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Conflict Trends, Issue 2 (2001)
PEDRO UGARTE/AFP PEDRO A Somalian girl carries water in a Mogadishu street BY HUSSEIN SOLOMON EDITORIAL On Monday, 28 May 2001, heavy mor- the mutineers, and that they were also supported tar and gunfire broke the stillness of by 300 mercenaries. On the other hand, President the night in Bangui, capital of the Patasse was supported by Libyan president, OCentral African Republic (CAR). The Muammar Gaddafi, who sent troops and two mili- commotion began when a rebellious army unit tary helicopters. President Patasse was also sup- attacked the home of President Ange-Felix ported by fighters loyal to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s Patasse. Within two days, it became clear that Ugandan-backed Front for the Liberation of forces loyal to the elected government had sup- Congo -these fighters crossed the Oubangui River pressed the coup attempt. The attempted coup in in barges from the Democratic Republic of the the CAR holds important lessons, for both policy- Congo (DRC). These developments point to the makers and academics, which go far beyond a fact that national conflicts exist within the context simplistic analysis that points to poor civil-mili- of various regional and sub-regional conflict sys- tary relations on the African continent. tems, and that these conflicts need to be Firstly, the attempted coup underlines the approached within that context. inherent complexity that is typical of many of Thirdly, it once again underscores the hiatus Africa’s conflicts - characterised by a large mea- between early warning and early response. As sure of interdependence between various sources early as 11 January 2001, United Nations (UN) of insecurity. -
A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal
1 Democratization and Universal Health Coverage: A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal Karen A. Grépin and Kim Yi Dionne This article identifies conditions under which newly established democracies adopt Universal Health Coverage. Drawing on the literature examining democracy and health, we argue that more democratic regimes – where citizens have positive opinions on democracy and where competitive, free and fair elections put pressure on incumbents – will choose health policies targeting a broader proportion of the population. We compare Ghana to Kenya and Senegal, two other countries which have also undergone democratization, but where there have been important differences in the extent to which these democratic changes have been perceived by regular citizens and have translated into electoral competition. We find that Ghana has adopted the most ambitious health reform strategy by designing and implementing the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). We also find that Ghana experienced greater improvements in skilled attendance at birth, childhood immunizations, and improvements in the proportion of children with diarrhea treated by oral rehydration therapy than the other countries since this policy was adopted. These changes also appear to be associated with important changes in health outcomes: both infant and under-five mortality rates declined rapidly since the introduction of the NHIS in Ghana. These improvements in health and health service delivery have also been observed by citizens with a greater proportion of Ghanaians reporting satisfaction with government handling of health service delivery relative to either Kenya or Senegal. We argue that the democratization process can promote the adoption of particular health policies and that this is an important mechanism through which democracy can improve health. -
MPHATSO MOSES KAUFULU (Bsoc.Sc., UNIMA; Bsoc.Sc
USING A DYNAMIC STRUCTURAL APPROACH TO ATTEMPT TO DEVELOP A THEORETICAL SOCIOLOGY OF MALAWI BY MPHATSO MOSES KAUFULU (BSoc.Sc., UNIMA; BSoc.Sc. Hons., UKZN) A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SOCIAL SCIENCE BY FULL DISSERTATION IN SOCIOLOGY IN THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE OF THE COLLEGE OF HUMANITIES OF THE UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU-NATAL, PMB 2013 Declaration I, Mphatso Moses Kaufulu, declare that 1. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research. 2. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graphs or other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. 4. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. Their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them has been referenced b. Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed in italics and inside quotation marks, and referenced. 5. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and in the References sections. _______________________________ _______________________________ Name of Candidate Name of Supervisor _______________________________ _______________________________ Signature Signature _______________________________ _______________________________ Date Date i Dedication To my late father and mother, Dr and Mrs Kaufulu. To my sister, Mrs Chisomo Kaufulu-Kumwenda, and her newly born son Jedidiah Joshua (JJ). -
Read Book Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : from Napoleon to The
ENCYCLOPEDIA OF MODERN DICTATORS : FROM NAPOLEON TO THE PRESENT PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Frank J. Coppa | 344 pages | 04 Apr 2006 | Peter Lang Publishing Inc | 9780820450100 | English | New York, United States Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present PDF Book Chiang now continued to reunify China. As Supreme Leader , held ultimate and uncontested authority over all government matters under the principle of Guardianship. Jean-Jacques Dessalines. Invasion of Belgium. Hold false elections. Abacha Sani Article Contents. More than , people were arrested only during the first three years. Created the extra-constitutional Special Clerical Court system in , accountable only to the Supreme Leader and used principally for suppression of political dissent. Kenneth Sani Abacha. In terms of territory, Metternich gladly relinquished claims to the old Austrian Netherlands and the various Habsburg possessions in Germany for a consolidated monarchy at the centre of Europe. Opposition groups have been outlawed particularly Islamic ones , human rights activists have been thrown in prison and hundreds of protester killed during crackdowns. Translated by de Bellaigue, Sheila; Bridge, Roy. Europe Since An Encyclopedia. Chairman of the Council of State ; President of Chad He succeeded until , when in a violent coup, he expelled the communists from the KMT and quashed the Chinese labor unions they had created. Volume 3. Volume II: E - L. Jailed Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola , the presumed winner of the annulled presidential election; presided over execution of activist Ken Saro-Wiwa. Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators : From Napoleon to the Present Writer Zhang Jinghui was similarly handed over to China in , dying in prison in , while Demchugdongrub fled to Mongolia before being handed to the Chinese and released 13 years later. -
April 26, 1989 Letter from the President of South Africa P. W. Botha to the President of Zambia Requesting Pressure on SWAPO to Withdraw Armed Forces from Namibia
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 26, 1989 Letter from the President of South Africa P. W. Botha to the President of Zambia Requesting Pressure on SWAPO to Withdraw Armed Forces from Namibia Citation: “Letter from the President of South Africa P. W. Botha to the President of Zambia Requesting Pressure on SWAPO to Withdraw Armed Forces from Namibia,” April 26, 1989, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Digital Imaging South Africa, Source: Aluka Project www.aluka.org. Included in "Southern Africa in the Cold War, Post-1974," edited by Sue Onslow and Anna-Mart Van Wyk. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118290 Summary: Letter from South African President P. W. Botha to Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda asserting that SWAPO is the aggressor in excalation tensions between SWAPO and South African forces, and that South Africa is responding in measured and restrained ways. Asks for Zambia's assistance in convincing SWAPO to cease hostilities. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: English Contents: English Transcription Tuynhuys, Cape Town 26 April 1989 Dear Mr President Thank you for your letter of 24 April 1989. I have noted the concern which you express regarding the events in northern Namibia. I too share your concern that there should not be senseless loss of life in the critical situation which has developed because of the illegal SWAPO incursions into Namibia. I can assure you, Mr. President that the security forces are acting with great responsibility and restraint under very difficult circumstances. However, I am afraid that one-sided and false reports have been disseminated by certain elements, alleging brutalities on the part of the South African security forces. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers As Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen
H-Announce Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Announcement published by Sabella Abidde on Monday, March 29, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: May 30, 2021 Location: Alabama, United States Subject Fields: African History / Studies, Area Studies, Black History / Studies, Middle East History / Studies, Political Science Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Editors: Sabella Abidde, Ph.D. and Felix Kumah-Abiwu, Ph.D. In the annals of modern African political history, four soldiers and coup plotters -- Jerry Rawlings (Ghana), Moammar Gaddafi (Libya), Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso), and Gamal Abdel Nasser (Egypt) -- were rarities. They were at once intellectuals, nationalists, pan-Africanists, and statesmen. Their exceptionality is the reason for this edited volume. For more than four decades, beginning in the early 1950s through the tail-end of the twentieth century, Africa was the bastion of military coups bested perhaps only by Latin America. These sudden and extralegal overthrows of governments were so routine that many came to view coupists as unprofessional and unpatriotic members of the military that were ill-equipped to govern modern states and their various institutions. Nonetheless, there were exceptions to the typical: soldiers who transformed their immediate communities and, by extension, the continent. While the military’s role in politics is still a subject of intense debate in the scholarly/public domain, it is indisputable that some of Africa’s former military leaders went on to become icons and respected leaders of their time. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine why and how Rawlings, Gaddafi, Sankara, and Nasser became rarities in African and world politics. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Annual Report 1964-65
1964-65 Content Jan 01, 1964 CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. India's Policy of Non-alignment 1-6 II. United Nations and International Conferences 7-19 III. Disarmament 20-23 IV. India's Neighbours 24-42 V. States in Special Treaty Relations with India 43-46 VI. South East Asia 47-51 VII. East Asia 52-55 VIII. West Asia and North Africa 66-57 IX. Africa south of the Sahara 58-60 X. Eastern and Western Europe 61-73 XI. The Americas 74-78 XII. External Publicity 79-83 XIII. Technical and Economic Co-operation 84-87 XIV. Consular and Passport Services 88-95 XV. Organisation and Administration 96-104 (i) (ii) PAGE Appendix I. Declaration of Conference of Non-aligned Countries 105-122 Appendix II. International Organisations of which India is a member 123-126 Appendix III. Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Final Com- munique, July 1994 127-134 Appendix IV. Indo-Ceylon Agreement 135-136 Appendix V. Distinguished visitors from abroad 137-141 Appendix VI. Visits of Indian Dignitaries to foreign countries 142-143 Appendix VII. Soviet-Indian Joint Communique 144-147 Appendix VIII. Technical Co-operation 148-150 Appendix IX. Economic Collaboration 151-152 Appendix X. Foreign Diplomatic Missions in India 153-154 Appendix XI. Foreign Consular Offices in India 155-157 Appendix XII. Indian Missions Abroad 158-164 INDIA Jan 01, 1964 INDIA'S POLICY OF NON-ALIGNMENT CHAPTER I INDIA'S POLICY OF NON-ALIGNMENT India, ever since her independence, has consistently followed in her foreign relations a policy of non-alignment with the opposing power blocs. -
Guide to Material at the LBJ Library Pertaining to Africa
LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON L I B R A R Y & M U S E U M www.lbjlibrary.org Revised December 2009 MATERIAL AT THE JOHNSON LIBRARY PERTAINING TO AFRICA [Note: The following related guides are also available: the Middle East; and Foreign Aid, Food for Peace and Third World Economic Development -- Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The United Arab Republic is not included in this guide. Anyone interested in the U.A.R. should consult the guide on the Middle East.] INTRODUCTION This guide lists the principal files at the Johnson Library that contain material on Africa, but it is not exhaustive. While most of the collections listed in the guide have been processed and are available for research, some files may not yet be available. Researchers should consult the Library’s finding aids to locate additional material and to determine whether specific files are available for research. Some of the finding aids are on the Library’s web site, www.lbjlib.utexas.edu, and others can be sent by mail or electronically. Researchers interested in Africa should also consult the Foreign Relations of the United States. This multi-volume series published by the Office of the Historian of the Department of State presents the official documentary historical record of major foreign policy decisions and diplomatic activity of the United States government. The volumes are available online at the Department of State web site which may be accessed at the “Related Links” button, under the “Research” button on the Johnson Library web site, www.lbjlib.utexas.edu. NATIONAL SECURITY FILE This file was the working file of President Johnson's special assistants for national security affairs, McGeorge Bundy and Walt W. -
The "Tar Baby" Option: American Policy Toward Southern Rhodesia
The "tar baby" option: American policy toward Southern Rhodesia http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp2b20030 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The "tar baby" option: American policy toward Southern Rhodesia Author/Creator Lake, Anthony Publisher Columbia University Press (New York) Date 1976 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, United States Coverage (temporal) 1965 - 1974 Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 968.9104 L192t Rights By kind permission of Anthony Lake and Columbia University Press. Description This study of U.S. policy toward white Rhodesia, based on extensive interviews with U.S. -
Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage.