug durch Wien über die Jahrhunderte, ed. Martin Scheutz and Vlasta Valeš (Wien: 2008). 6 Brigitta Bader-Zaar, “Foreigners and the Law in Nineteenth-Century Austria: Juridical Concepts and Legal

3 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna same regions the modern labor migrants are originating from reveals that also here there are many more differences than continuities. Basically, the historical migrants from the Southeast had a completely different profile than the gastarbeiters (see sections II. and IV.).

Who are we talking about?

Avoiding Groupism

Historians of ethnic identity have grown very careful about using the language of

»groups.« Rogers Brubaker for example suggests not to assume the existence of any group whatsoever but rather to investigate the processes in which identity managers whom he calls »ethnic entrepreneurs,« are trying to organize and maintain groups, such as ethnicities, but also other identity projects.7 In the case of South Slavs in

Vienna such caution is especially appropriate. First of all, speaking of »South Slavs« already means to assume that there was such a group and that it consisted of people defined by a common linguistic practice. This is not correct as will be discussed in more detail below. Therefore, we are rather speaking about speakers of South Slavic languages and of migrants from regions where such languages were predominantly spoken, because these two groups were likely—the first more, the second less—to join in to a »south-slavic« identity project. Secondly, ethnic identity projects were just in the making at the end of the 19th century all around the globe, and in Central Europe such processes of »ethnicization« had been started later than for example in France or

Rights in the Light of the Development of Citizenship,” in Migration Control in the North Atlantic World. The Evolution of State Practices in Europe and the United States from the French Revolution to the Inter-War Period, ed. Andreas Fahrmeir, Olivier Faron, and Patrick Weil (New York; Oxford: 2003); Sylvia Hahn, “Fremd im eigenen Land. Zuwanderung und Heimatrecht im 19. Jahrhundert,” Pro Civitate Austriae, NF 10, no. Themenschwerpunkt "Migration" (2005); Silvia Hahn, Ausweisung – Abschiebung – Vertreibung in Europa. 16.–20. Jahrhundert, Querschnitte ; 20 (Innsbruck; Wien u.a.: Studien-Verl., 2006).

4 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

England and more such ethnic projects were interacting in Austria-Hungary than in many of the neighboring states.8 Thirdly, especially South Slav identity projects were in an unclear state at the time (and maybe still are in case of the Yugoslav one), as will be discussed in more detail below. Several different ethnic projects were competing for the same individual persons, individuals did move between projects and often were undecided. It is near to impossible to determine from the present perspective how a historical individual situated him- or herself in this situation unless they produced texts about this. For instance it could well be that many of the migrants we are speaking about would have identified as some variety of the Roma, or spoken

Romani, but there are no sources to prove this, because this identification has mostly been neglected or ignored.9 Fourthly, the existence of ethnic identity projects is usually harder to prove when it is about minority projects in a remote and large place with other majorities, as in the case of the metropolis Vienna. As we will show, the traces are scarce. On top of this, individuals could always assimilate to a different, if majority identity project, such as the Slovene literature claims many Slovenes did in

Vienna. Finally, ethnicization was not the only identity project that was developing at the time in Vienna. Class belongings as well as confessional ones had a much longer tradition when we speak of a trans-regional scale. Late 19th century Vienna is well known for the conflict laden negotiation of trans-difference in the Austrian Social

7 Rogers Brubaker, Ethnicity without groups (Cambridge, MA e.a.: Harvard University Press, 2004). 8 Ethnicization is sometimes used to denounce the harmful instrumentalization of ethnic categories on certain populations. We are using it however in a more general sense of attributing ethnic categories and of creating and managing an ethnic identity project along the principles that have been lain out in Christian Giordano, “Ethnizität: Prozesse und Diskurse im internationalen Vergleich,” in Kollektive Identität in Krisen. Ethnizität in Region, Nation, Europa, ed. Robert Hettlage (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1997). 9 The fact that the Ottoman census did count »Gypsy« speakers suggests that there were also such migrants in Vienna.

5 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Democracy between working class, Czech, and German options to belong.10

Furthermore, the terminology of ethnicity is anachronistic, because such identifications were discussed as Nationalitäten in the late Austro-Hungarian

Monarchy, which is why we must be aware of the heuristic character of the term.

Habsburg Subjects

In the category of migrants we are most interested in, those from the Monarchy itself, one part came from the Austrian part and the other from the Hungarian part, or

Transleithania.

Migrants from predominantly South-Slav speaking regions of the Kingdom of

Hungary could be first of all from Croatia, or from what is today Vojvodina in Serbia, and what was at around 1900 roughly the comitates or counties of Bács-Bodrog,

Torontál and Szerém. These regions comprised both agricultural areas and cities, from which, as archival material suggests, merchants, officials, students and professionals came to Vienna. This is true for all cities under question. But the cities in the three

Hungarian counties comprised Karlowitz/Karlóca/Karlovci, which was the spiritual- political center of the Habsburg Serbs, and Novi Sad, which politically and publicistically as well as as economically of central importance to the Habsburg Serbs.

10 The rather recent term transdifference stands for a non-dichotomous view on cultural or social processes and describes the processes in which interdependent social categories transform their interdependency. Most importantly, not one category like class is being given analytical preference over others like gender or ethnicity. On transdifference, see Helmbrecht Breinig, Jürgen Gebhardt, and Klaus Lösch, eds., Multiculturalism in Contemporary Societies: Perspectives on Difference and Transdifference, Erlanger Forschungen Reihe A – Geisteswissenschaften (Erlangen: Univ.-Bund Erlangen-Nürnberg,2002).. A classical case of negotiations over interdependent categories was the discussion of the Nationalitätenfrage, among the Austrian Social Democracy. See Hans Mommsen, Die Sozialdemokratie und die Nationalitätenfrage im habsburgischen Vielvölkerstaat, Veröffentlichungen der Arbeitsgemeinschaft f. Geschichte d. Arbeiterbewegung in Österreich 1 (Wien: Europa- Verlag, 1963); Zdenek Šolle, “Die Sozialdemokratie in der Habsburger Monarchie und die tschechische Frage,” Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 6/7.

6 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

This means that there were more than individual familial ties between these places and migrants in Vienna, for instance in the shape of regular business links or exchange of media information. Speakers of other languages could come from the same region, and especially the cities were multicultural. Migrants from Bács-Bodrog, Torontál and

Szerém could be expected to be speakers of Serbian or Croatian varieties, of

Hungarian, German, Romanian, Yiddish or Ukrainian to name but the most important ones. When it is about the seven Croatian counties that were part of the Hungarian kingdom, Zagreb was of course the major political, economic and spiritual center, with similar links to Vienna migrants. The port city Fiume/Rijeka was an economic node of migrant networks. Speakers of Croatian dialects can be expected to have come to Vienna from Croatia’s heartland, but from the coastal regions, also Italian and

Serbian speakers can be expected. In terms of confessions migrants are to be expected who were Catholics and a few Orthodox from Croatia, Orthodox and Catholics from the three Hungarian counties, as well as Greek Catholics (Uniates). There were Jewish and protestant migrants from all counties.11

If South Slav migrants in Vienna were from Austria, they were usually either from the Duchy of Carniola (which is now Slovenia)STYRIA or from one of the crown lands of Dalmatia, the Imperial Free City of Trieste and its suburbs, the

Margraviate of Istria, or the Princely County of Gorizia and Gradisca. The latter three were subsumed under the term Austrian Littoral and although they had separate

11 The statements in this and the following sections on Austro-Hungarian sending regions can easily be verified with the mapsHelmut Rumpler and Martin Seger, Die Gesellschaft der Habsburgermonarchie im Kartenbild. Verwaltungs-, Sozial- und Infrastrukturen nach dem Zensus von 1910, Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848–1918 (Wien: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2010).. Where they are based on the Austrian census, this will be documented in t the footnotes. When I am making comments that go beyond such information, these are based on archival research which I have noted in the text.

7 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna administrations and estate assemblies, they were all subject to a royal-imperial governor at Trieste. From Carniola came mostly Slovene speakers, but also those with

German as native language. The mother tongue of migrants from Trieste and Gorizia was mostly either Slovene or Italian, but as there was an important Serbian colony in

Trieste, there was an exception to this. From Istria and Dalmatia we can expect to find mostly Croatian speakers in Vienna at the time, but with a substantial proportion of people who had grown up speaking Italian, or in the case of Dalmatia especially,

Serbian. Thus, from the Austrian lands, there were not only Catholics and Jews in the imperial capital, but also subjects of the orthodox-oriental denomination, whereas there was a socio-cultural distance between the rural Dalmatian Serbs, and the urban

Serb speakers who concentrated in Trieste.

A relatively new sending region was of course Bosnia-Hercegovina, from where we can expect Catholic, Orthodox, Muslim and Jewish speakers of Serbo-Croatian.

The Bosnian Jews were traditionally sephardic. Because of the newly installed

Austro-Hungarian administration in Bosnia-Hercegovina, we find migrants from this annexed land with other native languages in fin-de-siècle Vienna, including German,

Czech and Hungarian, many of whom seem to have been state officials moving on or returning to Vienna.

Migrant communities such as the Serbian one in Trieste, which used to be the

»Serbian capital« in the 18th century, had great exchange with other such enclaves like the one in Vienna.12 We have some justification to hope to find similar connections

12 On the role of Trieste for elite Serbs in the Enlightenment period, see Dejan Medaković, Ðordje Milosević, and Dimitrije Manolev, Chronik der Serben in Triest (Belgrad: Jugoslovenska Revija, 1987). On Greek Trieste see Olga Katsiarde-Hering, La presenza dei Greci a Trieste tra economia e società (metà sec. XVIII–fine sec. XIX) (Trieste: LINT, 2001); Olga Κατσιαρδή-Hering, Η Ελλενηκή παροικία της Τεργέστης (1751-1830),

8 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna between other port cities and the Imperial capital (Zadar, Split, Dubrovnik), however these might also decrease with distance. Archival material suggests, that the factor of distance made a difference for seasonal migrants to Vienna, as we have sources about unqualified workers from Carniola and the Western Croatian counties, but from the farther regions, we usually find elite migrants in Vienna. We can assume that the northernmost of these regions took part in a seasonal migration system to Vienna, while others participated in different systems (and of course all were stops on several short distance intraregional migration routes). For example, many South Slavs from

Dalmatia rather went to North America as short term migrants before 1900.13 Vice versa, we find unskilled Istrians who where expelled from Dalmatia in correspondences of the Ministry of the Interior.

(Former) Ottoman Subjects

Migrants from outside the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were living under different conditions in Vienna in many ways. They had a different legal status, which had many consequences for their daily life, political and cultural organization (see III.

Political and Cultural Context). If the migrants from South Slav regions were already rather elite and career migrants, this was especially true for those from the Ottoman

Empire and its successor states, as an acute novelist described retrospectively in 1951:

In Vienna, there had always been Bulgarians and Romanians like this,

mostly in the surroundings of the University or the Music Academy. One

was used to them: their way of speaking, that was gradually becoming

Βιβλιοθηκή Σοφίασ Η. Σαριπόλου (Αθήνα1986). 13 Frances Kraljic, Croatian migration to and from the United States, 1900–1914 (Palo Alto, Calif.: Ragusan Press, 1978); Šime Balen, ed. Rodnoj grudi. Iseljenici Jugoslavije svom “starom kraju” (Zagreb: Izdanje društva Matica iseljenika hrvatske,1951).

9 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

streaked with the Austrian, their thick hair whorls over the forehead, their

custom to always live in the best residential areas, as all these young

gentlemen from Bucharest or Sofia were wealthy or had wealthy fathers.

[…] Ladies in Vienna, who were intending to sublet one or two rooms of

their apartment or their villa were searching to this end for a ›Bulgarian or

Romanian student‹ and were recommended by these among each other.14

If migrants from outside the monarchy were from predominantly South Slav regions, they traditionally originated from the Ottoman Empire. Although around

1900, many of them were already citizens of one of the new nation states established during the 19th century, we can still find a considerable amount of Ottoman subjects in Vienna who fit our criteria. These can in general be expected to have mostly originated from the vilayets (provinces) of Edirne (Adrianople), Üsküb (Skopje),

Manastir (Bitola) and, to a lesser degree, Selânik (Salonica). After the second Balkan

War in 1913, all these provinces became part of one or more of the new national states, Montenegro, Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria, and Albania.

As this region, also known at the time as Slavo-Macedonia, was the site of fierce fights over the ethnicization of the population, and especially of the Slavic speaking part of it, it is hard to find the right term for the linguistic practices they brought with them if they migrated.15 It is safe to say that a smaller proportion of them spoke

Serbian, but the Southeast-Slavic varieties spoken in the region were still in a process

14 Translation by Wladimir Fischer. Heimito von Doderer, Die Strudlhofstiege. Oder Melzer und die Tiefe der Jahre (München: Biederstein Verlag, 1951), 9. 15 For an overview of the ethnic question in the region, see Fikret Adanir, Die Makedonische Frage, vol. 20, Frankfurter historische Abhandlungen (Frankfurt/M.: Steiner, 1979); ———, “The Macedonians in the Ottoman Empire. 1878-1912,” in The formation of national elites, ed. Andreas Kappeler, Fikret Adanir, and Alan O'Day, Comparative studies on governments and non-dominant ethnic groups in Europe. 1850-1940 6 (Dartmouth;

10 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna of codification. As the project of the Bulgarian standard language had made much more progress than the Macedonian one (which was only finalized after WWII), it is hardly surprising that many contemporary statistics speak of a large Bulgarian population. Both speakers of Southeast and Southwest Slavic varieties from this region were either Orthodox, Muslim or Jewish. If they were Orthodox they were put, in the second half of the 19th century, before the question which national church they wanted to belong to, the Serb, the Bulgarian, or stay in the Greek Orthodox church. If they stayed for a longer time, they had to make this decision for a Viennese branch of these churches as well.16

Serbia had close economic ties with Austria-Hungary, but whereas before the period under consideration, Serbia had been an ally, the political relations between the two states were growing ever more strained around 1900. This became obvious when

Austria imposed a customs blockade on Serbia from 1906 to 1909, known as the »pig war.« Accordingly, there had been a small Serbian trade colony in Vienna, and

Serbian citizens were now in the uncomfortable position of being closely monitored by the authorities. This was also true for Montenegrins. The political upheavals in both countries added to the suspiciousness of the Austrian police who even arrested one man for plotting to assassinate tsar Nicholas I twice.17 Montenegro was not equally dependant on trade with Austria-Hungary since it was not as directly connected as Serbia was through the Danube, where regular boat lines serviced the most important cities. From Serbia, there were several sorts of elite migrants and professionals in Vienna, including students, especially at the faculties of medicine and

Aldershot: New York UP, 1992). 16 On the Vienna situation, see Max Demeter Peyfuss, “Balkanorthodoxe Kaufleute in Wien,” Österreichische Osthefte 17(1975).

11 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna pharmacology. When they were still Ottoman subjects they had been obliged to join the Greek Orthodox community of St. George, but as Serb citizens could join the mostly Serb church of St. Sava. But we do not find many of them in the church books.

Habsburg Serbs were clearly more numerous in Vienna than citizens of Serbia.

Also Bulgarian migrants had good access to Vienna via the Danube route. Most of Bulgarian students came from cities that were connected by boat-line. Bulgarian students were the most prominent migrants from the new Balkan country. Like the

Serbs, the were mainly enrolled in Medicine or Pharmacology and became famous through the above quoted novel »Strudelhofstiege.« There were several facilities especially for Bulgarian students, established by the Austrian state, in order to gain a diplomatic foothold on the Balkans.18 Students and other Bulgarians in Vienna, who were often merchants, were thus only monitored by the police as they were suspected of belonging to the Macedonian separatists.

As Romania did not yet comprise the Banat region, we de not consider it here.

However, Romanian speakers in Vienna were often co-opted with South Slavic speakers, especially as there were many bilinguals who used both Serbian and

Aromanian, a Romanian dialect that failed to be codified at the time.19 Such multilingualism and ethnic co-option was typical of the »conquering Balkan orthodox

17 Sava Jovanović. Landesgericht für Strafsachen, folder 3633/1895. Wiener Stadt- u. Landesarchiv, Wien. 18 Peter Bachmaier, “Die Bedeutung Wiens für die Bulgarische studierende Jugend 1878–1918,” in Wegenetz europäischen Geistes, ed. Richard Plaschka, Karlheinz Mack, and Georg Richard, Schriftenreihe des Österreichischen Ost- und Südosteuropa-Instituts (Wien: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1987), 350. 19 It is now developing as a minority standard language. See Thede Kahl, “Wandlung von ethnischen Identitätsmustern bei den Aromunen (Vlachen) Bulgariens und ihre Folgen,” in Ethnizität, Identität und Nationalität in Südosteuropa, ed. Cay Lienau and Ludwig Steindorff, Südosteuropa-Studien (München: 2000). and Max Demeter Peyfuss, Die Aromunische Frage. Ihre Entwicklung von den Ursprüngen bis zum Frieden von Bukarest (1913) und die Haltung Österreich-Ungarns (Wien; Graz: Böhlau, 1974).

12 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna merchants,« as an Annales school writer has termed them.20 Such migrants had had a strong tradition in Vienna as a small but well organized minority since the 18th century at latest. The two Greek churches, Greek language and cultural practices were dominant for a long time in this milieu until during in the 19th century, Serbian,

Romanian, Bulgarian, Albanian and Aromanian identity projects gained importance.

These elite migrants were often traders or bankers, like the Dumba and Sina families, both members of the aristocracy with Romanian, Aromanian, Albanian and Serb links.21 Their dwellings and facilities were concentrated in the 1st and 2nd districts and included palaces at the Ringstraße, and they left their traces in Vienna’s architectural, art and music history. Some families that were also important in Balkan history were represented in the Viennese Greek-Orthodox community.

Historians who have only described certain Southeastern European migrants who fitted one national criterium have overlooked that the crucial socio-cultural connections were not necessarily being sustained between migrants of the same native language. As the last examples have shown, often it was rather social and confessional links that held migrants together in one project or network, or the links were regional as in Dalmatian Croat catholic students organizing separate from those from Croatia, but also dependant on state boundaries (Ottoman Orthodox vs. Austrian Orthodox).

All these are good reasons to be careful about grouping and to give preference to the description of grouping itself.

20 Traian Stoianovich, “The conquering Balkan orthodox merchant,” The journal of economic history 20, no. 2 (1960). Stoianovich was member of the so-called second generation of this famed mid-20th-century school of historical writing in France. See 21 Peyfuss, “Balkanorthodoxe Kaufleute in Wien.”

13 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

All the named linguistic and confessional belongings are potentials. They need not be the links the migrants in question utilized in Vienna to connect to an identity project or other kind of network. The above overview only allows us to estimate which groups could have been organized in Vienna around 1900. It is thus what enables us to look at the actual grouping processes that took part in order to establish the very subject of this article.

The history of South Slav speaking migrants and of migrants from Southeastern

Europe in Vienna before WWII has not been the object of a large number of studies.

This is understandable, as their numbers were not especially high. What has been produced so far is mostly very traditional historiography that mostly remains within narrow ethno-national or confessional confines, with some exceptions.

The most extensive publication on a single ethnic group is Dejan Medaković’s book on the Serbs.22 It is written in a tradition of ethno-national impression management.23 Considerably smaller in scope but similar in typology is the literature on Croats and Slovenes.24 All ethnic groups received a short treatment in the catalogue

22 Dejan Medaković, Serben in Wien (Novi Sad: Prometej, 2001); ———, Srbi u Becu (Novi Sad: Prometej, 1998). 23 Impression management is a term that describes how social actors try to project a desired image of themselves towards an audience and to control that impression. Erving Goffman, The presentation of self in everyday life, University of Edinburgh. Social Sciences Research Centre Monograph (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, Social Sciences Research Centre, 1956). It has also been applied to collective identity projects, for instanc ein Stanford M. Lyman and William A. Douglass, “Ethnicity: Strategies of Collective and Individual Impression Managament,” Social Research 40, no. 2 (1973). Scholarly work that is acting in such a way usually highlights the positive, notable and extraordinary traits in a subject, in this case the own ethno-national identity project. 24 Drago Medved, Slowenisches Wien (Klagenfurt/Celovec; Wien: Hermagoras, 1995); Josip Sersic, “Kroaten in Wien,” in Wir: zur Geschichte und Gegenwart der Zuwanderung nach Wien. Ausstellung 19. September bis 29. Dezember 1996, ed. Peter Eppel, Sonderausstellung des Historischen Museums der Stadt Wien ; 217 (Wien: Eigenverl. d. Museen d. Stadt Wien, 1996); “Auf den Spuren der Kroaten in Österreich: Katalog zur Ausstellung 1996/97. Tragovima Hrvata u Austriji”, (Wien, 1996).

14 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna of the exhibition Wir in 1996.25 Generally, these publications are based on the assumption of the pre-existence of the described groups and do not critically investigate grouping processes (see below). The most recent and comprehensive study was authored by Wolfgang Rohrbach and is again on Serbs in Vienna, with a socio- historical perspective.26

There is more literature on special topics of migration from Southeastern Europe, especially on the orthodox church communities (the Greek and Serbian one), and on students from the region, including Bulgarians, Croats, and Slovenes. 27 Students and their views are also to be found in an important collection of migrant literary engagement with the city of Vienna. These include such illustrious names as Mihai

Eminescu, Eugen Kumičić, Milutin Cihler-Nehajev, Teodor Trajanov, and Ivan

25 “Wir: zur Geschichte und Gegenwart der Zuwanderung nach Wien”, (paper presented at the Sonderausstellung des Historischen Museums der Stadt Wien, 19. September bis 29. Dezember 1996, Wien, 1996). 26 Wolfgang Rohrbach, Na tragu Srba u Beču, 1 ed. (Beograd: Matica Iseljenika Srbije, 2005). 27 On the churches, see Miloš Stanković et al., eds., Crkvena opština svetog Save u Beču 1860–2010 (Wien; Beograd: 2010). On students, see Heinz Kasparovsky, “Ausländer an österreichischen Hochschulen,” in Fremd in Österreich, ed. Walter Aichinger, Schriftenreihe des Instituts für Politische Grundlagenforschung (Linz: 1997); Waltraud Heindl, “Ausländische Studentinnen an der Universität Wien vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg. Zum Problem der studentischen Migrationen in Europa,” in Wegenetz europäischen Geistes 2. Universitäten und Studenten. Die Bedeutung studentischer Migrationen in Mittel- und Südosteuropa vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Richard Plaschka, Karlheinz Mack, and Georg Richard, Wegenetz Europäischen Geistes 2 / Schriftenreihe des Österreichischen Ost- und Südosteuropa-Instituts 12 (Wien: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1987); Teodora Shek Brnardić, “Kroatische Studenten in der Großstadt: Kulturaustausch durch das Studium in Wien im ›langen‹ 19. Jahrhundert,” Südostdeutsches Archiv 2001–2002([2003]); Wolfgang Petritsch, “Die slovenischen Studenten an der Universität Wien (1848–1890)” (Universität Wien, 1972); Virginia Paskaleva, “Bulgarische Studenten und Schüler in Mitteleuropa in den vierziger bis siebziger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts,” in Wegenetz europäischen Geistes 2. Universitäten und Studenten. Die Bedeutung studentischer Migrationen in Mittel- und Südosteuropa vom 18. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Richard Plaschka, Karlheinz Mack, and Georg Richard, Wegenetz Europäischen Geistes 2 / Schriftenreihe des Österreichischen Ost- und Südosteuropa-Instituts 12 (Wien: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1987); Bachmaier, “Die Bedeutung Wiens für die Bulgarische studierende Jugend 1878–1918.”; B.B. Pavlovic,́ “Studentski rad beckog medicinara Jovana Andrejevicá —prilog anatomiji i histologiji,” Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 124, no.

15 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Cankar.28 It seems that literary scholars have so far given more attention to the diversity of perspectives among non-German migrants to the Austro-Hungarian capital than historians. The lucky exception seems to be an entry on Croat and

Slovene labor migrants in Austria in the long 19th century by Sylvia Hahn. 29

II. Numbers?

It is a precarious enterprise to use census data for the description of ethnic belongings or linguistic practices in general and especially in the past. The Austrian census takers did record the place of Zuständigkeit, from 1890 on also the birthplace, the confession, and from 1880 the so-called colloquial language (Umgangssprache).

When we look at the birthplaces of people counted in Vienna, and add the information on the languages spoken in these districts, we can reconstruct a fairly accurate picture: we can make assumptions on the numbers of persons who came from predominantly

South-Slavic speaking regions of Austria. But the fact that people born in Hungary were treated as foreigners, leaves us with a great white space: in the case of migrants from Hungary in Vienna, we do not even know the county of birth or Zuständigkeit.

Because the potential area where the respondents were originating from is so vast and the Hungarian counties comprise so many with negligible amounts of South Slav speakers, the numbers on migrants from Hungary in the Austrian census do not say much about South Slavs.30

11-12 (1996). 28 A fine collection of essays on these authors is Gertraud Marinelli-König, Wien als Magnet? Schriftsteller aus Ost-, Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa über die Stadt, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Literaturwissenschaft / Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse (Wien: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996). 29 Sylvia Hahn, “Kroatische und slowenische Arbeitswanderer in Österreich im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert,” in Enzyklopädie Migration in Europa, ed. Klaus J. Bade, et al. (Paderborn; Wien: Schöningh, 2007). 30 There is the possibility to go back to the original census sheets. Unfortunately, except for the 1850 and 1880

16 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

In the late 19th century, Vienna was the second most important destination for migrants from the »Slovene provinces.« In 1880, 4,178 persons who had been born in

Carniola, were counted as residents in Vienna, for all »Slovene« counties it was

14,671, that is 1% of the Viennese population, including 754 persons from Gorizia and 625 from Istria. It is possible that the bias resulted from incompatibilities of the statistics.31, 1,112 persons were counted in Vienna in 1910 who were born in

Dalmatia. In the districts of Dalmatia the proportion of declared speakers of Serbo-

Croat ranged between 80 and 99,7 percent. Of the 1,112 Dalmatians, ninety-nine came from districts with a proportion of orthodox church mebers between 53 and 61%

(Benkovac, Cattaro/Kotor, Knin).

Unfortunately, also the Hungarian census does not tell us much about migrants in

Vienna, because the numbers about Hungarians abroad are obviously flawed. For instance, the Hungarian 1910 census only counted 184 persons from Croatian counties in entire Austria. 32 This cannot be correct, as the Austrian census of 1910 recorded

23,739 of them (4,762 in Vienna)).33 We know however that there must have been migrants from predominantly South Slavic speaking Hungarian districts from other

censuses, all original records have been destroyed, and these surviving materials only comprise the records of some districts (Gumpendorf 1827, Sechshaus 1850, Schottenfeld 1857, and Hernals and Perchtoldsdorf 1880), the latter two of which cannot be counted as Vienna at that time. This information is from the »Family Data Base«, available at http://www.univie.ac.at/Wirtschaftsgeschichte/famdat/index-gr.html On the records and how they were used for the Familiendatenbank, see http://www.univie.ac.at/Wirtschaftsgeschichte/famdat/index- gr.html 31 Valenčič himself formulated the same caveat as we did above that these counties were far from monoethnic (if such a thing exists at all). Especially in the case of Carinthia this again causes a bias, as in some census years, Valenčič had to count the entire county although it is clear that Slovenes were a minority at that time (1880). Vlado Valenčič, “Iseljavanje Slovencev v druge dežele Habsburške Monarhije,” Zgodovinski časopis 44, no. 1 (1990). The essay has a useful German abstract. 32 A magyar szent korona országainak 1910. évi népszámlálása, (Budapest1914). 33 {K. K. statistische Central-Commission, 1912 #12362}

17 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna research, described below. The only thing we can do is construct a »crutch« in order to get an impression of the numbers in which migrants from Hungarian counties could have flocked in Vienna. Fortunately, the Austrian census did single out migrants from

Croatia, which allows us to estimate their numbers better, if we assume that the percentage of Serbo-Croatian speakers among from Hungarian Croatia was the same as in Hungarian Croatia. The construction about the other Hungarian counties is even more hypothetical, and we can calculate two models: firstly we can construct a model in which the same ratio of people born in Hungarian counties with a high percentage of Serbo-Croat speakers and orthodox persons were present in Vienna as in Hungary

(on the basis of the numbers of Hungarians in Vienna); secondly, we can theorize that people born in Hungarian counties with a high percentage of Serbo-Croat speakers and orthodox persons, were present in Vienna to the same degree as from Dalmatia

(based on the number of Dalmatians in Vienna), and in the latter model we can expect the result to be lower, because the many Dalmatian regions are more remote from

Vienna and with fewer opportunities of transportation. The overall result of migrants from predominantly South Slavic speaking regions that comes out is slightly higher than has so far been estimated, and ranges between 1.3 and 1.9 percent of the

Viennese population, depending on which model we are using, as opposed to one percent. In absolute numbers, the differences are quite significant of course because it is only about several thousands of persons. If we add the Serbo-Croatian speaking military persons, who were at least five thousand (see below), we get an even higher number.

To summarize the question of counting our migrants, we can say that Slovenian speakers are the only potential group or ethnicity we can make well grounded

18 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna estimation about in numerical terms, because they are the only ones who virtually entirely came only from Austrian lands so that the incompatibility with the Hungarian census is not relevant. In 1869, the census counted 17,780 persons with a

Heimatberechtigung in one of the predominantly Slovene speaking areas in Lower

Austria and in 1880 it was 31,573. In 1890, when the census singled out Vienna as an entity, the count was 23,015 in Lower Austria and 16,654 in Vienna. From now on it is possible not only to count those with a Heimatberechtigung in but also those born in

»Slovenian Slav« regions, and the number is 26,944.34

Students from South Slav speaking areas are better documented in Vienna, although so far there is no study on the counties of origin of students from Hungary.

The numbers available suggest that the migrants under scrutiny here had the highest increase rate during the 19th century and were the largest non-German group: their number rose from 162 to 688 between 1863 and 1902 and thus surpassed the top number of Czechs which had been 687 in 1871 and would drop to 305 in 1902. Thus,

South Slav speakers represented an important part of the student segment of the

Vienna population, and Bulgarian speakers are not even included here, whose numbers have been estimated to have amounted to one thousand between 1878 and

1918.35

Conversely, students seem to have been a relatively large part of the numbers of

South Slav speakers in Vienna, with around 3.5 percent of the migrants from Carniola

34 The fact that this number is lower hints to the explanation of the decrease from 1880 to 1890 which is most probably due to a new law that now in 1900 allowed Austrian immigrants to acquire a Heimatberechtigung in Lower Austria. 35 Ernst Pliwa, Österreichs Universitäten 1863/4–1902/3. Statistisch-graphische Studie nach amtlichen Quellen (Wien: Tempsky, 1908), 24f. and tables 70–77. For the number of Bulgarian students, see: Bachmaier, “Die Bedeutung Wiens für die Bulgarische studierende Jugend 1878–1918.” The number is, as Bachmaier points out,

19 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna and Croatia having been enrolled in a university. Migrants from Serbia in Vienna even had an eight percent student ratio.36 When we look at the entire monarchy, an estimated two third of all Slovene students studied in Vienna (especially

Carniolans).37 The same was true for students from Hungary, for a shorter or longer period of study, however their number dropped dramatically in the late 19th century.38

III. Political and Cultural Context

There are two areas of policy and jurisdiction that are especially important to a migrant, that is the area of the control of movement and residence and the area of citizenship in a broad meaning beyond the mere access to citizen’s rights but including access to resources at a medium level, such as professional organizations, guilds, and public institutions. The modes of belonging in the latter, has not yet seen a comprehensive treatment as Vienna is concerned, while the control of movement and residence has received some attention in the past years.

Generally, the movement of migrants inside the monarchy was free since the reforms put into force between 1857 and 1867 and thus the South Slavic migrants who were from an Austrian or Hungarian territory enjoyed the same freedoms as any other

Austro-Hungarian citizen. Since 1867 though, new restrictions were tied to the reformed Heimatrecht which concerned issues of communal welfare. Every citizen

a mere estimation, and he included »all higher educational institutions« in it (345f.). 36 These relations are based on: {Pliwa, 1908 #12108; K. K. statistische Central-Commission, 1912 #12362; Valenčič, 1990 #12019} 37 Vasilj Melik and Peter Vodopivec, “Die slowenische Intelligenz und die österreischischen Hochschulen,” in Wegenetz europäischen Geistes, ed. Richard Plaschka, Karlheinz Mack, and Georg Richard, Schriftenreihe des Österreichischen Ost- und Südosteuropa-Instituts (Wien: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1987), 143. 38 László Szögi, Magyarországi diákok bécsi egyetemeken és akadémiákon: 1849–1867, ed. László Szögi and József Mihály Kiss, Magyarországi diákok egyetemjárása az újkorban (Budapest: Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem Levéltára, 2003), 494.

20 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna was entitled to welfare in his or her home community, so if a person was in need sHe was expected to return to that community, even if born elsewhere. Thus, a Viennese born person could be sent to Cilli/Celje for instance if the father had his

Heimatberechtigung there. It has been estimated that this happened to five thousand persons per year in Vienna around 1900, which is however a relatively low number in view of the numbers of internal migrants.39 These definitions of belonging were especially consequential for women because they would acquire the husband’s Heimat through wedding. However, as a new version of this law introduced that new inhabitants were entitled to claim Heimat after ten years of residence in 1901 and because many South Slavs in Vienna were either elite or career migrants and were thus either exempt from the legislation because of their status as civil servants, or were unlikely to become needy of support, the Heimatrecht seems less important in this case.40

The area of citizenship was more relevant to South Slav migrants. As far as is known from research, internal migrants in Austria-Hungary had as many—or as little—political rights as non-migrants (voting was done in the home district of course). They would however meet more obstacles once they attempted to claim access to informal networks and/or professional organizations and public institutions, which is still subject to research.

The ethno-linguistic and confessional contexts in Southeastern Europe are known to have been and still to be especially complex. The areas controlled by the Dual

39 Annemarie Steidl and Engelbert Stockhammer, “Coming and Leaving. Internal Mobility in Late Imperial Austria,” Vienna University of Economics Working Paper Series 107, no. August (2007): 3. 40 On the meaning of Heimatrecht for internal migrants, and its transformations, see Hahn, “Fremd im eigenen Land. Zuwanderung und Heimatrecht im 19. Jahrhundert.”, especially p. 31f. on the new law of 1901.

21 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Monarchy at the time included large parts that had been under Ottoman rule, such as

Slavonia for instance. Some of these spaces had entered the Habsburg orbit very recently, like Bosnia-Hercegovina. The area being part of the empire, contained populations that were able in theory and practice, to move to Vienna, and adhered to diverse cultural practices, such as languages of the South-Slav, Eastern Romance, and

Indo-Iranian branches, and Albanian and Greek, as well as Eastern Orthodox and

Muslim religious denominations. These contexts were of specific importance as frameworks for decisions of networking and belonging in Vienna. That is, on one hand, ethnic and confessional clustering was to be expected in the imperial capital. On the other hand, the state was trying to provide politics of recognition for most of these belongings (except the Roma ones), and the respective territorial elites. In Vienna, small political and community activities, involving churches, newspapers, associations, artists, entrepreneurs or political dignitaries, were the result that were trying to represent South-Eastern European identity projects (see below).

The turn of the century was a period of conflicting traditional and new, confessional, ethno-linguistic or national, social and political identity projects.

Traditional were orthodox, catholic, and regional belongings. Relatively new were national and supra-national identity projects, such as the the Slovenian, Croat, Serb,

Yugoslav, and the Austro-Hungarian projects. Migrants who spoke South Slavic languages in Vienna at the time, especially students, were potentially followers of the relatively recent Yugoslav or South-Slav movement that invited individuals who had formerly been considered members of different other identity projects. These had been more or less distanced from each other. Thus, Croats and Slovenes were of the same

Catholic confession but organised in different church units that had in the course of

22 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna the 19th century been involved in the nationalisation first of the elites and subsequently also the broader population. Serbs were members of the Orthodox-Oriental church in

Austria, if they were not from the Ottoman empire or the young Serbian state, where they were members of the Serbian Orthodox church. They were thus a small minority in the Empire in confessional terms. Their affiliation made them candidates for Serb nationalist projects. The Serb and Croat ethno-national projects were conflicting in several terms, inter alia in aspirations on the territory of Bosnia and Hercegovina. The dominant political tendencies however, cannot be reduced to Croats on one and Serbs on the other side.

After the Napoleonic wars, in Croatia and Dalmatia, the Illyrian movement envisioned overarching South-Slav co-operation. During the revolution of 1848, liberal revolutionary elements in both Southern Hungary and Croatia, had supported the Hungarian and Viennese revolutionaries. However, it turned out that the dominant political tendency was a conservative one that supported the emperor, also with military means, and was directed against Hungarian domination. Contrary to that, after the revolution, the Serb liberals started a long standing and successful co- operation with their Hungarian political counterparts against the government of the aristocracy in the Hungarian capital. In Croatia, Croat aristocrats, the so-called magyarones, joined with exactly the party of the Hungarian aristocracy, and the Party of the Right followed a greater Croatian course. The development and enlargement of the Serbian state, however much it was an ally of Austria-Hungary, created various political effects. For one, the Serbian identity projects in the Monarchy profited from the factuality of the new nation state, as it demonstrated that national sovereignty was possible. Especially in the early 20th century, there was a rapprochement of Croat and

23 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Serb political organizations know as the koalicija. Such activities, as well as the new

Yugoslavist project, were closely monitored by Austrian police authorities as they were believed to endanger the political setup of the Dual Monarchy.

The activities and discourses of identity managers must not however be confused with the every-day practices at that time. There were numerous fields where the religious or ethno-lingustic affiliation was not the prime criterion of interaction or association. This seems to have been especially true in regions where several South

Slavic speaking communities lived in close contact such as Dalmatia, Southern

Hungary, Bosnia-Hercegovina and the common borders of Carniola and Croatia. Such practices, like interethnic or trans-confessional marriage can also be seen in migrant communities in Vienna or overseas. It even seems (at least in the South Slav case) that in the fin-de-siècle period, discourses were so very loaded with nationalist topics exactly because the everyday was not (yet) primarily organized along ethno-linguistic lines.

IV. Networks

Research suggests that elite and career migrants were relatively strong among the migrants from South Slav speaking areas. Of course, there were labor migrants from more proximate regions such as Croatian workers from present day Burgenland who found work especially in the periphery of Vienna.41 Traces in the archival material also suggest that seasonal labor migrants also came from other Croatian and Slovene speaking regions to Vienna, whom we are so far unable to describe in more depth.42

41 ———, “Kroatische und slowenische Arbeitswanderer.” 42 Arbeitsbuchprotokoll 1891 Bd. I. Konskriptionsamt III. Bezirk. Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Wien; Sylvia Hahn, Migration – Arbeit – Geschlecht. Arbeitsmigration in Mitteleuropa vom 17. bis zum Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts, Transkulturelle Perspektiven (Göttingen: V & R unipress, 2008).

24 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

But as the entire number of migrants in question was quite small and the educational migration was so strong, we can already expect this element to be relatively strong.

Furthermore, we can assume that the labor element among migrants will decrease with the distance from Vienna. Members of the Orthodox Oriental church who were in their majority from Southern Hungary, were usually not workers or servants but merchants, craftsmen, or higher civil servants and students.43 More than two thirds of migrants from Bosnia-Hercegovina in Vienna were self-employed according to the

1910 census, while it was nearly the opposite with those from Hungary. Migrants from Balkan states still had a high self-employment rate of 49%.44

This corresponds with the results »qualitative« archival research has yielded, although there is a bias that is converse to statistical data. Archival material is much richer about migrants from Hungary because the Orthodox Oriental church Saint Sava was a place where mostly Serbs from Hungary concentrated. This material and some other funds reveal a broad spectrum of migrants and allows us to reconstruct some of the networks they developed in Vienna and beyond. There were many different modes of being in Vienna, various ways of connecting inside the city and across its limits, reaching from very short term arrangements to permanent settlement, from more self- determined migration to movements induced by state structures, such as military and administrative personnel and prisoners.

43 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. Matriken-Zweitschriften der Kirche des Hl. Sava. Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Wien. 44 See the table »Berufstätige in Wien, 1910« in Bureau der k. k. statistischen Zentralkommission, Die Ausländer in den im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern vol. 2, Die Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1910 in den im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern (Wien: Kaiserlich- königliche Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, 1913), 46-61.

25 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

There had for a long time been South Slav speaking civil servants in Vienna. They were both ordinary Beamte and also high officials even of the Austrian government.

Humbler servants of the state usually came from the Austrian lands, not Hungary, with the exception of those who served in Austro-Hungarian institutions like Josef

Krajtsir vulgo Benkovits who was member of the k.k. Generaldion. der Tabakregie, the royal-imperial tobacco monopoly, and those who were no Beamte like Amtsdiener

Konrad Ferlinz from Lokoc, Croatia.45

The Mail Service was an important employer for the migrants under scrutiny here, as for Anton Hrušovar, kk. Post. Packmeister I. St II. Cl. from Cerovec, Lower

Carniola, and many others including mailmen especially from Styria and Carniola, but also from Croatia, such as Mathias Krašna (Dupljah), Peter Perković (Split/Spalato),

Johann Majce (Krasce, Krain), Ignaz Lesjak, Andreas Verhonig (Podwölling/Podvela,

Southern Carinthia). Also the railways had employees like Paul Gruić, who was second generation in Vienna both as a migrant and as railwayman, or Georg Pevac, engineer with the k.k. Südbahn. The Austro-Hungarian state recruited officials from all regions of the empire also for its ministries, like Sofie Moissi from Trieste, who was Kalkulantin im kk. Handelsministerium in 1906.46 Many migrants from South

Slav speaking regions worked as accountants for the state in Vienna, like

Rechnungsofficial (Bogumil) Gottlieb Koser from Maribor/Marburg. Also policemen were recruited in Styria and Carniola, like Anton Urankar from Gabrovnica, Carniola or Johann Nič from Markt Gonobiz, Styria.

45 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 46 Ibid; Pass- und Heimatschein-Protokolle 1903–1906. Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, folder B 73/3. Wien.

26 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

During the 19th century, South Slav officials and politicians had mainly oriented towards Vienna (or Pest), like for example Hofrat (privy councillor) Georgije

Stojaković (1810–1863). In the late 19th century, they also often transcended the state boundaries, such as Southern Hungarian Serb politician Milovan Milovanović (1863–

1912) who is most renowned for his role as a foreign politician in several governments in Belgrade but also dwelled in Vienna as an exilé in 1897–99 in which time he founded a family.47 After 1871, Bosnia-Hercegovina brought high officials from the region to Vienna, like Dr. Theodor P. Zurunić, who was Regierungs-Secretär im kuk gem Ministerium für Angelegenheiten Bosniens und Hercegovina.

When we think about Southeastern European merchants and industrialists in

Vienna, the first that come to mind are the Balkan Orthodox tradesmen and bankers who have left visible traces in Vienna’s first and second districts. Although these were traditionally predominantly identified with Greek identity projects, South Slav speakers played a not unimportant role here. Maybe, the Ostoits and von Baich families are good examples of this milieu. The first was engaged in pig trading and the second specialized in the fabrication of paper and related products, and in the book market. They had lived in Vienna for several generations, had contacts and relatives in other European cities and in the Serb speaking regions, and they were closely interlinked with each other and further similar families in Vienna.48 However, these elites had obviously not enough collective impact to achieve a larger project like the building of the Sava church in 1893 without a large amount of outside support, as the list of donors reveals.49

47 His wife Marija gave birth to two sons in Vienna. Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 48 Ibid. 49 Mihailo St. Popović, “The Golden Book of the Serbian Orthodox Parish in Vienna (c. 1860-1892),” Περί

27 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Less famous but nevertheless important were entrepreneurs and financialists of the

Catholic and Jewish confessions. It seems that South Slavs received less attention here, because they appeared, in comparison to the large number of these groups, relatively unimportant, while Serbian tradespeople would be perceived as typical representatives of the Fleischmarkt milieu.

As discussed, students made up a large part of the South Slav speaking migrant population in Vienna. The faculties most popular were medicine, including pharmacology, and law. While the relative numbers of declared non-German speaking students in Vienna were decreasing between 1860 and 1900, those of the Slovene and

Serbocroat speakers were on the rise.50 It would be most apt to characterize these migrants as medium term career migrants, as there are many biographies of Slovenes,

Croats and Serbs who studied in Vienna, at least for some years, and returned to their region of origin to take up an office or become a cultural worker. The Croat

Biographical Lexicon is full of such examples, for example, first under letter A we find Ilija Abjanić, a nationalist politician who studied medicine in vienna from 1888 to 1892 and received his doctorate there, but later worked as a doctor in Croatia.51 The predominant background of Slovene students in Vienna was rural, which suggests that the move, at least temporarily, to Vienna, meant a career move in many cases.52 In the

Iστoρίας 4(2003). 50 Gary Cohen, “Die Studenten der Universität Wien von 1860 bis 1900. Ein soziales und geographisches Profil,” in Wegenetz europäischen Geistes 2. Universitäten und Studenten. Die Bedeutung studentischer Migrationen in Mittel- und Südosteuropa vom 18. bis zum 20. Jh. , ed. Richard Plaschka, Karlheinz Mack, and Georg Richard, Schriftenreihe des Österreichischen Ost- und Südosteuropa-Instituts 12 (Wien: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1987), 296; Pliwa, Österreichs Universitäten 1863/4–1902/3. Statistisch-graphische Studie nach amtlichen Quellen, 24f. and tables 70–77. 51 Hrvatski biografski leksikon. vol. 1 (Zagreb: Jugoslovenski leksikografski zavod,1983), 3f. 52 Melik and Vodopivec, “Die slowenische Intelligenz und die österreischischen Hochschulen,” 144. Gary Cohen notes that non-German nationality students in General were from humble backgrounds and the Slovenes

28 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna cases of students from Bulgaria and Serbia it rather seems to have been elite members who were looking for a prestigious place to study in the neighboring country, as was probably the case with law student Nikolas Germani from Belgrade, who lived in the first district and was a nephew of Serbian minister Milovan Milovanović.53 Such cases were in the minority. The fact that the various South Slav student associations were to a large extent support organizations shows that a a precarious status was at least nothing unusual among South Slav students. We also know that some of our students frequently changed their accommodation, like medical student Stefan

Živković who from 1894 to 1897 was registered with at least three different addresses.54

Curiously, although many writers had studied in the Austrian capital, there are hardly any literary descriptions of student life in Vienna, as well as it of all cities is nearly non-existent as a venue of literary plots in Croat literature.55 In Slovene literary writing, Ivan Cankar is famous for his depressing descriptions of bohème life and alienated individuals in Ottakring. Cankar himself had studied in Vienna and led a life like his fictitious heroes.56 As if to illustrate this, we can find several migrant students in the sources who committed suicide, like medical student Bogdan Musulin (1870–

were striving for social advancement Cohen, “Die Studenten der Universität Wien von 1860 bis 1900. Ein soziales und geographisches Profil,” 291, 96. 53 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. Milovanović was in a sort of exile in Vienna in 1898 when his first child was born here. “Milovan Milovanović,” in Enciklopedija Jugoslavije (Zagreb: Leksikografski zavod SFRJ, 1962). 54 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 55 Aleksandar Flaker, “Das Stadtbild Wiens in der kroatischen Literatur (19. und 20. Jahrhundert),” in Wien als Magnet? Schriftsteller aus Ost-, Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa über die Stadt, ed. Gertraud Marinelli-König, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Literaturwissenschaft / Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse (Wien: Verlag der österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996), 437. 56 Cf. France Bernik, “Ivan Cankar in Wien,” in Zur Geschichte der österreichisch-slowenischen Literaturbeziehungen, ed. Andreas Brandtner (1998).

29 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

1895) from Karlovac/Karlstad, Croatia, who shot himself dead.57 Yet, there was not only alienation but also academic career—and assimilation. Josef Stefan (1835–1893) from St. Peter near Klagenfurt for example, became a well known physicist and left the Slovene ethnic identity project in the course of his career. He was harshly criticized for this even at the occasion of his death. This text shows both the how particular discourse could be about the German-ness of Vienna and as how threatening ethnic assimilation was portrayed:

»In his youth, the deceased Dr. Stefan was an enthusiastically national

oriented Slovene, but after he had settled into the way of life at the alien

German University, he gradually transformed into a cosmopolitan scholar,

especially because he did not know nor did he understand our national issues.

As a physicist, the deceased was famous in the entire world […]. May the

alien earth be light upon him.«58

But there are also plenty of cases of well connected South Slav speaking students who remained in their ethnic networks, like the already mentioned Stefan Živković who was godfather of at least five converts to Eastern Orthodoxy.59 Others again, married »Germans« without leaving their ethnic identity projects, like Radomir Nešić, student of agriculture who married Pauline Karoline Schneider in the Sava church in

1896 and had two sons with her.60

South Slavic speaking migrants in Vienna have been associated with several occupations that, although they might well have been typical for a certain number of

57 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 58 Beleg 67 59 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 60 Ibid.

30 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna them, seem a bit clichéd: the Croat market-women, the Slovene chestnut roasters, the

Bulgarian gardeners. It is probable that such more visible professions left deeper traces on the collective memory than others. In any case, there has not been thorough research into these occupational fields. What seems to be not just a stereotype but outright fiction is the South Slavic or Magyar speaking prostitute, that frequently appears in literature. This métier recruited, in accordance with the overall migration numbers, mainly in Lower Austria.61

As some examples from the many professionals and artisans we can find in the archives show, the bandwidth was quite large. Of course, there were some ethnic specializations we are able to prove. One of them is a concentration of South Slavs and their neighbors in the hairdresser business, like Georg Damjanović (1859-1895),

Basil Bošnjak (1843-1894), Demeter Stojanović and Georg Dudić, all from Slavonia, as well as Orestie Unguran and Rada Perits, both from Banat. Many South Slav speaking artisans we can find in Vienna were of the humbler sort. We do not find them often however among tailors, the poorest trade. There are cases like Marie

Herpfer from Osijek/Esseg, who was a German speaker presumably, and very special ones, like the group of Czechs who had converted to Orthodoxy: they clustered around a group of master tailors and were mostly involved in their business, like

Wladimir Man who was aide to Franz Elsnic, master tailor and central figure in the

61 At least this is true for registered sex workers. Josef Schrank, Die Prostitution in Wien in historischer, administrativer und hygienischer Beziehung, vol. 2: Die Administration und Hygiene der Prostitution in Wien (Wien1886). Jacono reports estimations that the actual number of sex workers in Vienna was ten times higher than the number of registrations. However, he also notes that the majority of he prostitutes origininated from Vienna and its vicinities and di not reflect the multinationality of the Empire Domenico Jacono, “Der Sexmarkt im Wien des Fin de Siècle,” Kakanien Revisited(2009), http://www.kakanien.ac.at/beitr/essay/DJacono1.pdf.

31 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Orthodox Oriental community. At the periphery of the group were also some shoemakers like Josef Havliček Sr.

Apart from the hairdressers, the archival material does not suggest clear concentrations in any craft but rather a diversity of trades. Maybe the confectioners and pastry cooks could qualify, such as Milan Ristić, Mladen Markovits, Georg

Stojanovits from Vienna, Svetozar Lazarević (1873-1895) from Petrovce, Serbia and their journeymen like Milan Dankulović (1870-1895) from Belgrade. The variety of other crafts includes carpenters like Radivoj Milovanović from Belgrade, a couple of metal craftsmen like coppersmith Efrem Neschitz (1848-1893) from Likodra in

Serbia, Eisendrehergeh. (machinist journeyman) Theodor Petrowič from Belgrade, galvanizer Rudolf Matiasovits from the vicinity of Subotica, locksmith journeyman

Anton Hrušovar Jr. from Celje/Cilli in Styria, or blacksmith journeyman Ferdinand

Lakounig from Wolfsberg in Carinthia. They can also be found in rarer trades like

Peter Theofanović in frame trading, Konstantin Eminović (1832-1893) from

Pančevo/Pancsova in Hungary, who was in flower production or Paul Marinković who was a master craftsman in a glaziery, and glover’s apprentice Nikolaus

Dobrovojević.

There were also mechanics from predominantly South Slav speaking regions, and the socially more »elevated« engineers and their families, as in the case of mechanic and foreman Vinzenz Mastetschnig from Klagenfurt, machine engineer Spasa

Stojković, or Dotschina Karakulakoff (1863–1909), engineer’s wife from Rasgrad in

Bulgaria. In the new profession of electrical technician we can find one presumable pioneer, coming from a bourgeois family already mentioned: Stefan Baich, from

Simmering.

32 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

As prominent as our migrants were among merchants, we can also find them among ordinary salaried salespeople, like Peter Popović, a salesman from the Kotor region in Dalmatia or pastry vendor Vukosava Jovanović. Sometimes it is not clear wether the migrant in case was self-employed or salaried, as in the case of Georgio

Stojanowic, Verkäufer from Ohrid, at that time still part of the Ottoman Empire.

The material seems to confirm the assumption that not all South Slav students returned to their homeland, as in the case of Georg Stojanovits, pharmacy apprentice from Timișoară/Temesvár in Banat or pharmacist Nikolaus Poljak, while examples like Dr. der gesamten Heilkunde Dimitrije Manojlović are harder to find. In jurisprudence we meet the intern Eugenius Cučkovič from Trieste, the lawyer candidate Dr. Gustav Ritter von Peteani from Vienna, and Dr Žarko Miladinović, advocate from Ruma, Slavonia. Finally, although they came from linguistically different regions, some also worked as teachers in Vienna, a career path also accesible to women, such as Helena Trdenić from Selišče (probably Croatia), Danica

Grodčanin, a teacher in second grade, or Markus Smaič, teacher at the k.k. school for the leather industries from Bakar/Buccari.62

A special variety of state service was the military. More than twenty-six thousand of the Vienna population counted in 1910 was in the military, 20,564 of them in barracks and 5,995 in private households.63 The most conspicuous South Slav military presence since 1894 in Vienna was the first Bosnian regiment (of four) whose staff

62 All above cited cases were retrieved from Arbeitsbuchprotokoll 1891; Geburts- und Taufmatriken; Pass- und Heimatschein-Protokolle 1903–1906. 63 Bureau der k. k. statistischen Zentralkommission, Die Bevölkerung nach der Gebürtigkeit, Religion und Umgangssprache in Verbindung mit dem Geschlecht, nach dem Bildungsgrade und Familienstande; die körperlichen Gebrechen; die soziale Gliederung der Haushaltungen, vol. 2, Die Ergebnisse der Volkszählung vom 31. Dezember 1910 in den im Reichsrate vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern (Wien: Kaiserlich-

33 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna and first battalion were stationed in the Erzherzog Albrecht barracks in Vienna’s second district while the second was in Wiener Neustadt and the third in Sarajevo. A battalion counted around one thousand men and the nationality of the first regiment was 93% »Bosniaks.«64 With their red fezes, those two thousand soldiers created an especially visible element of difference in the city, however it is hard to treat them as a kind of South Slav or even Muslim public culture (see below) in Vienna, as they and their imagery were strictly controlled by royal imperial strategy and propaganda and they were confined to the controlled space of the barracks.

The garrisons in Vienna were quite multicultural, whereby each regiment usually consisted predominantly of recruits from one nationality, with percentages from sixty to over ninety. While the Landwehr was exclusively recruited from the Vienna district, the royal-imperial army units had soldiers from districts in different locations.

Of the eleven k.u.k. infantry regiments garrisoned in Vienna, only three had a German speaking majority and these had only six battalions (ca. six thousand men) versus twenty-three non-German battalions.65 One of these regiments was »97 percent Serbo-

Croatian« with recruits from Bjelovar, Croatia, which makes another three-thousand

South Slav speaking soldiers in the city.66

Less visible, yet more typical were South Slav speakers who served in Viennese army units where they were in a minority position, as in the German, Magyar, Slovak,

königliche Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, 1914), 91. 64 Werner Schachinger, Die Bosniaken kommen! Elitetruppe in der k.u.k. Armee 1879–1918 (Graz: Leopold Stocker Verlag, 1994). Seidels kleines Armeeschema. Dislocation und Eintheilung des k. u. k. Heeres, der k. u. k. Kriegs-Marine, der k. k. Landwehr und der königlich ungarischen Landwehr. Wien: Seidel & Sohn. Print. 65 Of course, one has to take into account the various other units, including the two German Landwehr regiments and more than a dozen others. All details are taken from Ibid. 66 The »Serbo-Croat« regiment (that was presumably actually predominantly Croatian speaking), was Infanterieregiment Freiherr von Giesl Nr. 16, garrisoned in the fourth district.Ibid.

34 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna and Ruthenian regiments. As a rule, the higher ranking officers were of different nationalities than the men. Thus we find officers like Hauptmann Stefan, Edler von

Popović or Oberleutnant Emanuel Ostoić in Vienna. Officers had servants, like

Marijan Matičić, who worked for captain Herak and who seem to have been South

Slav speaking more often than the officers.67 Like with other professions, officers who had the advantage over the men to be able to chose their dwelling outside the barracks, often clustered around these military buildings, like family Jellačić von

Bužim did around the Schwarzenberg barracks, maybe for familial reasons, or maybe to foster their careers.68 Some of these officers also had family, if they had gotten one of the rare permissions. We also find them in ministerial positions, like Captain Stefan

Prica, from Korenica, Croatia, and of a regiment in Zagreb/Agram, who worked for the k.u.k. Reichsmarineministerium. In the military barracks, schools and hospitals we can also find non-commissioned officers, rank and file soldiers, nurses, cooks, cadets and priests, the latter including Muslim and Orthodox ones.

There was a small number of highly, privileged migrants form South Slav speaking regions in Vienna. One might count the several Privatiers among them, women and men of independent means like Eva Gregović from Budweis, Anastasia

Petrović (1839–1894) from Osijek/Esseg or Johann Jokits (1836–1895) from

Zemun/Semlin. There were entrepreneurs as already mentioned like Sofie Drahorad, wife of a producer of mother-of-pearl goods but also estate owners like Agnija and

67 K. und K. Infanterie-Cadettenschule in Wien. Nominalkonsignation über die gesamte Mannschaft I. Kriegsarchiv. Militärschulen. Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Wien. 68 Militär-Adreßbuch für Wien und Umgebung, 2 vols., vol. 2 (Wien: K. K. Hof- u. Staatsdr., 1914). According to the statistics, the proportion of German speakers in military personnel in private quarters was twice as high as Germans in barracks. Bureau der k. k. statistischen Zentralkommission, Die Bevölkerung nach der Gebürtigkeit…, 90f.

35 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Konstantin von Despinits, squires of Komoriste.69 One of the few who had a seat in the House of Lords, which was reserved for bigger land owners, was the Slavic scholar Vatroslav Jagić (1838–1923), on the basis of his role at the University of

Vienna.70

Although they are usually not covered by research, short term elite migrants could also play a role in Vienna. People of the upper classes who dwelt in the city only temporarily, yet in some cases regularly, did not create a collective presence, but could be a factor in many kinds of connection between regions of migration. Thus, a member of parliament, a diplomat, or an aristocrat with several domiciles, could be rather distanced from other migrants, but could as well facilitate migration, even if only by influencing the flow of information or money and goods. All Balkan states had embassies in Vienna with personnel like Dr. Milan Schischmanow, legation secretary at the Bulgarian embassy.71 Until 1909, the bishop of Zadar/Zara had a seat in the house of lords. In the House of Representatives, there were thirty-nine seats reserved for Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia, Styria, Istria, Gorizia and Trieste as well as Carinthia and Carniola. For example, there was Georg von Gyurković from

Budapest, or one of the five representatives from Dalmatia, Dr. Anton Dulibić from the third Dalmatian constituency.72 Aristocrats often stayed in hotels for several weeks

69 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 70 Edith Heinrich, “Der Lehrkörper der Wiener Universität in den öffentlichen Vertretungskörpern Österreichs 1861–1918 mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Tätigkeit der Wiener Universitätsprofessoren im Herrenhaus des österreichischen Reichsrates zur Zeit der liberalen Ära 1861–1879” (Univ. Diss., Universität Wien, 1947). 71 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 72 Stenographische Protokolle der Sitzungen des Hauses der Abgeordneten des österreichischen Reichsrates. XIX. Session, (Wien: K.k. Hof- und Staatsdruckerei, 1909), 42. As both were not listed in the address book of 1909, we can assume that he lived in his constituency Lehmann’s Allgemeiner Wohnungs-Anzeiger: nebst Handels- und Gewerbe-Adreßbuch für die k.k. Reichshaupt und Residenzstadt Wien und Umgebung, vol. 2 (Wien: A. Hölder, 1909), 192.

36 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna when they were in Vienna, like the Drašković de Trakostjans who used the Hôtel

Erzherzog Carl as their Absteigquartier (pied-à-terre)—their Budapest equivalent was the Hôtel Königin v. England.73 The role of such short term presence in the city as a form of trans-regional communication and interaction is yet to be acknowledged.

Vienna’s working class is known to have been dispersed to many smaller workshops and arranged according to traditional crafts, in its majority.74 Thus, by what we said about artisans above, we know that our migrants were also part of the proletariat as apprentices and craftsmen in small scale industries. To these we can add domestic servants like Johanna Růžička from Laibach, Johann Remic from

Oberfarnik, Carniola, Stana Radunov, and Sidonia Petkovits, again engaged in small scale structures.75 There is no research so far on their part in larger factories but there is also no doubt that there was no »South Slav« equivalent to the Czech brick workers on the Wienerberg. What we can expect however is that unskilled migrants were often also temporary ones. Non-permanent migrants however are scarcely documented in

Vienna which is why we cannot find out much about them. We can retrieve rare examples from the protocols of the work books which the seasonal workers had to bring with them, such as the unskilled laborers Sigmund Zlatarics from Rechnitz

(today in Burgendland), Anna Sager from near Celje/Cilli and Alois Kovarovits.76

Many South Slav seasonal workers from present-day Burgenland were employed in

73 [Hans] Schreyer, Aristokraten-Almanach. Adressbuch der Mitglieder des Österreichisch-Ungarischen Adels (Wien: Verlag des Aristokraten-Almanach, 1888), 120. 74 Josef Ehmer, “Wiener Arbeitswelten um 1900,” in Glücklich ist, wer vergißt…? Das andere Wien um 1900, ed. Hubert Christian Ehalt, Gernot Heiß, and Hannes Stekl, Kulturstudien bei Böhlau 6 (Wien: Böhlau, 1986), 203. 75 Kartei der Fremden. Wiener Stadt- u. Landesarchiv, Wien; Pass- und Heimatschein-Protokolle 1903–1906. 76 Arbeitsbuchprotokoll 1891.

37 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna the vicinities of Vienna, as a study by Sylvia Hahn shows.77 Carniolan laborers also worked on extending the railway system from late April to late September.78

V. Facilities

The classical facilities of migrants in the late 19th century were pubs, associations, and churches. Except for one Dalmatian wine-house in the 10th district, we have no data on migrant pubs in the late 19th century, but rather on places they were using together with other customers.79 Neither the usual mutual help associations as we know them from other places, are recorded for South Slav migrants in Vienna, with the prominent exception of student organizations (see below). As for churches, the majority of migrants from South Slav speaking regions in Vienna was catholic, yet there is no catholic temple known to have been »the Slovene« or »the Croat« parochial church in Vienna, much in contrast to today, and as has been the case with

Czechs and Poles around 1900. The only temples that come into consideration as migrant churches here then are those of the orthodox parishes.

Since 1766, the Serbs were either under the jurisdiction of the oecomenic patriarchate in Istanbul/Constantinople, or of the metropolitanate, since 1848 a patriarchate in Karlovci/Karlowitz. Thus, depending on wether they were Habsburg or

Ottoman subjects, they either used the St. George church or, since 1787 Holy Trinity on Fleischmarkt. Both churches are situated very closely to each other in the so-called

Greek quarter of the first district. This was the situation for all Orthodox migrants in

77 Hahn, Migration – Arbeit – Geschlecht; ———, “Kroatische und slowenische Arbeitswanderer.” 78 Hahn, “Kroatische und slowenische Arbeitswanderer,” 753. 79 There were well-known Kaffehäuser in the earlier 19th century, which were frequented by Slav and Balkan elite migrants. See e.g. Max Demeter Peyfuss, “Eine griechische Kaffeehausrunde in Wien im Jahre 1837,” in Dimensionen griechischer Literatur und Geschichte. Festschrift für Pavlos Tzermias zum 65. Geburtstag (Frankfurt/M.: 1993). We know some places co-used by our migrants in the late 19th century from the addresses

38 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

Vienna from these two empires, until the Orthodox Oriental Church of Saint Sava was founded in 1893 (there had been plans to do this since 1860). The background of this development had been the nationalization of the Balkan Orthodox populations along ethno-linguistic arguments during the 19th century that was putting speakers of

Albanian, Aromanian, Bulgarian, Romanian, and Serbian before the question wether they wanted to still be members of an increasingly Greek nationalized church. Many of these migrants however were bilingual (Serbian, Aromanian, Albanian or Bulgarian plus Greek) and many of them had been faring well with the older transnational setup.

Thus, a Romanian church was founded only shortly before World War I.80

The Saint Sava Church was, before WWI, a facility for migrants with diverse linguistic practices and ethnic belongings, including German and Romanian speakers as well as Jews and Uniates, and converts from Catholicism, but the main users were

Orthodox Serbs from Austria-Hungary and also the Ottoman Empire and its successor states. Two priests served at the church before World War one, Eugen Kozak and

Mihail Mišić. The first moved to Bucovina after his Vienna office where he sang in a prison choir. The sexton Dionys Malenica might have created a continuity between the two priests.81

The central services St. Sava offered were of course the sacraments of birth, marriage and death. Some people who had been baptized at Holy Trinity before 1893 now used the new church. Not only clients from Vienna frequented this facility, but also residents of places around Vienna, including Hungary. Sometimes, it was the above-described temporary migrants who had their children baptized at St. Sava, only

of associations and editorial boards, fro instance. 80 Peyfuss, “Balkanorthodoxe Kaufleute in Wien.”

39 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna to move on to a place in Bulgaria or the Russian Empire. It was also the duty of the priest to see after Orthodox prisoners. The multi-confessional and multi-lingual character of the place was owed to three complexes. First, the community officially and in practice served not only the Serbs, as was already reflected in the name

Orthodox-Oriental instead of Serbian Orthodox. Thus, other non-Greek yet Orthodox clients also used the church, often coming from Bucovina. Secondly, a number of converts were confirmed at St. Sava, either for ideological reasons like presumable the already mentioned Czech tailors, or for marriage. Thirdly, a small number of couples with mixed or non-Orthodox partners used the church to have their children baptized, including a Czech Jewish couple. There were also cases in which the priest expressed his doubts about the rightfulness of such combinations, especially when he had no evidence of the confessional belonging of a confirmand, as in the case of a Bavarian dancer who lived unmarried with a Viennese artist.82

Several important Serbian families were connected to the church who had in some cases also been involved in planning and financing the project. Other networks like the Czech Orthodox Society used the church as one of their bases as well.

The most traditional student facilities for migrants from predominantly South Slav speaking regions are probably the Jesuit college and dormitories and the Knaffel’sche

Stiftung. The former attracted and catered to many Croat and Slovene students, the latter mostly to Slovenes. The Knaffel-foundation which is basically a student house at Seilerstätte with fellowships for non-theologians, was administered by the

University of Vienna and had been founded by the Carniolan priest Lukas Knaffl in

81 Geburts- und Taufmatriken. 82 Ibid.

40 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

1676 (it still exists today).83 In 1810, the Hungarian Serb »Maecenas« Sava Tekelija

(Tököly) endowed a foundation for Serb students at the Military Academy in

Vienna.84 The Orthodox Oriental Church was also supporting a fellowship at the

University of Vienna.85 Other students were dependant on informal individual or familial charity or related forms of support, like the Serb ethnologist and language reformer Vuk Karadžić who had been promoted by the Slovene linguist and imperial librarian Bartholomäus Kopitar earlier in the century.

A new form of student facility were the student organisations that sprang up in the late 19th century. Before 1867, there were two attempts at organizing the Slovene students in Vienna, both under the name Slovenija, but the movement actually gained momentum with the third Slovenija, which grew out of the failed Slovene academic association Sava in 1869 which had without success attempted a slovene-Croat co- operation with the conjoint society Jug.86 Such associations supported themselves from the contributions of their student members and more importantly in some cases by benefactors in the sending regions who wanted to further the »enlightenment of the national youth« as a popular verbalization went. For example the Bulgarian society

Napredăk, dedicated to supporting teacher training in institutions abroad, had forty- seven »real« and 260 supporting members, including institutions.87 Such clubs also offered libraries, socializing and in some cases public or semi-public lectures.

83 Medved, Slowenisches Wien, 45–51. 84 Dubravka Friesel-Kopecki, “Die serbische Nationalbewegung,” in Nationalbewegungen auf dem Balkan, ed. Norbert Reiter, Osteuropa-Institut and der Freien Universität Berlin, Balkanologische Veröffentlichungen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 234. 85 Stipendienangelegenheiten. Rektoratsakten. Archiv der Universität Wien, Wien.. 86 Melik and Vodopivec, “Die slowenische Intelligenz und die österreischischen Hochschulen,” 147. 87 Bachmaier, “Die Bedeutung Wiens für die Bulgarische studierende Jugend 1878–1918,” 348.

41 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

The Slovene associations were the oldest and most important in Vienna. Some of them were of a Yugoslav orientation but still had mainly Slovene members. In 1888, the Verein zur Unterstützung slowenischer Hochschüler in Wien was founded by a

Slovene linguist. It offered a monthly support. More successful was Radogoj, an association that had its headquarters in Ljubljana. It had been founded by a Triestine wholesale merchant and by the most prominent proponent of Yugoslavism, bishop

Josip Juraj Strossmayer in Zagreb. The association was, like the movement in general, liberal leaning. When the political climate in Slovenia grew more aggressive during the 1890s, declared catholic students founded their own society, the Laibacher

Leogesellschaft which was also active in Vienna. Some former members joined the new German-Catholic society Austria.88 After 1900, a national-radical club was constituted in the Vienna Slovenija which prompted the liberal students to split away and to establish the association Sava in 1902.89

As already mentioned, some societies were South-Slav or Yugoslav by declaration but Slovene students dominated in them, such as is visible in the name of the Verein südslavischer Hörer der Handelswissenschaften in Wien/Društvo jugoslovanskih dušateljev trgovskih ved na Dunaju (1911) where according to the statutes, any South

Slav could become a member irrespective of his political and religious affiliation.

Forty years before, there had already been a Croatian-Slovene society called Jug.

However, plans to incorporate all Slav associations in Vienna into one umbrella organization did not materialize. Nevertheless, there were regular »Slav« meetings where delegates from several of these organizations were present. So far, we do not

88 Melik and Vodopivec, “Die slowenische Intelligenz und die österreischischen Hochschulen,” 144–47. 89 Ibid., 149.

42 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna know much about this kind of co-operation but most sources claim that it was ineffective eventually.90

Although mostly Serb, the Srpsko akademsko društvo »Zora« u Beču also had a strong element of (South) Slavic co-operation. It was founded in 1863, and was the first example of those student societies that would unite in the nationalist omladina movement which was active in all South Slav speaking regions. The Zora actually plaid a leading role in founding the omladina in Novi Sad in 1866. The movement had a unitarian and irredentist ideological tendency that was intensifying in the years before World War I.91 Plans for a fusion with the Croat society Velebit in 1868 did not materialize however.92 The activities of the Zora encompassed the usual offerings and also charity balls intended to better the situation in the »homelands.«93

Croat societies initially comprised Velebit (1865–1880) and Zvonimir, founded in

1880 as well as Verbindung kroatischer Techniker, founded in 1872.94 Similar to

Slovene organizations, there was an ideological split around 1900 and two Catholic societies appeared, the Slavonisch katholischer academischer Verein »Danica« (1898) and Hrvatska—kroatischer katholischer akademischer Verein in Wien (1902). The latter was a student corps after the German Burschenschaft model with the right to

90 See for instance Vladimir Ćorović, Istorija srpskoga akademskoga društva "Zore" u Beču. Prilog istoriji omladinskog pokreta (Ruma: Štamparija Đorđa Petrovića, 1905), 28f. 91 The omladina was not one strict organization but went through many transformations and renamings, and several national omladinas were also operating in parallelHolm Sundhaussen, “Omladina,” in Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas, ed. Edgar Hösch, Karl Nehring, and Holm Sundhaussen (Wien; Köln; Weimar: Böhlau/UTB, 2004). 92 Ćorović, Istorija srpskoga akademskoga društva "Zore" u Beču. Prilog istoriji omladinskog pokreta, 28f. 93 W. D. Behschnitt, Nationalismus bei Serben und Kroaten 1830-1914. Analyse und Typologie der nationalen Ideologie, Südosteuropäische Arbeiten 74 (München1980), 208f; Ćorović, Istorija srpskoga akademskoga društva "Zore" u Beču. Prilog istoriji omladinskog pokreta, 30f. 94 Shek Brnardić, “Kroatische Studenten in der Großstadt: Kulturaustausch durch das Studium in Wien im

43 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna wear Couleur. What seems special about the Croat situation is that there were also regionally oriented associations like the just mentioned Slavonian one as well as one offering instruction and socializing to students from Dalmatia, called Jadran.

Kroatischer akademischer Verein in Wien (1903). It was connected to the Hrvatsko pripomoćno društvo u Beču.95

Other South Slav associations comprised two Bulgarian (Bulgarischer volkstümlicher Studentenverein, Napredăk 1869–1893, Bulgarischer akademischer

Verein »Balkan«, since 1893), and a Jewish one, the Zionist society Bar Giora—

Verein jüdischer Hochschüler aus den südslawischen Ländern, which was founded

1901.96

Facilities of and for students from predominantly South Slavic speaking regions were on one hand service organizations to be used in Vienna, but on the other hand, their politics was very much directed towards the »homelands.« This seems also to be the reason why they have not been much researched: for those interested in Vienna, they were not involved enough in the city, while for those interested in the history of the »homelands«, they seemed to have been out of scope.

VI. Southeast European Public Culture in Vienna

The public culture of migrants from South Slavic speaking regions in Vienna was not very visible, much less than the Czech public culture. Mass media communication in South Slavic languages in Vienna was minor (see below). The public culture at stake was mainly taking place in semi-public spaces, did not have a wide circulation and was not permanent. This means for example that there were public events like

›langen‹ 19. Jahrhundert,” 65. 95 Vereine, nicht anerkannt. Akademischer Senat, Sonderreihe. Archiv der Universität Wien, Wien..

44 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna balls, lectures, and concerts, which were advertised in print products with minor circulation. There media presence last almost only as long as the event itself.

Permanent manifestations were only very few, such as the for example the exterior and interior architecture of the St. Sava church and some tombstones dispersed over

Vienna’s cemeteries. We can assume, that South Slavic speakers were relatively visible at the universities, taking their numbers into account. Maybe members of the

Croatian student corporation could sometimes be seen on the steps of the main entrance of the University with their blu-red-white ribbons with the inscription

»CROATIA« but it is more probable that this was rather the case at Croat masses in church. The Bosnian regiment was maybe the most visible presence of South Slavic otherness in the city, however, this imagery was, as already discussed, one of imperial control over the diversity of the nationalities rather than a kind of self-representation of otherness.

The reason for this low visibility can be either found in the relative smallness of the group or groups, in the fact that, the Yugoslav ideas notwithstanding, their groupness was by far not clear at the time, and maybe most importantly in the tendency of migrant organizations to orient towards the homeland as a political entity, rather than Vienna. This being said, it is important to evaluate the different status of migrants from the Austrian lands versus those from the Hungarian part of the empire, the former having had Vienna as their actual political capital. If we take into account that Serbs and Croats always had, in nationalist political terms, to take into account the compatriots in the Hungarian regions, the Slovenes remain as the one group that was almost in its entirety inside the confines of Austria, came from the areas relatively

96 Ibid.

45 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna closest to Vienna discussed here, and were—probably due to that—the dominant element of South Slav speaking migrants in Vienna. The part of elite migrants among them was, as has been shown, relatively smaller. There is evidence that this situation also played a role in the public culture of the Slovenian speaking elites in the capital.

Slovenes were the only South Slav elites who were publishing periodicals directed at the entire country in Vienna, namely two trade union newspapers, one in Slovenian

(Delavec), the other in Slovenian and Italian, because it was meant for Istrian stoneworkers (Kamnarski Delavec).97 It seems obvious that workers’ movement elites had an interest to have their headquarters in the Austrian capital, in proximity to the centers of other important working class organisations, while liberal or conservative elites rather gravitated towards the national capitals Ljubljana, Zagreb, and Novi Sad, maybe also Pest. The only exception here is the omladina periodical Zora which seems to have had a circulation outside Vienna.

Curiously, there had been a Serbian illustrated magazine published in Vienna, the

Srpska Zora, that ceased publication in the 1870s. After that, only student papers appeared in Vienna. Th Zora student association occasionally published reports about its work in the omladina’s central organ Zastava, published in Novi Sad. Both Croat societies, Velebit and Zvonimir, had newspapers of the same name. Zvon was a monthly dedicated to poetry. The only periodical with more general and political and less student oriented topics was Jug. It appeared in Slovenian and had a Socialist, if

Christian Social, South Slav orientation. It remains a conundrum how a relatively lively presence of thousands of migrants with similar linguistic practices produced so little mass media communication and left so few traces for the historian.

97 All following information is from the periodicals’ holdings of the national libraries of Austria and of Croatia.

46 W Fischer, South Slavs in Vienna

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