A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal
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Home Office, United Kingdom
GHANA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT APRIL 2002 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM CONTENTS I. Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.5 II. Geography 2.1 - 2.2 Economy 2.3 III. History 3.1 - 3.2 IV. State Structures The Constitution 4.1 - 4.3 Political System 4.4 - 4.8 Judiciary 4.9 - 4.15 Military 4.16 (i) National Service 4.17 Internal Security 4.18 - 4.22 Legal Rights/Detention 4.23 - 4.24 Prisons and Prison conditions 4.25 - 4.30 Medical Services 4.31 - 4.38 Educational System 4.39 - 4.41 V. Human Rights V.A Human Rights Issues Overview 5.1 - 5.4 Freedom of Speech and the Media 5.5 - 5.11 Freedom of Religion 5.12 - 5.19 Freedom of Assembly & Association 5.20 - 5.25 Employment Rights 5.26 - 5.28 People Trafficking 5.29 - 5.34 Freedom of Movement 5.35 - 5.36 V.B Human Rights - Specific Groups Women 5.37 - 5.43 (i) Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) 5.44 - 5.45 (ii) The Trokosi system 5.46 - 5.48 Children 5.49 - 5.55 Ethnic Groups 5.56 - 5.60 Homosexuals 5.61 V.C Human Rights - Other Issues Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) 5.62 Annexes: Chronology of Events Political Organisations Prominent People References to Source Material I. Scope of Document 1.1. This assessment has been produced by the Country Information & Policy Unit, Immigration & Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a variety of sources. 1.2. The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum determination process. -
The Politics of Accountability in Ghana's National
RESEARCH BRIEFING JUNE 2016 WHEN DOES THE STATE LISTEN? 1 16 How does governmentIDS_Master Logo responsiveness come about? The politics of accountability in Ghana’s National Health Insurance Scheme TERENCE DARKO RESEARCH How does government responsiveness come about? BRIEFING The politics of accountability in Ghana’s National Health Insurance Scheme Author Terence Darko is a Researcher at Capacity Development Consult (CDC), a Ghanaian-based research and consulting firm. He has an MA in Social Policy Studies from the University of Ghana. Before joining CDC, he worked with Innovations for Poverty Action Ghana and the Institute of Statistical, Social and Economic Research, Ghana. His research interests include policy processes, the politics of social development, social protection, citizen participation and political accountability. Email: [email protected] Production credits Production editor: Catherine Setchell, Making All Voices Count, [email protected] Copyeditor: Karen Brock, Green Ink, [email protected] Designer: Lance Bellers, [email protected] Further reading This research briefing forms part of a wider research project called When Does the State Listen? led by the Institute of Development Studies and funded by the Making All Voices Count initiative. The other briefs from this research project are: Cassim, A. (2016) What happens to policy when policy champions move on? The case of welfare 2 in South Africa, Brighton: IDS 16 Katera, L. (2016) Why is it so hard for non-state actors to be heard? Inside Tanzania’s education policies, Brighton: IDS Loureiro, M; Cassim, A; Darko, T; Katera, L; and Salome, N. (2016) ‘When Does the State Listen?’ IDS Bulletin Vol 47 No. -
Urban Guerrilla Poetry: the Movement Y' En a Marre and the Socio
Urban Guerrilla Poetry: The Movement Y’ en a Marre and the Socio-Political Influences of Hip Hop in Senegal by Marame Gueye Marame Gueye is an assistant professor of African and African diaspora literatures at East Carolina University. She received a doctorate in Comparative Literature, Feminist Theory, and Translation from SUNY Binghamton with a dissertation entitled: Wolof Wedding Songs: Women Negotiating Voice and Space Trough Verbal Art . Her research interests are orality, verbal art, immigration, and gender and translation discourses. Her most recent article is “ Modern Media and Culture: Speaking Truth to Power” in African Studies Review (vol. 54, no.3). Abstract Since the 1980s, Hip Hop has become a popular musical genre in most African countries. In Senegal, young artists have used the genre as a mode of social commentary by vesting their aesthetics in the culture’s oral traditions established by griots. However, starting from the year 2000, Senegalese Hip Hop evolved as a platform for young people to be politically engaged and socially active. This socio-political engagement was brought to a higher level during the recent presidential elections when Hip Hop artists created the Y’En a Marre Movement [Enough is Enough]. The movement emerged out of young people’s frustrations with the chronic power cuts that plagued Senegal since 2003 to becoming the major critic of incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade. Y’en Marre was at the forefront of major demonstrations against Wade’s bid for a contested third term. But of greater or equal importance, the movement’s musical releases during the period were specifically aimed at “bringing down the president.” This article looks at their last installment piece entitled Faux! Pas Forcé [Fake! Forced Step or Don’t! Push] which was released at the eve of the second round of voting. -
Interest Groups, Issue Definition and the Politics of Healthcare in Ghana
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by International Institute for Science, Technology and Education (IISTE): E-Journals Public Policy and Administration Research www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-5731(Paper) ISSN 2225-0972(Online) Vol.4, No.6, 2014 Interest Groups, Issue Definition and the Politics of Healthcare in Ghana Edward Brenya 1* Samuel Adu-Gyamfi 2 1. History and Political Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, PMB, Kumasi Ashanti, Ghana 2. History and Political Studies, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, PMB, Kumasi Ashanti, Ghana *Email of corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract The provision of healthcare in Ghana from the pre-colonial period to the 4 th Republic has been characterized by struggles to maintain dominance. While the politics in the pre-independence period focused on the manner of providing healthcare, the post-independence period encapsulates healthcare financing. Using the interest groups theory, the study examines the manner and motive of healthcare management in Ghana. The study finds that a coalition of healthcare interest groups often comprising healthcare providers, government functionaries, bureaucrats, and the World Bank and IMF etc., (from the 1970s), uses the definition of healthcare management to maintain leverage in the management of healthcare. Healthcare management in the pre-colonial period was defined as interventionism while the colonial administration focused on scientific therapy. The post-colonial period witnessed a shift of focus to healthcare financing and Nkrumah’ government adopted free healthcare system financed by the state. The Busia’s government focused on sustainability based on payment of small user fee. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers As Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen
H-Announce Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Announcement published by Sabella Abidde on Monday, March 29, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: May 30, 2021 Location: Alabama, United States Subject Fields: African History / Studies, Area Studies, Black History / Studies, Middle East History / Studies, Political Science Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Editors: Sabella Abidde, Ph.D. and Felix Kumah-Abiwu, Ph.D. In the annals of modern African political history, four soldiers and coup plotters -- Jerry Rawlings (Ghana), Moammar Gaddafi (Libya), Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso), and Gamal Abdel Nasser (Egypt) -- were rarities. They were at once intellectuals, nationalists, pan-Africanists, and statesmen. Their exceptionality is the reason for this edited volume. For more than four decades, beginning in the early 1950s through the tail-end of the twentieth century, Africa was the bastion of military coups bested perhaps only by Latin America. These sudden and extralegal overthrows of governments were so routine that many came to view coupists as unprofessional and unpatriotic members of the military that were ill-equipped to govern modern states and their various institutions. Nonetheless, there were exceptions to the typical: soldiers who transformed their immediate communities and, by extension, the continent. While the military’s role in politics is still a subject of intense debate in the scholarly/public domain, it is indisputable that some of Africa’s former military leaders went on to become icons and respected leaders of their time. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine why and how Rawlings, Gaddafi, Sankara, and Nasser became rarities in African and world politics. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Misconceptions, Misinformation and Politics of COVID-19 on Social Media: a Multi-Level Analysis in Ghana
ORIGINAL RESEARCH published: 05 May 2021 doi: 10.3389/fcomm.2021.613794 Misconceptions, Misinformation and Politics of COVID-19 on Social Media: A Multi-Level Analysis in Ghana Philip Teg-Nefaah Tabong 1* and Martin Segtub 2 1 Department of Social and Behavioural Sciences, School of Public Health, College of Health Sciences, University of Ghana Legon, Accra, Ghana, 2 Department of Communication Studies, University of Professional Studies, Accra, Ghana Background: Ghana developed an Emergency Preparedness and Response Plan (EPRP) in response to the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus (SARS CoV-2) pandemic. A key strategy in the EPRP is to mobilize national resources and put in place strategies for improved risk and behavioral change communication. Nonetheless, concerns have been raised on social media about COVID-19 misinformation and misconceptions. This study used social media content to determine the types, forms and the effects of the myths, misconceptions and misinformation in Ghana’s COVID-19 containment. Method: The study was conducted in three phases involving the use of both primary and secondary data. Review of social media information on COVID-19 was done. This was complemented with document review and interviews with key stakeholders with expertise in the management of public health emergencies and mass communication Edited by: experts (N = 18). All interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using NVivo 12. Fredrick Ogenga, Rongo University, Kenya Results: The study showed a changing pattern in the misconceptions and Reviewed by: misinformation about COVID-19. Initially myths were largely on causes and vulnerability. Rasha El-Ibiary, It was widely speculated that black people had some immunity against COVID-19. -
Political Spontaneity and Senegalese New Social Movements, Y'en a Marre and M23: a Re-Reading of Frantz Fanon 'The Wretched of the Earth"
POLITICAL SPONTANEITY AND SENEGALESE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, Y'EN A MARRE AND M23: A RE-READING OF FRANTZ FANON 'THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH" Babacar Faye A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS December 2012 Committee: Radhika Gajjala, Advisor Dalton Anthony Jones © 2012 Babacar Faye All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Radhika Gajjala, Advisor This project analyzes the social uprisings in Senegal following President Abdoulaye Wade's bid for a third term on power. From a perspectivist reading of Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth and the revolutionary strategies of the Algerian war of independence, the project engages in re-reading Fanon's text in close relation to Senegalese new social movements, Y'en A Marre and M23. The overall analysis addresses many questions related to Fanonian political thought. The first attempt of the project is to read Frantz Fanon's The Wretched from within The Cultural Studies. Theoretically, Fanon's "new humanism," as this project contends, can be located between transcendence and immanence, and somewhat intersects with the political potentialities of the 'multitude.' Second. I foreground the sociogeny of Senegalese social movements in neoliberal era of which President Wade's regime was but a local phase. Recalling Frantz Fanon's critique of the bourgeoisie and traditional intellectuals in newly postindependent African countries, I draw a historical continuity with the power structures in the postcolonial condition. Therefore, the main argument of this project deals with the critique of African political leaders, their relationship with hegemonic global forces in infringing upon the basic rights of the downtrodden. -
Senegal | Freedom House
4/8/2020 Senegal | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Senegal 71 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 29 /40 Civil Liberties 42 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 72 /100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/senegal/freedom-world/2020 1/16 4/8/2020 Senegal | Freedom House Status Change Senegal’s status declined from Free to Partly Free because the 2019 presidential election was marred by the exclusion of two major opposition figures who had been convicted in politically fraught corruption cases and were eventually pardoned by the incumbent. Overview Senegal is one of Africa’s most stable electoral democracies and has undergone two peaceful transfers of power between rival parties since 2000. However, politically motivated prosecutions of opposition leaders and changes to the electoral laws have reduced the competitiveness of the opposition in recent years. The country is known for its relatively independent media and free expression, though defamation laws continue to constrain press freedom. Other ongoing challenges include corruption in government, weak rule of law, and inadequate protections for the rights of women and LGBT+ people. Key Developments in 2019 In February, President Macky Sall won a second consecutive term with 58 percent of the vote in the first round, making a runoff unnecessary. Two leading opposition leaders—Khalifa Sall, former mayor of Dakar, and Karim Wade, the son of former president Abdoulaye Wade—were barred from running because of previous, politically fraught convictions for embezzlement of public funds. In May, lawmakers approved a measure to abolish the post of prime minister, and Sall signed it later in the month. -
Working Paper Cover
WORKING PAPER UNICEF GOOD PRACTICES IN INTEGRATING BIRTH REGISTRATION INTO HEALTH SYSTEMS (2000-2009) CASE STUDIES: BANGLADESH, BRAZIL, THE GAMBIA AND DELHI, INDIA JANUARY 2010 Fall08 WORKING PAPER UNICEF GOOD PRACTICES IN INTEGRATING BIRTH REGISTRATION INTO HEALTH SYSTEMS (2000–2009) CASE STUDIES: BANGLADESH, BRAZIL, THE GAMBIA AND DELHI, INDIA Mariana Muzzi JANUARY 2010 UNICEF Good Practices in Integrating Birth Registration into Health Systems (2000–2009); Case Studies: Bangladesh, Brazil, the Gambia and Delhi, India © United Nations Children‟s Fund (UNICEF), New York, 2009 UNICEF 3 UN Plaza, NY, NY 10017 December, 2009 This is a working document. It has been prepared to facilitate the exchange of knowledge and to stimulate discussion. The text has not been edited to official publication standards and UNICEF accepts no responsibility for errors. The designations in this publication do not imply an opinion on legal status of any country or territory, or of its authorities, or the delimitation of frontiers. About the author Mariana Muzzi is a Brazilian-Finnish political scientist who has worked on child protection and human rights issues since 2001 with the International Organization for Migration, the European Union, UNICEF, non-govermental organizations and research institutes in several countries, including Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, India, Peru, and the United States. She has been published in English and Spanish in the fields of birth registration, counter-trafficking in human beings, domestic violence prevention, sexual exploitation of children, juvenile justice, children’s rights and public health. Recent research initiatives include Children in Administrative Detention in India (2009), Child Protection and Islam (2008), and State Obligations vis-à- vis the Right to Health: Child Abuse and the Health-System based Child Abuse Attention Modules in Peru (2006). -
Senegal#.Vxcptt2rt8e.Cleanprint
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/senegal#.VXCptt2rT8E.cleanprint Senegal freedomhouse.org Municipal elections held in June 2014 led to some losses by ruling coalition candidates in major urban areas; the elections were deemed free and fair by local election observers. A trial against Karim Wade, son of former president Abdoulaye Wade, began in July in the Court of Repossession of Illegally Acquired Assets (CREI), where he is accused of illicit enrichment. Abdoulaye Wade, who had left Senegal after losing the 2012 presidential election, returned in the midst of the CREI investigation in April. The Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), which he founded in 1974, requested permission to publicly assemble upon his return, but authorities denied the request. In February, Senegal drew criticism for the imprisonment of two men reported to have engaged in same-sex relations. The detentions of rapper and activist Malal Talla and of former energy minister Samuel Sarr in June and August, respectively, also evoked public disapproval; both men were detained after expressing criticism of government officials. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 33 / 40 [Key] A. Electoral Process: 11 / 12 Members of Senegal’s 150-seat National Assembly are elected to five-year terms; the president serves seven-year terms with a two-term limit. The president appoints the prime minister. In July 2014, President Macky Sall appointed Mohammed Dionne to this post to replace Aminata Touré, who was removed from power after losing a June local election in Grand-Yoff. The National Commission for the Reform of Institutions (CNRI), an outgrowth of a consultative body that engaged citizens about reforms in 2008–2009, presented a new draft constitution to Sall in February.