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Conflict Trends, Issue 2 (2001)

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A Somalian girl carries water in a Mogadishu street

BY HUSSEIN SOLOMON

EDITO

On Monday, 28 May 2001, heavy mortar and gunfire broke the stillness of the night in Bangui, capital of the the mutineers, and that they were also supported by 300 mercenaries. On the other hand, President Patasse was supported by Libyan president, Muammar Gaddafi, who sent troops and two military helicopters. President Patasse was also supported by fighters loyal to Jean-Pierre Bemba’s Ugandan-backed Front for the Liberation of Congo -these fighters crossed the Oubangui River in barges from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). These developments point to the fact that national conflicts exist within the context of various regional and sub-regional conflict systems, and that these conflicts need to be approached within that context.

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Central African Republic (CAR). The commotion began when a rebellious army unit attacked the home of President Ange-Felix Patasse. Within two days, it became clear that forces loyal to the elected government had suppressed the coup attempt. The attempted coup in the CAR holds important lessons, for both policymakers and academics, which go far beyond a simplistic analysis that points to poor civil-military relations on the African continent. Firstly, the attempted coup underlines the inherent complexity that is typical of many of Africa’s conflicts - characterised by a large measure of interdependence between various sources of insecurity. Thus, it would seem that those who participated in the attempted coup hailed from the southern Yakoma tribe, which provided most of the armed forces prior to the mutinies during the early 1990s. President Patasse, on the other hand, is from one of the Sara ethnic groups that originates from the savannah north region. Thus, civil-military relations and the politics of identity - both regional and ethnic - seem to coalesce. For the conflict resolution practitioner, this implies that such conflicts need to be approached holistically, in order to understand the subtle nuances that contribute to conflicts being labelled ‘intractable’. The second lesson that one could draw from the attempted CAR coup, is that much of Africa’s conflicts are regionalised and, increasingly, internationalised. President Patasse’s government alleges that two Rwandan generals helped lead
Thirdly, it once again underscores the hiatus between early warning and early response. As early as 11 January 2001, United Nations (UN) secretary-general, Mr Kofi Annan, warned of the deteriorating situation within the CAR. In his report to the UN Security Council, the secretarygeneral noted that the country ‘was gripped by political crisis, mired in social tension and underpinned by a fragile economy.’ Despite ample warning, the international community has done little to prevent the looming crisis. By ignoring such early warning signals, the international community is placing greater emphasis on conflict management, rather than on conflict prevention. Proactive measures are eschewed in favour of reactive ones. In the process, human lives are lost. As any medical practitioner knows, prevention is better than cure. Consequently, it is imperative that the international community place greater emphasis on conflict prevention, rather than dealing with the consequences of an escalating conflict.

3

TRENDS

he public sector challenges within southern Africa , together with global trends, have place within the context of important economic and governmental changes. These changes are underway in some southern African countries. For example, structural adjustment programmes (SAP’s) have been set up between certain countries; regionalisation within some countries has started taking place; and external factors, such as globalisation, have started to take effect. New partnerships with non-state actors - such as the private sector, communities and civil society - are also likely to be forged through the implementation of governance. The consequential economic and political changes that the public sector will experience, will impact on conflict generation (and the manifestation thereof) within this institution and others. Hence, there are new challenges for Africa’s conflict resolution initiatives. Consequently, prevention, management and transformation initiatives within these territories will need to be explored.

1

created territories of conflict that require urgent intervention. Conflict resolution programmes must be implemented in order to prevent the democratic gains in these countries - and the overall region - from being reversed.

T

Since the public sector consists of institutions through which governments deliver services to communities, they have a primary responsibility in post-conflict reconstruction initiatives. Of course, international development organisations also have a role to play in this regard, particularly in post-conflict situations. The restructuring of institutions such as the public sector, becomes one of the first and foremost challenges for postconflict countries. By virtue of its central role in strengthening democratic initiatives, the public sector has to contend with numerous reconstruction and development challenges. These challenges - in conjunction with the nature, history, structure and function of a particular country’s public sector - make this institution prone to conflict. In some Sub-Saharan countries, conflicts within the public sector have threatened young democracies, slowed down reconstruction and development programmes, and have hampered the advancement of countries, as well as the region in which they are located. In addition to serving as institutions through which governance is implemented, the public sector is expected to take up a central role in the process of finding lasting solutions to the conflicts on the African continent. This would need to take

What are the reconstruction and development challenges that face the public sector?

The reconstruction and development challenges that face public sectors in southern African are generally not dissimilar to those experienced globally. Transforming this structure into an efficient and effective institution, capable of providing desperately needed public services to the communities they serve, is a global phenomenon. However, the peculiarities of the political, economic and social circumstances of the southern African region -

4
TRENDS

which includes constructing a public sector in the absence of both human and financial resources - add new dimensions to the challenges. The common challenges identified below are not intended to be an exhaustive list - they merely display the extent of these challenges: the perpetuation thereof.

Striking public servants listen to Secretary-General of Conference of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) Zwelinzima Vavi speaking on the lawn in front of the Union Building in Pretoria, 24 August 1999. The march drew between 30,000 and 40,000 teachers, nurses and offduty police officers and went to the Union Building demanding higher wages.

In addition to these challenges, the public sector has to deal with national, regional and global phenomena, which can further compound reconstruction and development initiatives. These phenomena could also threaten democracy. These challenges refer to the relationship between the public sector and regionalisation; HIV/AIDS; privatisation; ethnicity; globalisation; and religion. These challenges represent potential areas for conflict, and require dialogue.

  • •
  • The challenge of representing a diverse range

of people

  • •
  • Managing international trends aimed at ratio-

nalising and restructuring the public sector Allocating resources that are scarce Facilitating state democratisation through initiatives such as decentralised governance Changing structures and styles of management Developing human resources Challenges associated with transforming service delivery in order to redress past imbalances and meet current needs
••

What is the challenge for conflict resolution practitioners in terms of the role of the public sector in postconflict reconstruction initiatives?

Conflict resolution practitioners need to explore programmes that could address the role of the public sector in terms of post-conflict reconstruction initiatives. In this way, our interventions
•••

••
Lack of service delivery, or the non-delivery of civil society expectations Inefficient delivery of services

  • These challenges pose a mammoth task for
  • would adopt
  • a
  • more holistic approach.

any new, young or developing democracy which does not have the necessary experience, or the capacity in terms of human and financial resources. In addition, these challenges also create territories for conflict. Conflicts within the public sector relate to the two levels at which reconstruction and development takes place. Firstly, sites of conflict are found within the public sector because it is involved in representing a diverse range of people, rationalisation and structural changes. Secondly, conflict occurs between the public sector and civil society as a result of transforming service delivery to meet the needs of civil society. The interplay between these reconstruction and development challenges can lead to conflict, and
Notwithstanding the belief that reform and reconstruction of the public sector is technical, developments in the field continue to emphasise that the process is political and conflictual - rather than technical - in nature. Consequently, when formulating reconstruction initiatives and interventions, conflict resolution practitioners must take into account these new trends - this is absolutely essential if lasting and sustainable solutions are to become a reality on the African continent.

Endnotes

  • 1
  • Public Sector refers to an all embracing term for all govern-

ment institutions at all levels

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TRENDS

Preventive Action refers to action undertaken by governments, regional organisations or non-governmental organisations aimed at preventing disputes from arising between parties, at preventing existing disputes from escalating into conflict and at limiting the spread of conflict when it occurs.

he second quarter of the year 2001 witnessed a number of socio-political and economic developments on the African continent, which hold both positive and negabouring the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), as well as other armed groups, in the region. The government of Sierra Leone met with the RUF in Abuja on 10 May 2001. The meeting was organised to discuss the November 2000 ceasefire agreement. Representatives from the UN and ECOWAS attended the meeting, during which the RUF promised to withdraw from the district of Kambia; release child combatants; and return all weapons seized from UN peacekeepers.

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tive implications for the African Renaissance project. This paper will hopefully provide a broad overview of some of the political developments that have taken place in the various sub-regions of the continent, and will also look at some of the trends that have characterised these developments.
The UN has called for a holistic regional approach to the challenges that are currently facing West Africa. This would take into account issues relating to political and humanitarian challenges. According to UN representative, Ibrahim Fall, both ECOWAS and the UN need to develop a plan of action in order to deal with conflicts within the Mano River countries.

WEST AFRICA

The political situation within the Mano River countries - Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone - is of great concern to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and to the United Nations (UN). Representatives of the UN mission - deputy emergency relief coordinator, Carolyn McAskie; assistant secretary-general for political affairs, Ibrahim Fall; and undersecretary-general for peacekeeping operations, Jean-Marie Guehenno - visited these countries from 12-17 April. According to their assessment, Liberia and Guinea seem to be facing serious political challenges, while Sierra Leone seems to be steadily moving in a positive direction.

CENTRAL AFRICA

A new draft constitution, which was presented by Congo’s government, was approved on 12 April during the second phase of dialogue. Dialogue facilitator and Gabon’s president, Omar Bongo, urged all stakeholders to commit themselves to genuine reconciliation. The draft refers to a presidential system that would give the president executive powers as head of the cabinet. It would also allow the president to be elected for a seven-year
The UN imposed sanctions against Liberia during the early part of May, after it could not provide proof that it had stopped supporting and har-

6
TRENDS

term, which could be renewed once. The draft constitution will be submitted to a referendum at the end of 2001. pensation. Although the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie -Mouvement de liberation (RCD-ML) was not one of the signatories, it East city of Pweto in the

Rwanda’s Patriotic Army pulls out of the Southern

Democratic Republic of Congo

However, both external and internally-based opposition parties (14 in total) did not take part in the debate on the draft, because they were not part of the first phase dialogue which took place in March. They criticised the draft, claiming it had the potential of creating a totalitarian regime. The opposition parties and National Resistance Council (CNR) submitted a proposal, which focussed on the integration of former CNR combatants into the national army; the creation of a ‘consensual’ transition period; and the formation of a government of national unity. The opposition was given assurance by the government that their amendments and suggestions would be taken into account. commended the other stakeholders’ action. The UN and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) welcomed President Joseph Kabila’s decision to lift the ban on political parties, and applauded the efforts of all actors to achieve peace. Meanwhile, all foreign actors have committed themselves to withdrawing their forces from the DRC. Regional defence and foreign ministers, as well as ambassadors from the UNSC, agreed that the total withdrawal of all foreign forces should be completed by February 2002. Representative of the UNSC mission to the Great Lakes region, Ambassador Jean-David Levitte, announced that the first preparatory session of the Inter-Congolese dialogue would take place in July. During June, the Inter-Congolese facilitator, Sir Ketumile Masire, is expected to send representatives throughout the Congo to select delegates to partake in the dialogue. Burundi’s peace process is yet to transcend some of its challenges. Among them is the need to decide on the leadership of the transition, as well as the ceasefire between the rebels and army. The UN has called on all actors to return to the negotiation table.

EAST AFRICA AND THE GREAT LAKES

The peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) seems to be gaining momentum. On 7 May, the government and opposition armed

  • forces signed
  • a
  • ‘Declaration of Fundamental

Principles’ which is intended to lay the groundwork for an inter-Congolese dialogue which, in turn, is expected to lead the country to a new dis-

7
TRENDS

  • SOUTHERN AFRICA
  • NORTH AFRICA

More than 200,000 march in Algiers to denounce what they describe as the repression of Berber people in

The sub-region is faced with challenges that centre on issues of democracy and good governance. These include electoral politics and the entrenchment of a multi-party democracy. Among the countries that are most affected by these challenges are Zambia and Malawi.
Algeria is yet to resolve the Berber culture and language issue. A rally in central Kabylie on 20

  • April
  • -
  • organised by the Cultural Berber

Movement (MCB) to commemorate the 21st anniversary of the ‘Berber Spring’ - left more than 40 people dead, following a clash with security forces. The rally was also intended to demand official recognition of the Berber culture and language. The rally received support from various institutions, such as the National Federation of the Sons of the Martyrs (FNFC); the Local Coordination of Students (CLE); and the Coordination of Amazigh Scholl (CLA). Berbers make up approximately one third of the overall population in Algeria.

Algeria’s northeastern
Kabyilia region

President Chiluba’s attempt to run for another term was met with strong resistance from civil society and opposition parties, as well as members of his own Movement for Multi-party Democratic (MMD). Although his party’s constitution was changed during a special convention held at the end of April, Chiluba backed down on 12 May and declared that he would not stand for a third term. According to some observers, Chiluba was pressured not to seek another term by Western donors. In Malawi, reported campaigns by the United Democratic Front (UDF) to amend the constitution - in order to let President Bakili Maluzi run for a third term - were also met with protest from the religious arena (the Church of Central African Presbyterian - CCAP, and the Roman Catholic); opposition parties (the Malawi Congress Party - MCP, and the Alliance for Democracy - AFORD); and human rights bodies. They argued that the campaign could cost President Maluzi’s reputation, both locally and further afield.

CONCLUSIONS

While a number of countries in West Africa - particularly along the Mano River - are overshadowed by challenges brought about by conflict, some Central and East African countries are showing positive signs towards dealing with their challenges. Southern Africa, in particular, has to work towards consolidating multi-party democracy and good governance.

8

TRENDS

EASTERN AFRICA

Professor Yash Pal Ghai, facilitator of the Kenya Constitutional Review process, has submitted to parliament the 12 names to be included in an expanded constitution of the Kenya Review Commission. The decision to expand the commission came as a result of a compromise between two previously opposed constitutional reform initiatives led by the parliamentary select committee, which is dominated by lawmakers from the ruling Kenya African National Union (Kanu) and civil society (Ufungamano), respectively. The merging of both initiatives, under the facilitation of renowned constitutional lawyer, Professor Yash Pal Ghai, is seen as an important first step in pushing the constitutional reform process forward. The pending enactment of a bill to entrench the review act in the constitution, as well as the issue of civic education and the delay in the commencement of the review process, have all been subjects that have dominated constitutional reform discussions throughout the country. Professor Ghai is expected to pick 12 names from a list of 20 that was presented to him by individuals and designated nominating bodies. On receiving the names, the clerk of parliament is expected to give them to the House Business Committee for subsequent tabling and endorsement in parliament. On endorsement, the 12 will be appointed and sworn in by the president - hopefully before the end of June. while 20 seats are reserved for special groups, which include the army, youth and disabled. In the capital city of Kampala, 50 candidates are vying for eight seats. One of the candidates is Nasser Ssebaggala, whose candidature for the presidency was annulled by a constitutional provision, which stipulates that candidates must satisfy certain minimum educational qualifications. Only three candidates will make it through to parliament unopposed - one will do so because her opponent arrived 16 minutes late for the nomination. The Uganda constitution provides that candidates may contest for public office on the basis of individual merit, and need not secure party support. However, agitation for a return to multiparty politics continues to dominate political and constitutional debates throughout the country. In Tanzania, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi
(CCM) and the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) appear to be inching towards a compromise, following a stand-off over demands for constitutional change in the country, which resulted in violent clashes between the police and CUF demonstrators during January this year. The clashes precipitated a rapid exodus of predominantly CUF supporters and parliamentarians from the Zanzibar Islands to the Shimoni Coast in Mombasa, Kenya. Under the facilitation of the United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees (UNHCR), more than half the Zanzibari refugees have been repatriated back to their country, with others expected to follow. The Tanzanian govern-
In Uganda, 700 candidates will contest for the
279-seat parliament. Of these, 53 seats are reserved for women through electoral colleges,

9
TRENDS

ment has assured security for the returnees. The January stand-off has its roots in election irregularities, which took place in 16 separate wards on the Zanzibar Islands during the October 2000 general election. Despite a repeat of the polls in November, the CUF has maintained its position that fresh elections must be held. The CUF is widely perceived to have a stronger following on the islands than on the mainland. Although the conflict has manifested itself at a political level, its origin lies with a demand to revisit the Articles of the Union, with a view to restructuring it. Meanwhile, a new movement for constitutional change is lobbying for the inclusion of a provision that would allow independent candidates to vie for public office. The Tanzanian constitution provides that candidates must secure party support before they can contest public elections. The advocates for this particular provision argue that established political parties have not been very consistent in articulating national concerns, and that many have concentrated on narrow - and sometimes - personal interests. They further argue that independent candidates would have more freedom to make their contributions, without being bound by party discipline. Independents, in their view, would therefore serve as an innovative addition to the country’s constitutional development. The recommendation has not received favour with the more established parties, which feel that independents would be able to mount serious challenges - although they would have relatively fewer resources and less organisational capacity, they would still have access to public funds. The debate continues.

Christians in Nigeria continue to resist the implementation of Islamic Sharia Law in the ten northern Nigeria states

WESTERN AFRICA

In Nigeria, conflict of law continues to characterise the political and constitutional climate. In recent months, a total of 10 states in northern Nigeria have adopted the Islamic Law known as Sharia. Christians living in the Borno State are resisting it, claiming they were not consulted about the implementation of the code, and that it is inconsistent with freedom of belief and expression, which are provided for in the federal constitution. The Borno State government has, in recent weeks, banned the sale and consumption of alcohol, and has set out a series of restrictions and regulations in line with the tenets of Islam. Meanwhile, the Nigerian press will soon be free of the restrictions that were enacted under the late Sani Abacha. The speaker of the House of Representatives has mentioned that all sections of the Nigerian constitution which inhibit press freedom, will be repealed before the end of the year. Between 1983 and 1985, General Muhammadu Buhari (who was the military ruler at the time) promulgated Decree Number Four, which empowered him to incarcerate a reporter or his editor if they published any article that indicted those who ruled the country. Senegal is currently trying to redefine the role of political parties within a

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  • The Principle 'One Zambia, One Nation': Fifty Years Later

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    The Principle ‘One Zambia, One Nation’: Fifty Years Later Lyubov Ya. Prokopenko Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow ABSTRACT In the first years of independence, United National Independence Par- ty (UNIP) and President of Zambia Kenneth Kaunda, realizing that Zambia as a young multi-ethnic state can develop only assuming nor- mal relations between its 73 ethnic groups, proclaimed the slogan ‘One Zambia is One People’ as the basic principle of nation-building. The formation of a young nation should also be facilitated by the in- troduction of the principle of regional and ethnic balancing – quotas for various ethnic groups for representation in government bodies. Under the conditions of political pluralism since 1991, power in Zam- bia was transferred peacefully, including after the victory of the oppo- sition in the elections in 2011. Zambia is often called a successful ex- ample of achieving ethno-political consolidation in a multi-ethnic Af- rican state, which can be regarded as a certain success in the for- mation of a national state. The new president Edgar Lungu re-elected in September 2016 declares that the policy of his government and of the PF party will be firmly based on the inviolability of the principle ‘One Zambia – One Nation’. INTRODUCTION On October 23, 2014, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Zam- bia's independence, the national bank issued a commemorative 50 kwacha banknote (for the first time as legal means of payment) which portrays all the presidents of Zambia: Kenneth Kaunda, Freder- ick Chiluba, Levy Mwanawasa, Rupiah Banda and Michael Sata.
  • Joint Statement on the Postponement of the 2019 Elections in Nigeria

    Joint Statement on the Postponement of the 2019 Elections in Nigeria

    Abuja, 16 February 2019 JOINT STATEMENT ON THE POSTPONEMENT OF THE 2019 ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA We, the Heads of the international election observation missions and the United Nations present in Nigeria, have taken note of the decision of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to postpone the 2019 general elections due to logistical and operational challenges. While we note that this decision has caused disappointment for many, we call on all Nigerians to continue to remain calm and supportive of the electoral process as INEC works to implement its new timeline. We urge INEC to use this time to finalise all preparations and ensure that the new election dates are strictly adhered to. We encourage INEC to provide regular updates and information to the public on its preparations in the coming days and weeks to enhance confidence and trust in the process. As we continue to closely observe preparations across the country, we stand in solidarity with the people of Nigeria in their desire for credible and peaceful elections. 1. Economic Community of West African States Election Observation Mission - Her Excellency Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Former President of Liberia 2. African Union Election Observation Mission - His Excellency Hailemariam Desalegn, Former Prime Minister of Ethiopia 3. Commonwealth Observer Group - His Excellency Dr Jakaya Kikwete, Former President of the United Republic of Tanzania 4. Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa Election Observation Mission - His Excellency Rupiah Banda, Former President of Zambia 5. European Union Election Observation Mission - Maria Arena, Belgian Member of the European Parliament 6. National Democratic Institute/International Republican Institute Election Observation Mission - His Excellency Festus Mogae, Former President of Botswana and Her Excellency Vaira Vīķe-Freiberga, Former President of Latvia 7.
  • Annexure 2 Visits to India by Head of State/President

    Annexure 2 Visits to India by Head of State/President

    ANNEXURE 2 VISITS TO INDIA BY HEAD OF STATE/PRESIDENT Dignitary / Country Period of visit 2014 1 King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck of Bhutan 6-10 Jan 2014 2 Ms. Park Geun-hye President of the Republic of Korea 15-18 Jan 2014 3 Dr. Ali Mohamed Shein, President of Zanzibar 1-9 Feb 2014 4 Mr. Joachim Gauck, President of the Federal Republic of Germany 4-9 Feb 2014 5 King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, King of Bahrain 18-20 Feb 2014 6 Mr. David Johnston, Governor General of Canada 22 Feb – 2 March 2014 7 Mr. Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, President of Maldives 26 May 2014 8 Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa, President of Sri Lanka 26 May 2014 9 Mr. Xi Jinping, President of China 17-19 Sept 2014 10 Mr. Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda 5 Nov 2014 11 Mr. Vladimir Putin, President of Russia 10-11 Dec 2014 12 Mr. Md. Abdul Hamid, President of Bangladesh 18-23 Dec 2014 2015 13 Mr. Barack H. Obama, President of the United States of America 25-27 Jan 2015 14 Mr. Tony Tan Keng Yam, President of Singapore 8-11 Feb 2015 15 Mr. Maithripala Sirisena, President of Sri Lanka 15-18 Feb 2015 16 Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, Amir of Qatar 24-25 Mar 2015 17 Mr. Ashraf Ghani, President of Afghanistan 27-29 April 2015 18 Mr. Jakaya Kikwete, President of Tanzania 17-21 June 2015 19 Mr. Filipe Jacinto Nyusi, President of Mozambique 4-8 Aug 2015 20 Mr. Baron Divavesi Waqa, President of Nauru 21 Aug 2015 21 King Mswati III of Eswatini 26-29 Oct 2015 22 Mr.
  • Political Salience of Cultural Difference: Why Chewas and Tumbukas Are Allies in Zambia and Adversaries in Malawi DANIEL N

    Political Salience of Cultural Difference: Why Chewas and Tumbukas Are Allies in Zambia and Adversaries in Malawi DANIEL N

    American Political Science Review Vol. 98, No. 4 November 2004 The Political Salience of Cultural Difference: Why Chewas and Tumbukas Are Allies in Zambia and Adversaries in Malawi DANIEL N. POSNER University of California, Los Angeles his paper explores the conditions under which cultural cleavages become politically salient. It does so by taking advantage of the natural experiment afforded by the division of the Chewa T and Tumbuka peoples by the border between Zambia and Malawi. I document that, while the objective cultural differences between Chewas and Tumbukas on both sides of the border are identical, the political salience of the division between these communities is altogether different. I argue that this difference stems from the different sizes of the Chewa and Tumbuka communities in each country relative to each country’s national political arena. In Malawi, Chewas and Tumbukas are each large groups vis- a-vis` the country as a whole and, thus, serve as viable bases for political coalition-building. In Zambia, Chewas and Tumbukas are small relative to the country as a whole and, thus, not useful to mobilize as bases of political support. The analysis suggests that the political salience of a cultural cleavage depends not on the nature of the cleavage itself (since it is identical in both countries) but on the sizes of the groups it defines and whether or not they will be useful vehicles for political competition. ultural differences are claimed to be at the Why do some cultural differences matter for politics root of many of the world’s conflicts, both and others not? Cwithin states (Gurr 2000; Horowitz 1985, 2001; To pose this question is not, of course, to deny that Lake and Rothchild 1998) and among them political differences sometimes do follow cultural lines.
  • One Zambia, One Nation,Kenneth Kaunda

    One Zambia, One Nation,Kenneth Kaunda

    Zambia and Its Suitors By Gado Published by the good folks at The Elephant. The Elephant is a platform for engaging citizens to reflect, re-member and re-envision their society by interrogating the past, the present, to fashion a future. Follow us on Twitter. Zambia and Its Suitors By Gado Zambia’s presidential election was expected to be a tight two-horse race between President Edgar Lungu and perennial opposition candidate Hakainde Hichilema. But early results suggest something very different. With 62 constituencies officially declared by the Electoral Commission of Zambia, Hichilema is on 63% of the vote with a vast lead of 28% over Lungu, who is trailing on 34.6%. Economic desperation and growing distrust of President Lungu has led to a nationwide swing towards Hichilema’s United Party of National Development – which has increased its vote share in all the vast majority constituencies released so far. Amid growing desperation within the ruling party, President Lungu has taken inspiration from an unlikely source – former US President Donald Trump. Despite enjoying all of the vast powers of incumbency that mean that presidents in Africa win 88% of the elections they contest, Lungu and his lieutenants are complaining that the elections were rigged against them. In a statement released on Saturday 14 August, Lungu went so far as to say that the presidential election was “unfree and unfair” and should therefore be nullified. President Lungu’s statement of 14th August 2021 This is not a strategy that has been cooked up overnight – anticipating a tough election, the government has been laying the foundation for this strategy for weeks.