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Book Section: Watson, (2011) Arabic dialects (general article). In: Weninger, S, Khan, , Streck, and Watson, JCE, (eds.) The Semitic : An international handbook. Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft / Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science (HSK) . Walter de Gruyter , Berlin , pp. 851-896. ISBN 978-3-11-025158-6

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278 McLoughlin, . 279280 1972 Towards a definition of . Archivum Linguisticum (new series) 281 3, 57Ϫ73. 282 Monteil, . 283284 1960 L’arabe moderne (Etudes arabes et islamiques 4). Paris: Klinksieck. 285 Parkinson, . 286287 1991 Searching for modern fushâ: Real-life formal Arabic. Al-Arabiyya 24, 31Ϫ64. 288 Ryding, . 289290 2005a A Reference of Modern Standard Arabic. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- 291 sity Press. 292 Ryding, K. 293294 2005b Educated Arabic. Encyclopedia of Arabic and Linguistics, Vol. 1 (Leiden: 295 Brill) 666Ϫ671. 296 Ryding, K. 297298 2006 Teaching Arabic in the United States. In: K. Wahba, Z. Taha and . England (eds.). A 299 Handbook for Arabic Language Teaching Professionals in the 21st Century (Mahwah, 300 New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates) 13Ϫ20. 301 Wahba, K. 302303 2006 Arabic language use and the educated language user. In: K. Wahba, Z. Taha and E. 304 England (eds.). A Handbook for Arabic Language Teaching Professionals in the 305 21st Century (Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates) 139Ϫ156.

306 Karin . Ryding, Georgetown (USA)

2 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 3 4 1. Introduction 5 2. Geographical areas 6 3. Documentation of Arabic dialects 7 4. Comparative studies of linguistic issues 8 5. Introductions to modern Arabic dialects 9 6. Arabic before the spread of 10 7. The relationship between ancient Arabic and modern Arabic dialects 11 8. Features of modern Arabic dialects as universal tendencies 12 9. Features of modern Arabic dialects as grammaticalisation 13 10. Evidence for a polygenetic explanation 14 11. The classification of Arabic dialects 15 12 The linguistic typology of Arabic dialects 16 13. Conclusion 17 14. References

18 Abstract

19 This article sketches the historical documentation of Arabic dialects within the different 201 regions. It considers the relationship between ancient and modern Arabic and examines 842 VI. The and Dialects IV: Languages of the 3 12 4 features of modern Arabic dialects as universal tendencies and as the outcome of gram- 21 maticalisation. From the evidence it argues for a polygenetic explanation of the develop- 22 ment of modern Arabic dialects. The article then considers different classifications of 23 Arabic dialects and finally presents the linguistic typology of Arabic dialects in terms of 24 phonological, morphological and syntactic features. 25

1. Introduction 26

Arabic is the of eighteen sovereign states stretching from 27 in the west to in the east. It is also spoken in parts of southern , by the 28 Maronite Christian community in northern , and, to the south, in parts of sub- 29 saharan . Further east, Arabic language enclaves are still found in the Balkh 30 region of Afghanistan, parts of , including Khurasan in the east and Khuzistan in 31 the south, and Uzbekistan. Political and economic conditions in many Arab states, as 32 well as a need for migrant labour at various times in western countries, have resulted in 33 permanent emigration over the decades, such that there are now large Arabic-speaking 34 migrant communities in parts of the United States, Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, 35 , in particular. Estimates suggest a figure of around 250 million speakers of 36 Arabic today. In terms of numbers of speakers and geographical spread, Arabic is one 37 of the most important languages in the world. These reasons combined with the degree 38 of synchronic and diachronic variation attested in the Arabic dialects makes Arabic 39 the most important Semitic language today. As Jastrow (2002) says, for the student of 40 Semitic, Arabic dialects constitute a living language museum, with almost every type 41 of diachronic development attested in Semitic languages found in one or more dialects 42 of Arabic. 43 Historically Arabic dialects have developed and diverged as a partial result of two 44 types of movement: a gradual and at times spontaneous sociological movement in 45 terms of lifestyle, resulting in an historical shift from tribal/semi-nomadic society to a 46 settled society with, in many areas, ethnic plurality (Eksell 1995); and small- and large- 47 scale population movements both within and without the Peninsula, effectively since 48 the beginning of time. People from different tribes and sub-tribes were, and continue 49 to be, brought together by religious pilgrimages, trade caravans, the need for new 50 pastures, weekly markets, alliances and, until today, migratory work. This movement 51 has also, as we can see from published lists of non-Arabic loan words (e.g. Prokosch 52 1983a, 1983b), brought Arabic speakers into linguistic contact with many other langua- 53 ges. With few, if any, exceptions, Arabic dialects, therefore, have never been in a state 54 of total isolation. 55

2. Geographical areas 56

Adapting Jastrow’s (2002) geographical classifications, the areas in which Arabic is 57 spoken can be divided up into three zones. Zone I is the area where Arabic was spoken 58 before the rise of Islam Ϫ the Peninsula, but, following Behnstedt/Woidich (2005) and 59 1 Holes (2004), excluding the southern regions where South Arabian was spoken; zone 60 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 843

61 II is the vast expanse of territory into which Arabic moved as a result of the Islamic 62 conquests Ϫ the southern areas of the Peninsula, the , , , 63 Iraq, parts of Iran; and zone III is the geographical peripheries Ϫ linguistic enclaves 64 or Sprachinseln situated outside the continuous Arabic language area. Zone II can be 65 further divided into those areas affected by the first waves of the Islamic conquests Ϫ 66 the urban areas Ϫ and those affected by later waves of , which served to 67 arabise the rural areas and the . 68 The dialects spoken in the Arabian Peninsula are by far the most archaic. The depth 69 of their history can only be guessed. The archaic nature of these dialects can be attrib- 70 uted to the shift in the political and administrative centre of gravity following the 71 Islamic conquests to the new Islamic territories (Jastrow 2002, 348). Isolated from 72 the innovations caused elsewhere by population movement and contact, their ancient 73 features were mostly preserved and innovations which did take place often proceeded 74 isolation from surrounding areas. The zone II and III dialects both have an 75 establishable history. The main academic interest of the zone II dialects, Jastrow’s ‘co- 76 lonial Arabic’, lies in their shared and non-shared innovations. The geographical - 77 ripheries of zone III are of two types Ϫ the first includes areas conquered relatively 78 early on during the expansion of the Islamic empire from which later retreated, 79 leaving behind isolated Sprachinseln. This has left isolated Arabic-speaking communi- 80 ties in present-day Iran, Uzbekistan, Central , Khuzistan, Khurasan and Af- 81 ghanistan, and languages which have developed separately from mainstream Arabic 82 dialects in and Cyprus. In , Arabic died out altogether, leaving rich 83 historical documentation of a once-vibrant language. The second type of geographical 84 periphery includes areas which were influenced at a later stage by Arabic, principally 85 through trade contacts and in some cases through conquest. This activity resulted in 86 new outreach Arabic-speaking communities, particularly in sub-saharan Africa Ϫ 87 , . Due to the nature by which Arabic came to sub-saharan Africa and 88 due to the language situation in the region, Arabic came to be used principally as a 89 trading lingua-franca and as one language among many in a polyglottal society.

90 3. The documentation of Arabic dialects

91 3.1. The Levant

92 Most documentation has been done on dialects of zone II, with the Levant particularly 93 well served over the years. Early researchers covered the ground fairly evenly, and 94 included the first atlas of Arabic dialects, Bergsträsser’s Sprachatlas von Syrien und 95 Palästina (1915), the dictionary by Barthélemy Dictionaire arabe-français (1939 Ϫ 96 1955), Bauer’s Das palästinische Arabisch (1910), and work by Cantineau, Le dialecte 97 arabe de Palmyre (2 volumes, 1934) and Les parlers arabes du Ḥōrān (2 volumes, 1940, 98 1946). Work on Damascene Arabic was initiated by Wehr, whose recordings were later 99 published by Bloch/Grotzfeld (1964), followed by two by Grotzfeld (1964, 100 1965), and a by Bloch (1965). In 1964, Cowell published a comprehensive gram- 101 mar of Damascene Arabic, including some of the first detailed syntactic analyses of an 1021 Arabic dialect. This was followed by a descriptive grammar by Ambros (1977). In more 844 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 recent times, work on other Syrian dialects has been conducted by Arnold (1998) on 103 Antiochia, Behnstedt, with studies of , Soukhne (1994) and his monumental 104 dialect atlas of the Syrian dialects, Sprachatlas von Syrien (1997Ϫ2000), and Gralla 105 (2006). Since the latter half of the twentieth century, the dialects of and Pales- 106 tinian have been researched by Blanc (1953, 1970), Palva (e.g. 1970, 1984, 1992), Piam- 107 enta (1966), Bani Yasin and Owens (1984), Seeger (2009), Rosenhouse (e.g. 1984), 108 Levin (1994), Durand (1996) and Shahin (2000). The most significant descriptive and 109 typological work on was accomplished by Henri Fleisch (1974), who 110 categorised the into four dialect areas Ϫ north, central north, south and 111 central south. Five monographs exist on the dialects Ϫ Féghali (1919) on Kfar ‘Abīda, 112 Jiha (1964) on Bišmizzīn, -Hajjé (1954) on , Abu-Haidar (1979) on the dialect 113 of Baskinta, and Naïm-Sanbar (1985a) on the dialect of ‘Ayn al-Muraysa. Other studies 114 include Féghali (1928), Naïm-Sanbar (1985b) and Kallas (1995). Some teaching gram- 115 mars of Lebanese exist, but, most probably as a direct result of the sixteen-year long 116 civil war (1975Ϫ1990), less work has been done on Lebanese in recent years than on 117 the Palestinian/Jordanian/Syrian dialects. 118

3.2. Egypt and 119

Egypt was less evenly covered in the early days (cf. Harrell 1962a). Until Woidich and 120 then Behnstedt/Woidich’s work dating from the 1970s, was considered 121 synonymous with Cairene Arabic, with publications such as that of Spitta-Bey in 1880 122 and Vollers (1896). Their work, which culminated in the six volumes of Die ägyptisch- 123 arabischen Dialekte (Behnstedt/Woidich 1985Ϫ1999) and covered the , the 124 valley and the oases, revealed a rich and variegated dialect landscape. In addition to 125 Woidich’s magnus opus, Das Kairenisch-Arabische: Grammatik (2006a), the pair have 126 also published articles individually: Behnstedt on the dialect of (1980), and 127 Woidich (e.g. 1974, 1989, 1993, 1995) on many aspects of Cairene and other Egyptian, 128 particularly oasis, dialects. In 2007, Drop/Woidich published a comprehensive grammar 129 of the oasis dialect of il-Baḥariyya. Since the second half of the twentieth century, work 130 by other scholars has included Harrell (1957) on the of (mainly) Cairene 131 Arabic, Khalafallah (1969) and Nishio (1994) on dialects of , de Jong on 132 Fayyūm (de Jong 1996) and, in particular, on Bedouin dialects of the northern Sinai 133 (de Jong 1995, 2000), an area which had been under- or unresearched earlier due to 134 the sensitive political nature of the area. Several sociolinguistic works, mainly on Cair- 135 ene, have also been conducted by Haeri (1996), Miller (2005), and others. Cairene has 136 also been the subject of a number of generative grammatical studies, including the 137 syntax by Wise (1975) and the phonology by Broselow (1976). 138 Early work on includes sketches by Worsley (1925), Trimingham 139 (1946), and Hillelson (1935). Reichmuth (1983) produced a grammar of the Šukriyya, 140 including one of the first reliable studies of the intonation of an Arabic dialect. Abu 141 Manga/Miller (1992) have conducted sociolinguistic studies in Sudan, and Bergman 142 produced a grammar of Sudanese Arabic in 2002. Working with a Sudanese informant 143 in exile, Dickins most recently published a study on the phonematics of Central Suda- 144 nese (2007). Among others (e.g. Tosco 1995), Miller (1983, 2002, 2007) has produced 145 1 several articles on the Sudanese Arabic-based , , spoken in the Equa- 146 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 845

147 torial province of southern Sudan. Further fieldwork in Sudan since the late 1980s has 148 been hindered practically and morally unworkable by the political and economic situa- 149 tion.

150 3.3.

151 The language situation in Iraq was almost unknown before Blanc’s publication on the 152 Communal dialects of in 1964, in which described the three main dialects 153 of , and and outlined the Mesopotamian dialect area with its 154 primary bifurcation into mainly non-Muslim qәltu and Muslim gәlәt dialects. Other 155 publications on Baghdadi dialects include Malaika (1963) on the Muslim dialect, Man- 156 sour (1991) on the Jewish dialect, and Abu-Haidar on the Christian dialect (1991). 157 Jastrow’s extensive publications on the Anatolian qәltu dialects (1973, 1978, 1979, 1981, 158 2003), the Jewish dialects of Arbil and ‘Aqra in northern Iraq (1990) and the Jewish 159 and Muslim varieties of Arabic (1979), together with recent work by Wittrich 160 (2001) on the dialect of Āzәx, and Abu-Haidar on Rabīʕa (2004) have ensured a far 161 better coverage of the minority dialects of Iraq than of the majority Muslim dialects. 162 The areas Jastrow (2002, 351) lists as still awaiting detailed dialectological research, 163 doubtless of enormous scientific worth, will now have to wait as the country continues 164 at the time of writing to be embroiled in a US-inspired civil war of catastrophic propor- 165 tions.

166 3.4. North Africa

167 Research on the coastal dialects of North Africa and Andalusian began relatively 168 early. These countries were easy to travel to, particularly the coastal regions Ϫ neither 169 too far in terms of distance nor, as French colonies, administratively opaque. The very 170 earliest works by Pedro de Alcalá (republished in 1928) on the dialect of Granada go 171 back to the early sixteenth century. Works completed in the late-nineteenth, early- 172 twentieth centuries include those by Kampffmeyer (1903, 1905, 1909, 1913) on Moroc- 173 can and Algerian, Marçais on (1902) and (1911), Cohen on Jewish 174 (1912) and Stumme on (1896). Around the middle of the twentieth cen- 175 tury fieldwork in North Africa received new momentum and resulted in publications 176 by a number of, again mainly French, scholars, including Brunet (1931, 1952), Boris 177 (1958), P. Marçais (1956), Pérès (1958) on Algerian, Harrell (1962b, 1966) on Moroc- 178 can, Cohen (1964Ϫ1975) on Jewish Tunisian, Singer (1958) on Tunisian, and 179 Grand’henry (1972, 1976) on Algerian. More recent work on in- 180 cludes publications by Heath (1987, 2002), Caubet (1993, 2000), Vicente (2000), Behn- 181 stedt/Benabbou (2002) and Behnstedt (2004, 2005). Recent publications on Algerian 182 Arabic include those by Boucherit (2002) and Souag (2005). Recent work on Libyan 183 Arabic includes Owens (1984) on eastern Libyan, Abumdas (1985) on 184 phonology, Pereira (2001, 2003) on Tripoli, and Yoda (2005) on the Jewish dialect of 185 Tripoli. Recent publications on Tunisian include Talmoudi (1980), Singer (1980, 1984), 1861 and Behnstedt (1998) on the communal dialects of Djerba. The dialect of Ḥassāniyya 846 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 spoken in Mauritania and , with its historical links to southern , may prove 187 to be one of the most interesting dialect groups; in recent years we have been fortunate 188 to have publications by Cohen (1963), Taine-Cheikh (1988, 2003), including, in the case 189 of the latter, a multi-volume dictionary, and Heath (2003, 2004), in addition to socio- 190 and ethnolinguistic work by Tauzin (1993). To this section must also be mentioned the 191 important work by Corriente, in particular, on the no longer extant 192 (1977, 1989, 2006). 193

3.5. The Arabian Peninsula 194

The Arabian Peninsula has for various political, social and administrative reasons held 195 on to its secrets for far longer than dialects spoken around the Mediterranean. Few 196 significant publications appear to have been produced until the second half of the 197 twentieth century, and even now large areas of the Peninsula remain unknown. 198 The most important works on Saudi Arabian dialects include Schreiber’s description 199 of Mekkan (1971), linguistic descriptions by Johnstone (1967), Sieny (1978), Abboud 200 (1979), Ingham (1982, 1994, 2008), sketches by Prochazka (1988a, 1990, 1991) together 201 with his country-wide survey (Prochazka 1988b), and works on the oral narrative by 202 Sowayan (1992) and the most impressive five-volume work of Kurpershoek (1994Ϫ 203 2005). In recent years, native speaker researchers have begun to conduct work on the 204 dialects of ‘Asīr (Al-Azraqi 1998, Asiri 2007). 205 European research on Yemeni dialects began in the south in the late nineteenth 206 century with Landberg (1901, 1905Ϫ1913). Since then the most significant publications 207 have included Rossi on the dialect of Sanʕā’ and his sketches of rural dialects (1938, 208 1939, 1940), Goitein (1934), the sketch of Yemeni dialects by Diem (1973), from the 209 1980s until the 2000s the dialect atlases, dialect sketches and glossaries of Behnstedt 210 (e.g. 1985, 1987a, 1987b, 1991, 2006), the syntax of Sanʕāni by Watson (1993), the 211 grammar of Sanʕāni by Naïm (2009), the grammar of Manāxa by Werbeck (2001), the 212 two-volume dictionary of post-classical by Piamenta (1990Ϫ1991), and 213 the monolingual dictionary by al-Iryani (1996). We also have article-length sketches of 214 various dialects, including al-Gades by Goitein (1960), Jiblah by Jastrow (1986), Zabid 215 by Prochazka (1987), Dhālaʕ and Yāfiʕ by Vanhove (e.g. 1993, 2004), Ġaylḥabbān by 216 Habtour (1988), word in Sanʕāni by Naïm-Sanbar (1994), Baradduni by Bettini 217 (1985, 1986), Ibb by Watson (2007b), the Tihāma dialect area by Greenman (1979) and 218 Simeone-Senelle et al (1994), and dialects of the Ḥaḍramawt by Al-Saqqaf (e.g. 2006). 219 The earliest publications on Omani dialects include Reinhardt (1894) and the very 220 sketchy description by Jayakar (1889). In recent years, work has been conducted on 221 various dialects by Brockett (1985), Holes (1989, 1996, 1998), Glover (1988) and Ka- 222 plan (2006). The Gulf dialects, particularly those of Bahrayn and , but also Abu 223 Dhabi, have been treated by Johnstone (1967), Ingham (1982), Procházka (1981), Al- 224 Tajir (1982), Al-Rawi (1990) and Holes (1987, 2001, 2004, 2005). 225

3.6. Dialect enclaves and sub-saharan Africa 226

Studies on dialect enclaves have been conducted on Uzbekistan, principally by the 227 1 Russians Vinnikov (1962, 1969) and Tsereteli (1956), also by Fischer (1961) and Jastrow 228 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 847

229 (1995, 1998, 2005), Khurasan (Seeger 2002), Khuzistan (Ingham 1973, 1976, 1991), and 230 on the dialect of the Maronite community in Cyprus (Borg 1985, 2004). The Arabic 231 dialects of south-east Turkey were studied by Sasse (1971) and, more recently, Pro- 232 cházka (2002). Studies on the relatively recent Arabic dialects in sub-saharan Africa 233 include, in particular, work on Nigeria by Lethem (1920), Kaye (1982Ϫ1986) and Ow- 234 ens (1985, 1993a, 1993b, 1998), and Chad by Hagège (1973), Kaye (1976), Roth (1969Ϫ 235 72, 1979), Owens (1985), Zeltner/Tourneau (1986) and Jullien de Pommerol (1990, 236 1999). 237 In addition to the works mentioned above, there are, of course, the many dialect 238 sketches in the Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics (2006Ϫ2009).

239 4. Comparative studies of linguistic issues

240 A number of comparative studies of single linguistic issues within Arabic dialects have 241 been conducted. These include the -length studies by Fischer (1959) on the de- 242 monstratives, Janssens (1972) on word stress, Eksell Harning (1980) on the analytic 243 genitive, Retsö (1983) on the passive, Procházka (1993) on prepositions, Mörth (1997) 244 on the cardinal numbers from one to ten, Cuvalay-Haak (1997) on the , Dahlgren 245 (1998) on , and Brustad (2000) on aspects of the syntax of four dialect areas. 246 The comparative studies include a number of articles dealing with phonological issues, 247 including reflexes of * and the old interdentals (Taine-Cheikh 1998), and reflexes of 248 * /*ḍ (Al-Wer 2004); particles and grammaticalisation, including Taine-Cheikh 249 (2004a) and Versteegh (2004) on different interrogatives, and Taine-Cheikh (2004b) on 250 future particles; the active (Caubet 1991); and the behaviour of relative 251 clauses and genitive constructions (Retsö 2004). Areas that have attracted considerable 252 interest from phoneticians and generative phonologists as well as from dialectologists 253 include phonological emphasis in terms of both its phonetic correlates and the domain 254 of emphasis spread (e.g. Jakobson 1957, Ghazeli 1977, Younes 1993, Davis 1995, Bellem 255 2007), the articulatory phonetics of ʕayn (e.g. Heselwood 2007), and syllabification 256 and structure (e.g. Fischer 1969, Selkirk 1981, Broselow 1992, Kiparsky 2003, 257 Watson 2007a). 258 Certain comparative lexical studies have been undertaken, particularly in the dialect 259 atlases of Behnstedt (1985, 1987a, 1997Ϫ2000) and Behnstedt/Woidich (1985Ϫ1999). 260 A comparative study of unmarked feminine was published by Procházka in 261 2004. However a lacuna in the literature is a comprehensive study of the distribution 262 of basic lexical items throughout the Arabic world. This will be filled by the lexical 263 dialect atlas WAD project currently being undertaken by Behnstedt/Woidich in collab- 264 oration with other researchers. With the additional planned uploading of dialect maps 265 onto the Semitic Sound Archive, this project will give researchers an unprecedented 266 means of appreciating links between different dialects and dialect regions.

267 5. Introductions to modern Arabic dialects

268 Introductions to modern Arabic dialects as a whole include the initial chapter of Hand- 2691 buch der arabischen Dialekte edited by Fischer/Jastrow (1980), introductory volumes 848 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 by Durand (1995) and Abboud-Haggar (2003), and a number of articles in handbooks 270 or less widely available publications, including Retsö (1992) and Kaye/Rosenhouse 271 (1997). 272

6. What is distinctive about Arabic? 273

Arabic shares with most other Semitic languages a rich consonantal system beside an 274 impoverished vocalic system, but is distinct from these langages in its relatively large 275 number of established verbal forms, commonly labelled by with the Roman 276 numerals I through to X (including XI in North Africa), quantitative distinction in the 277 , and a set of emphatic coronal which are, in the vast majority of 278 cases (although cf. below) realised as pharyngealised. 279 Apart from much of the language enclaves and the new zone III area, Arabic dia- 280 lects enjoy an at least partially diglossic relationship with the (cf. 281 Boussofara- 2007), a factor which leads to doublets in many dialects, particularly 282 where an original lexeme may be used in an elevated register in one sense and in a 283 household register in another sense. Examples of such doublets include: Bahrayni 284 ʕarab: ğidir ‘cooking pot’ v. gidar ‘he was able’; ytiğaddam ‘he comes forward’ v. yat- 285 qaddam ‘he is making progress’ (Holes 2005, xxix); Najdi cān ‘if’ versus kān ‘it was’ 286 (Ingham 1994). 287

6.1. Arabic before the spread of Islam 288

The position of Arabic within the Arabian Peninsula in the centuries before Islam 289 cannot be totally known. We have evidence from inscriptions that Arabic was used in 290 some register or other in widely separated areas in the Arabian Peninsula in the centu- 291 ries before the rise of Islam: the oldest Arabic inscription known to date is that of ʕgl 292 bin Hfʕm in Qaryat al-Faw written in Sabaic script, which probably dates from the end 293 of the first century BC (Macdonald 2000). Other inscriptions written in mixed Arabic 294 and Nabataean or Dadanite suggest a period of and almost certainly 295 mutual comprehensibility of and Arabic Ϫ the Aramaeo-Arabic inscription 296 in Mleiḥa (Mulayḥa) in today’s shows that was in 297 use in this area at least in the second century AD. Beyond the Peninsula, to the north, 298 east and west, there is evidence of settlement of groups of Arabic speakers, due prima- 299 rily to ecological and economic reasons: parts of had, for considerable time, been 300 the summer grazing area of nomadic Arab tribes Ϫ reference to this seasonal move- 301 ment is made in the Qur’ān, sūra 106:1Ϫ2 ’īlāfihim riḥlata al-šitā’i wa-l-ṣayfi. In other 302 areas, including the Bekaa valley and parts of present-day , large groups of Arabs 303 appear to have settled permanently as early as the sixth century. By the mid-seventh 304 century, large groups of Arabic-speaking tribesmen had settled the western edge of 305 Mesopotamia; within Egypt, along the eastern periphery of the Nile valley and into 306 the deserts in the east and northeast, gradual settlement by disparate Arab tribal ele- 307 ments had been taking place over centuries (Holes 2004). Long before the Islamic 308 1 conquests, there was Arabic contact with Egypt due to movement in search of pastures. 309 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 849

310 Importantly, all these areas Ϫ Mesopotamia, Syria and Egypt Ϫ were polyglottal on the 311 of the Islamic conquests, a factor which would facilitate the introduction of Arabic. 312 Ancient Arabic, as we know from descriptions of the Arab grammarians, was not a 313 single , but had many distinct dialects (Sibawayhi 1982, Rabin 1951, Cadora 314 1992). This is not disputed. What is disputed, however, is the origin of the modern 315 Arabic dialects. Do all modern Arabic dialects share a single unified ancestor, or do 316 they have many different, but related, ancestors? And if they share a single ancestor, 317 how is this ancestor related to or to the ʕarabiyya, and are these latter 318 one and the same language? Versteegh (1984) saw the ancient written and spoken 319 language as essentially the same and as the origin of all modern dialects, saying: ‘In 320 my view, the only reasonable conclusion to be drawn on the basis of the evidence of 321 grammatical literature is that, essentially, the colloquial and the of 322 the Arab tribes, both before the conquest and for a long time afterward, were identical’ 323 (Versteegh 1984, 3). 324 However, the majority of researchers today do not believe that ancient literary and 325 colloquial Arabic was a single, unified language. The Arab grammarians made refer- 326 ence to the spoken language, and in doing so pointed out salient linguistic differences 327 between the tribes and tribal groups, some of which were regarded as acceptable or 328 neutral, others of which were frowned upon. The fact that they were able to make 329 value judgements that were accepted by other grammarians suggests movement to- 330 wards a literary koine. Dialect phenomena were given names, such as fanfanah, kaška- 331 šah, taltalah, and fajfajah (Rabin 1951) Ϫ today’s derogatory reference to Yemenis 332 south of the Sumārah pass as luġluġī by northern speakers because of the former’s 333 tendency to pronounce qāf as [q] is reminiscent of the ancient labels. Some of the 334 ancient dialect features are preserved in the Qur’ān and the Ḥadīṯ Ϫ e.g. kaškašah Ϫ 335 the Prophet himself is famously recorded as saying the following, using the m-definite 336 article from Tihāmah: laysa min am-birri m-ṣiyām fi m-safar ‘it is not pious to fast 337 while travelling’ (cf. Greenman 1979).

338 7. The relationship between ancient Arabic and the modern 339 dialects

340 Over the years, the relationship between the ancient and the modern dialects has been 341 essentially viewed in four opposing ways: the dialects of today are considered to be 342 either the descendants of the ancient Arabic described by the Arab grammarians, or 343 descendants of a which already existed in the western cities of Mekka 344 and before Islam (Vollers 1906; Holes 2004), or the descendants of a post- 345 Islamic koinised language which already possessed many features of modern Arabic 346 dialects (Fück 1950, Ferguson 1959), or separate descendants of many different dialects 347 (Edzard 1998). Corriente (1975, 1976), on the basis of examining the native grammari- 348 ans’ sources, postulates a central region with tribes speaking ancient Arabic dialects 349 and border regions Ϫ Northern Ḥijāz, Syria and Lower Mesopotamic Ϫ where dialects 350 of a modern Arabic type developed through the gradual disuse of functionally low- 351 yielding devices. This modern variety then spread through drift to Yemen, Ḥijāz and 3521 Tihāmah. What many saw to be the relatively unified nature of Arabic dialects, how- 850 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 ever, probably due to the focus at that time on the colonial zone II dialects around the 353 Mediterranean, lead to arguments in favour of a monogenetic origin at some stage (cf. 354 Fischer 1995). Fück (1950) believed that the modern dialects developed in the military 355 camps through the smoothing away of dialect-specific features from the ancient dia- 356 lects. For him, this resulted, most particularly, in the loss of the case system and the 357 erasure of mood differences in the verb. Ferguson (1959) saw the ancient language as 358 comprising different dialects and attributed what he saw as the unified nature of all 359 modern dialects to the koinisation supposed to have originated in the military settle- 360 ments of Egypt and Syria. He was the first to specifically enumerate features which 361 distinguished all modern dialects from Classical Arabic. The fifteen linguistic features 362 which he claimed to be present in all modern dialects, but absent in the language of 363 the poets and the Qur’an are: 364 (1) the loss of the dual in the and the pronouns 365366 (2) the sound shift a > i in prefixes (taltalah) 367368 (3) the merger of IIIw and IIIy verbs 369370 (4) the analogous treatment of the geminate verbs, which made them indistinguish- 371372 able 373 (5) from form II of the IIIw/ verbs 374375 (6) the use of li- affixed to verbs for indirect objects 376377 (7) the loss of polarity in the cardinal numbers 13Ϫ19 378379 (8) the velarisation of /t/ in the cardinal numbers 13Ϫ19 380381 (9) the disappearance of the feminine elative fuflā’ 382383 (10) the adjective fufāl < fifāl 384385 (11) the suffix for denominal adjectives () -ī < -iyy 386387 (12) the use of the verb ğāb < ğā’a bi- ‘to bring’ 388389 (13) the use of the verb šāf instead of ra’ā ‘to see’ 390391 (14) the use of the indeclinable relative marker illī 392393 (15) the merger of /ḍ/ and // 394395 Between them, Cohen (1970), who rejected the monogenetic explanation of the origin 396 of the dialects, and Versteegh (1984), who controversially did not, propose a further 397 twenty features. Versteegh’s hypothesis is founded on a belief that the modern dialects 398 are descended from one uniform linguistic entity Ϫ not Ferguson’s military koine, as 399 we saw above, but ‘the essentially uniform language of the Jāhiliyya’ Ϫ through a 400 complex process of pidginisation, followed by creolisation and then de-creolisation 401 (Versteegh 1984, 6). The additional features Ϫ 16Ϫ22 from Cohen, and 23Ϫ35 from 402 Versteegh Ϫ are given as listed in Versteegh (1984, 20Ϫ21). 403 (16) the realisation of the interdental spirants 404405 (17) the partial or complete disappearance of -- in the pronominal suffix of the 3rd 406407 person masc. after 408 (18) the loss of the gender distinction in the plural of pronouns and verbs 409410 (19) the quadrilateral plural patterns ffālil instead of (a)fālīl 411412 (20) the diminutive pattern f(u)fayyal 413414 (21) the use of a verbal particle with the imperfect verb to indicate present durative 415416 (22) the use of an analytical possessive construction 417418 (23) the loss of the 419420 1 (24) the reduction of short vowels in open 421422 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 851

423424 (25) the reduction of the opposition /i/Ϫ/u/ 425426 (26) the of the feminine endings -at, -ā,-ā’ > a 427428 (27) the disappearance of the internal passive 429430 (28) the assimilation of the verbal patterns fafula and fafila 431432 (29) the tendency to re-analyse biradical nouns as triradical nouns 433434 (30) the loss of the IVth measure 435436 (31) the agreement in number between subject and verbal predicate 437438 (32) the nominal periphrasis of interrogative adverbs 439440 (33) the word order SVO in place of VSO 441442 (34) the use of serial verbs 443444 (35) the tendency to use asyndetic constructions for expressions with modal meaning, 445 such as lāzim ‘must’. 446 In the years following, however, these features have been shown to be at best tenden- 447 cies in Arabic dialects, since the more dialect data becomes available the more we find 448 these features are not universally shared and the more difficult it becomes to define 449 an entity called modern Arabic colloquial which contrasts wholly with ancient Arabic 450 (Diem 1991, Behnstedt/Woidich 2005). From the above list, Behnstedt/Woidich (2005, 451 11Ϫ20) examine six phonological features, seven morphological features, three syntac- 452 tic features, the apparent analytic tendency of modern dialects (cf. Holes 2004) and 453 lexical features. They demonstrate both that at least some dialects fail to exhibit many 454 of these supposed modern Arabic dialect features and that some of these features may 455 have already existed in one or more variety of ancient Arabic, and hence cannot be 456 described as exclusively modern Arabic dialect features. To Behnstedt/Woidich’s list, 457 we now know that point 13, the invariable , is not found overall in the 458 . Recent research by Asiri (2007, 2009) and earlier observations by Pro- 459 chazka (1988b) point to the use of a gender/number variable relative pronoun in parts 460 of south-western ‘Asīr. Thus, in Rijāl Alma’, the relative pronoun following a masculine 461 singular head is ḏā, following a feminine singular head noun tā, following a hu- 462 man plural head noun wulā and following an inanimate plural head noun mā (Asiri 463 2007, 2009), as in: 466464465 antah rayta m-walad ṯā šarad ‘have you seen the boy who ran away?’ 469467468 gābalt im-brat tā lisa yasma‘ ‘I met the girl who can’t hear’ 472470471 gābalt im-‘uwāl wulā sarag/u m-maḥall ‘I met the boys who stole from the 473 shop’ 474475476 im-maḥāll mā bana/ha ‘the houses that he built’ 477 Increasing numbers of researchers suggest a comparison between Classical Arabic and 478 the modern Arabic dialects to be intrinsically flawed, due to the fact that Classical 479 Arabic almost certainly never reflected the linguistic system of the ancient dialects 480 (Eksell 1995, Owens 2006, cf. already Vollers 1906). The difference between the mod- 481 ern dialects and Classical Arabic is not only one of time, but also one of register Ϫ the 482 dialects reflect only the spoken language, Classical Arabic essentially only the written 483 language (Eksell 1995). Eksell argues that there is no evidence in the sources for the 484 development of Arabic dialects for either a koine or a pidgin form (Eksell 1995, 64). 485 In some cases, features which apparently occur in all modern dialects may well have 486 never existed in the spoken ancient dialects, or may have already become functionless 4871 due to redundancy. Fischer (1995) examines one feature Ϫ the dual in pronouns and 852 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 verbal , the absence of which distinguishes all modern dialects from Classical 488 Arabic. He argues, however, that it may never have existed at all in the ancient Arabic 489 dialects. In verbs and pronouns, the Classical Arabic dual clearly shows a secondary 490 character Ϫ in the third person verbal forms, the -ā dual ending is attached to the 491 singular form (as in katabā ‘they m.dual wrote’ and katabatā ‘they f.dual wrote’) while 492 in the independent pronouns and the second person verbal forms the -ā ending is 493 suffixed to the plural forms (as in humā ‘they dual’, katabtumā ‘you dual wrote’ and 494 antumā ‘you m.dual’) (Fischer 1995, 83). This makes the dual appear to be very much 495 a secondary feature. Fischer assumes that the dual endings in pronominal forms were 496 never actually heard, but rather restricted to ‘der Herausbildung einer gehobenen 497 Sprachebene’ (Fischer 1995, 83). Should Fischer’s hypothesis be correct, we could no 498 longer say that the modern Arabic dialects lost the dual, but rather that the spoken 499 ancient Arabic dialects never possessed it. 500 Some linguistic changes appear to have been already well underway before the 501 main Islamic conquests. Corriente (1975, 53; 1976, 95) argues, on the basis of evidence 502 from Sībawayhi (vol 1/201), Kitāb al-Aġānī, the Qur’ān and poetry, that agreement of 503 the verb in number with the subject in all positions, as exemplied by akalūnī l-baraġīṯ, 504 apparently exceptionless in modern dialects was already common in pre-Islamic times 505 among the Bedouin and in other types of ancient Arabic. Corriente (1978) and Brown 506 (2007) show that ḍād andøā’ were already in free variation in pre-Islamic times. Diem 507 (1991) addresses the absence of case and mood distinctions and the absence of final 508 vowels or endings in the modern dialects. He argues that it was not, as 509 traditionally supposed (cf. Fück 1950), the loss of final vowels that lead to the loss of 510 case and mood distinctions, but rather the increasing redundancy of the case system 511 which lead to syntactic change and then to phonetic loss. Papyri dating back to the 512 first half of the first century AH already show an absence of case, indicating that loss of 513 the case system was well advanced before the Islamic conquests, and was thus already a 514 feature of pre-modern Arabic. The choice of the oblique form for the sound masculine 515 plural and dual in, apparently, all dialects can be explained by the fact that the accusa- 516 tive/genitive is far more common than the nominative. Where linguistic forms are gen- 517 eralised, the generalised form is predicted to be that most commonly heard Ϫ in this 518 case, the oblique form. 519

8. Features of modern Arabic dialects as universal tendencies 520

Many of the tendencies listed above, including those which appear to unify the Arabic 521 dialects, can be attributed either to language universal tendencies or to predictable 522 phonological processes. The loss of interdentals found in many, but not all, zone II 523 dialects is not peculiar to Arabic Ϫ interdentals are rare in the languages of the world 524 (Maddieson 1984) and often tend to be shifted to dental stops, as in Irish English, or 525 labio-dental Ϫ as in English. The use of analogy to reduce the 526 number of linguistic forms is attested cross-linguistically, with the more common of 527 two forms being generalised Ϫ e.g. IIIw is likely to be reanalysed on analogy to IIIy 528 since IIIw is rare in Arabic and IIIy is the pattern most similar to IIIw. Cluster reduc- 529 1 tion and syllable contraction in common basic lexemes is attested in all languages Ϫ 530 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 853

531 e.g. English sju: ‘see you’ (Bybee 2001). The formation of verbs from verb C preposi- 532 tional phrase, as in jāb < jā’a bi- ‘to bring’ or from prepositional phrases, as in San’ani 533 baxxar ‘to make better’ < bi-xayr ‘well’, is also attested in other languages. Reanalysis 534 of *t in the numbers between 11Ϫ19 as /ṭ/ can be analysed phonologically as /t/ assimi- 535 lating the pharyngeal element of the following /ʕ/.

536 9. Features of modern Arabic dialects as grammaticalisation

537 9.1. Adverbs

538 Several apparently shared features fall under the category of grammaticalisation Ϫ 539 these include the nominal periphrasis of interrogative adverbs (cf. Taine-Cheikh 540 2004a), verbal preformatives in the imperfect and exponents of the analytical genitive 541 construction. The formation of function words and particles from content words 542 through grammaticalisation is a feature of languages the world over, and affects in 543 particular the formation of high frequency function words (cf. Woidich 1995). The 544 definite article in many languages, including Arabic (Voigt 1998), has developed 545 through the grammaticalisation of Ϫ elements which are phonologi- 546 cally larger and syntactically more independent than the article. Similarly, adverbs are 547 commonly formed by grammaticalisation: in the case of Arabic, very few words in the 548 have a purely adverbial function Ϫ in most cases, the dependent 549 case is used to indicate adverbialness (Watson 2006). Adverbs are frequently and re- 550 peatedly used in spoken language and therefore the requirements of communication 551 are likely to result in innovation. Words or phrases relating to time or place or manner 552 or degree/amount are semantically bleached, often phonologically reduced, and be- 553 come restricted in use. The English adverbs, today and tomorrow, are derived ulti- 554 mately from semantic bleaching and phonological contraction of ‘this day’ and ‘this 555 morrow’. Semantic bleaching without phonological reduction frequently results in dou- 556 blets Ϫ as a content word, the form has one sense, and as an adverb another. In 557 German, morgen has both the sense of ‘morning’ and the adverbial sense ‘tomorrow’; 558 in standard Arabic al-yawm(a) has both the sense of ‘the day [acc.]’ and the adverbial 559 sense of ‘today’. And grammaticalisation is not a prejorative of modern languages. The 560 grammaticalised form of /ayyu šay’in/ in the sense of ‘what’ was also known to have 561 been in use since early times, and is recorded variously as ayš, ayšin and ayši in Kitāb 562 al-Aġānī (Corriente 1975, 53). We also see grammaticalisation of ywm and ym in Sa- 563 baic, which adopted the adverbial sense of ‘when’. 564 Consider the following table of interrogative pronouns. 565 Non-interrogative adverbs result from grammaticalization of nouns or adjectives. 566 Forms for ‘now’ resulting from the grammaticalisation of (mainly) noun phrases involv- 567 ing, principally, grammaticalisation of cognates of the time words sāfa ‘hour’, waqt 568 ‘time’ and ḥīn ‘time’ are given in the table below: 569 Other adverbs formed through grammaticalisation include quantifiers such as the 570 diminutive noun šuwayyah ‘small thing’, which in most non-peripheral dialects has now 571 developed the adverbial sense ‘a little’; Cairene ?awi, Yemeni gawī/qawī (*qawī 5721 ‘strong’), which has the sense of ‘very’ following an adjective, ‘much, a lot’ following 854 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 2398 2399 Tab. 50.1: Interrogative pronouns in Arabic dialects 24002401 When Where Why How How many? How much? 24092410 Ṣanʕānī ?ayyaḥīn ?ayn lilmā kayf kam 2418 Cairene ?imta fēn lēh ?izzāy kām 2426 ?ēmta wēn/fēn lēš kīf/šlōn kamm ?addēš 2434 Muslim yәmte/ wayn layš/luwayš šlōn bayš/šgәd čәm/ Baghdad (i)šwakit škәm/ šgәd 2446 aymat(e) ayn layš ?ašwan 2454 Cherchill, ḏīwqāš fāyen ʕalēš/lēš kifāš/kīš šḥāl 2463 Khartoum mitēn wēn lē šnu/lēh kēf kam 2471

2473 2474 Tab. 50.2: ‘Now’ in Arabic dialects 2475 Dialect Dialect form Classical cognate 24792480 Baghdad hassa *hāḏihi s-sāʕa 2484 Khartoum hassi / hassaʕ *hāḏihi s-sāʕa 2488 Damascus halla? *hāḏā l-waqt 2492 hal?ēt *hā-l-wuqayt 2496 Sanʕā? ḏalḥīn *hāḏā l-ḥīn 2500 Najdi ha-l-ḥīn *hāḏā l-ḥīn 2504 dilwa?ti *hāḏā l-waqt 2508 Algiers drūk (dәrwәk) *hāḏā l-waqt 2512 dāba *?iḏā bi- 2516 Tunis tawwa *taww-an 2520

a verb; yōm/yawm (*yawm ‘day’) has the sense of ‘when’ in many dialects, including 573 the Omani dialect of Khābūra (Brockett 1985, 225), Yemeni Rāziḥīt, Ḥōrān (Cantineau 574 1946, 409Ϫ410) and әl-ʕAğārma (Palva 1976, 52); Khābūra il-fām (*al-ʕām ‘the year’) 575 has the sense of ‘last year’ in adverbial contexts (Brockett 1985, 164); Khartoum 576 gawām, Damascene ?awām (*qawām ‘support’) has developed the adverbial sense of 577 ‘immediately’. 578

9.2. Conjunctions 579

Further grammaticalisation can take place to produce conjunctions from adverbs and 580 pragmatic particles from conjunctions. Thus, Cairene aḥsan has through the shifting of 581 syntactic boundaries acquired in certain contexts the additional conjunctional sense of 582 ‘because’, as in: ikkallimu f-ḥāga tanya aḥsan il-ḥīṭān laha wdān ‘talk about something 583 else because the walls have ears’ (Woidich 1995). As a pragmatic device, aḥsan has 584 developed the sense of ‘lest; otherwise’, as in: ibfid fanni aḥsan a’ṭaflak widānak ‘get 585 away from me otherwise I’ll cut off your ears’ (ibid, cf. also Woidich 1991). Similarly 586 the relative pronoun illi has through grammaticalisation acquired additional conjunc- 587 tive functions in the sense of ‘that’ or ‘because’ and in the case of zayy illi ‘als ob’ 588 1 (Woidich 1988). The shifting of morphological boundaries can also produce suffixes. 589 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 855

590 This has occurred in the case of Cairene -ṭāšar from the teen numerals (e.g. talatṭāšar 591 ‘thirteen’) where /ṭ/ was originally part of the first element (e.g. talātat). The remor- 592 phologised suffix can now be affixed to non-numeral forms as in ḥāgaṭāšar ‘some num- 593 ber between 13 and 19’ (ibid).

594 9.3. The genitive exponent

595 With the exception of some Peninsula Bedouin dialects and dialects of south-eastern 596 Turkey (Procházka 2002), Arabic dialects have a genitive exponent which may be used 597 in place of the synthetic (iḍāfah). In contrast to Versteegh’s 598 (1984) claims, however, work on the analytic genitive by Munzel (1949) and Eksell 599 Harning (1980 , cf. Eksell 2006, 2009) demonstrates not that the analytic genitive has 600 replaced the synthetic genitive, but rather that the choice of the analytic over the 601 synthetic genitive, in addition to being commonly restricted to alienable as opposed to 602 inalienable , as in: laḥmi ‘my flesh’ versus il-laḥm bitāfi ‘meat that belongs 603 to me [e.g. that I bought]’, may at any one time be due to formal reasons to avoid the 604 complexity and ambiguity of the synthetic genitive, or to stylistic and/or rhythmic factors. 2522 2523 2524 Tab. 50.3: Genitive exponents 25292528 Dialect Dialect form Pre-grammaticalised cognate 2533 Baghdad māl māl ‘property; possessions’ 2537 Upper Egypt ihnīn hana ‘thing’ 2541 Chad hana hana ‘thing’ 2545 Damascus tabaʕ tabaʕ ‘property’ 2549 Jerusalem šēt šay’ ‘thing’ 2553 Yemen ḥagg ḥagg ‘right; property’ 2557 šuġl šuġl ‘work’ 2561 Aleppo, geyy/gī unknown 2565 Cairo bitāʕ bitāʕ ‘property’ māl māl ‘property’ 2571 ḥāl ḥāl ‘state’ 2575 Tunis (Jews) ntāʕ, tāʕ, ta- matāʕ ‘property’ 2579 , north-west d-, dyal element

605 The genitive exponents have resulted either from the semantic bleaching and, in 606 some cases, phonological reduction of nouns relating to possession or property, wealth, 607 work, thing, or state, or are etymologically related to relative or demonstrative ele- 608 ments. These latter appear to be restricted to parts of Anatolia and the Maghrib. As 609 early as 1900, Kampffmeyer suggested that the d- elements in the Maghrib were an- 610 cient. d- and ḏ- elements in South Arabian function demonstratively, relatively and as 611 a genitive exponent and were introduced, Kampffmeyer proposes, with the immigra- 612 tion of South Arabian tribes in the eleventh century (cf. Eksell Harning 1980). Con- 613 sider the following table showing a selection of genitive exponents.

614 9.4. Verbal preformatives

615 Verbal preformatives are said to be typical of most modern Arabic dialects. While the 1616 preformative bi- is not attested in Classical Arabic, however, the preformative sa- for 856 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 the future is; thus, while verbal preformatives are common in modern Arabic dialects, 617 they are not the exclusive property of the dialects. The majority of verbal preformatives 618 again result from grammaticalisation. The future prefix in the dialects is the result of 619 various degrees of grammaticalisation of one of six elements (for a table of future 620 particles, see Taine-Cheikh 2004b, 227Ϫ233): 621 (1) Most commonly verbal forms relating to movement, desire or becoming, including 622623 rāḥ ‘to go’ > raḥ, aḥ, ḥ, √bġy ‘to wish’ > -; 624 (2) A prepositional phrase (bi-widd > bidd); 625626 (3) A cognate of ḥattā ‘until’ in the case of Maltese sa and Anatolian tә / ta / dә possibly 627628 (Taine-Cheikh 2004a); 629 (4) The adverb for ‘now’ in some dialects, including Baghdad and the Karaites of Ḥīt 630631 (Khan 1997, 92); 632 (5) A form of the verb kān: the imperfect in Algiers (Boucherit 2006); the active 633634 participle in Bukhara. 635 (6) The verbal inflectional marker of the verb šā’ ‘to want’ in the case of dialects of 636637 Jabal Rāziḥ in Yemen; thus, šūk ‘I want’ > šūk asīr ‘I want to go’ > k-asīr ‘I will 638 go’ (Diem 1973). 639 The continuous/habitual verbal preformatives result either from grammaticalisation or 640 from direct inheritance. Thus, reflexes of d- and ḏ- found in Modern South Arabian 641 (Mehri) in the sense of present continuous appear in some modern Yemeni dialects, 642 in some cases with the additional sense of future or imminent future, including as- 643 Suwādiyya, Yarīm, Uṣāb, al-Qāʕida, Radāʕ and Baynūn (Diem 1973, Behnstedt 1985). 644 The most common verbal particle bi- (also bayn- in parts of Yemen and for the first 645 person in Sanʕā’) is almost certainly related etymologically to bayn (or baynamā) in 646 the sense of ‘in’ or ‘while’ (Fischer/Jastrow 1980, 75). Other present continuous parti- 647 cles which probably at one time had the sense of ‘in’ include fā- and hā- prefixed to 648 the active participle in the Yemeni dialect of Rāziḥīt, as in him hā-gāwlīn ‘they are 649 saying’, and to an imperfect verb in a dialect spoken to the south of this area, as in fā- 650 yisraḥ ‘er geht jetzt’ (Behnstedt 2006, 922, cf. also 1426). The grammaticalisation of a 651 prepositional with the etymological sense of ‘in’ or ‘while’ to express the present con- 652 tinuous is also attested in languages totally unrelated to Arabic, as we see in the now 653 frozen or obsolete English ‘a’ coming and a’ going’ and colloquial German ich bin 654 beim Lesen, beim Kochen ‘I am , cooking’. 655 In various dialects, present continuous particles are also etymologically related to 656 expressions involving being, doing and sitting (cf. Fischer/Jastrow 1980), as listed below: 657 (1) Being: kū (< ykūn) in Anatolian and kā- and ta- (< kā’in) in Moroccan and Alge- 658659 rian; 660 (2) Sitting: qāfid, gāfid, ğāfid, qa-, da- in dialects of Iraq, Sudan and Jewish Tunisian; 661662 (3) Doing: fammāl, fam- in Greater Syria and many dialects of Egypt; 663664

10. Evidence for a polygenetic explanation 665

The more work is conducted on Arabic dialects, the more differences we see, on the 666 1 one hand, and the more connections between various central and outer regions become 667 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 857

668 apparent, on the other. That Arabic dialects emerged and continue to emerge from 669 a heterogeneous dialect landscape can be seen by comparing lexical, syntactic and 670 morphological features across the Arab world, features which reflect temporary and 671 permanent population movements. The comprehensive work of Behnstedt/Woidich 672 (2005) provides maps illustrating shared lexemes or roots between Yemen and Mo- 673 rocco, on the one hand, and Syria and Morocco, on the other. Reflexes of ğibh ‘Bienen- 674 stock’ are attested in Yemen and Morocco. Reflexes of √ḍmd for ‘yoke’ are attested 675 in Yemen, Morocco and Fayyūm. These lexical correspondences reflect population 676 movement and population contact: Yemeni (and Syrian) tribes fought in the Islamic 677 conquests in the west, and Yemeni tribes grazed their flocks in Fayyūm in the spring. 678 Reflexes of √ġyr in the sense of ‘only; just; but’ are attested in Yemen, Morocco and 679 the Modern South Arabian language, Mehri. 680 Historical links are also reflected morphologically, reflecting particularly starkly 681 links between Yemen and Southern Arabia and the western Maghrib: the s-, 682 recorded for some of the epigraphic South Arabian languages (Beeston 1984), remains 683 a feature of Ḥassāniyya in Mauritania (Taine-Cheikh 2003), and in at least one lexical- 684 ised example, in the Yemeni dialect of Ibb (Watson 2007b, 22). Reflexes of the l-less 685 relative pronoun ḏī are attested in parts of Yemen, Modern South Arabian and Mo- 686 rocco (cf. Rabin 1951, 84). Rāziḥīt is probably unique in Yemen for having the genitive 687 exponent hanī Ϫ other dialects have reflexes of ḥagg (cf. table 53.2) Ϫ an exponent 688 also attested in slightly different form in Upper Egypt and Nigeria. Lexical and mor- 689 phological similarities between Central Sudanese and Mekkan are seen as resulting 690 from long-term contacts Ϫ perhaps through religious pilgrimage. 691 Phonological processes may also be shared across distances and languages Ϫ Corri- 692 ente (1989) sees the occasional total assimilation of the coronal /n/ to a following 693 in Andalusian Arabic texts as evidence for connections between Epigraphic 694 South Arabian, where (at least in the case of Sabaic) nasal assimilation became an 695 increasingly common process, and Andalusia. Toll (1983, 11) also notes a few instances 696 of /n/ assimilation to obstruents in the Ḥijāzi dialect of Ghāmid: assimilation to /x/, // 697 and /t/ apparently involving the preposition /min/ ‘from’, and assimilation to /z/ in the 698 word *manzal [manzal] ‘house’. Before labials and velars, /n/ assimilates in place only 699 (e.g. [jambīya] ‘dagger’, [zumbil] ‘basket’, [mun kull] ‘of all’). Productive total assimila- 700 tion of /n/ is still attested in the Yemeni variety of Rāziḥīt adding strength to Corri- 701 ente’s hypothesis (Watson, Glover Stalls, Al-Razihi et al. 2006).

702 11. The classification of dialects

703 In this section, I consider the extent to which Arabic dialects can be, and have tradi- 704 tionally been, classified Ϫ in terms of geography, lifestyle, and religious and sectarian 705 affiliation.

706 11.1. Geographical classification

707 Geographically, dialects have traditionally been classified broadly into a western group 7081 in the Maghrib and an eastern group in the (Marçais 1977). The dialects of the 858 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 Maghrib are marked most obviously by iambic as opposed to trochaic word stress, such 709 that katáb ‘he wrote’ is stressed on the final syllable, often with of the (un- 710 stressed) initial (> ktab, ktәb), in the western dialects. With the exception of 711 Ḥaḍramawt and Dhofār (Janssens 1972, 45Ϫ46) and some Bedouin dialects, eastern 712 dialects exhibit trochaic word stress, giving forms such as kátab ‘he wrote’. In some 713 North African dialects (cf. Abumdas 1985 for Libyan), word stress is at least partially 714 phonemic with nominal disyllabic forms being stressed on the initial syllable, verbal 715 forms of the same pattern on the final syllable. Phonemic stress is also attested in 716 some eastern Bedouin dialects (Rosenhouse 2006). Through the Andalusian scribes’ 717 consistent habit of marking stressed syllables it appears that word stress was also pho- 718 nemic in Andalusian (Corriente 2006). 719 There are also a number of tendencies that mark western from eastern dialects: 720 western dialects tend to show more advanced syllable types through less 721 and more syncope of open syllables, while eastern dialects exhibit one of two types of 722 epenthesis (Kiparsky 2003). As a result, western dialects are predicted to have fewer 723 short vowels phonemically than the eastern dialects Ϫ two in some dialects, with either 724 a collapse in distinction between the front vowels /a/ and /i/, or the high vowels /i/ and 725 /u/, a single short vowel, /ә/, in others (cf. Fischer/Jastrow 1980). This is, however, only 726 a tendency, and both western dialects are found with three short vowels (e.g. Muslim 727 Tunis) and eastern dialects with two short vowels (e.g. north Mesopotamia) (cf. Fischer/ 728 Jastrow 1980). Other phonological characteristics which tend to be associated with 729 western dialects include the instability of syllable structures, the affrication of /t/, as in 730 tsiktsib ‘she writes’, and the palatalisation and neutralisation of sibilants such that *s/ 731 *š > /š/ and *z/*ž > /ž/. 732 One of the most salient morphological features which distinguishes western from 733 eastern dialects is the n- first singular imperfect prefix with the plural expressed by the 734 suffixation of -u, to give niktib ‘I write’ ~ niktibu ‘we write’. Morphologically, the 735 Maghrib is also marked by use of verbal form XI, fʕāll (e.g. smānt ‘I became fat’, 736 where eastern dialects variously use either the IX form, ifʕall, as in Cairene, or the II 737 form, faʕʕal, as in Sanʕāni, and by productive diminutive formation, with Ḥassāniyya 738 showing fully productive diminutivation of both derived and non-derived verbs, as in: 739 ekeyteb/yekeyteb ‘écrire d’une petite écriture minable’, meylles/imeylles ‘rendre un peu 740 lisse’, diminutive of melles/imelles ‘rendre lisse’ (Taine-Cheikh 1988, 107, cf. Singer 741 1980). Syntactically salient in the western pre-Hilali dialects is the indefinite construc- 742 tion involving (in some dialects, a contraction of) waḥd C definite article, as in: waḥd 743 әṛ-ṛājәl or ḥa-ṛ-ṛājәl ‘a man’ (Marçais 1977, 176). 744 The westϪeast boundary, however, is not as sharp as it may once have seemed. 745 Large-scale movements of Bedouin from the west at various times in history (cf. Woid- 746 ich 1993, Behnstedt /Woidich 2005) have ensured that the Egyptian dialects of the 747 western delta and the oases (in particular, Woidich 1993) exhibit a mix of western and 748 eastern characteristics resulting in no fully recognisable border between the Maghrib 749 and the Mashriq (contrary to Versteegh’s assertion 2001, 134). Alongside typical west- 750 ern features such as the niktib ‘I write’ ~ niktibu ‘we write’ paradigm in the western 751 Egyptian Delta (Behnstedt/Woidich 2005, 103) and the oases of il-Baḥariyya and Fara- 752 fra, affrication of /t/ in the oasis dialects, the il- verbal prefix (in place of eastern it-) 753 in Farafra and south of Xarga, and final stress, a significant number of characteristics 754 1 are of eastern or, in the case of the oasis dialects, more specifically northern middle 755 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 859

756 Egyptian, type (e.g. the bukara-syndrome). Also, in contrast to the Maghribian iambic 757 stress, final stress is attested irrespective of syllable type in the oasis dialects and only 758 fails to target certain suffixes (cf. Woidich 2006b.

759 11.2. Lifestyle classification

760 Dialects of groups that have only recently become sedentarised or that are still semi- 761 nomadic show typological similarities across large distances. Thus the major classifica- 762 tory division of dialects in the Arab world has traditionally been seen in terms of 763 bedouin versus sedentary Ϫ Versteegh (1984), Rosenhouse (1984, 2006), Cadora 764 (1992), Heath (2002) Ϫ with a further split, particularly in the Central /Jordan 765 area, of the sedentary class into ruralite and urban (Cadora 1992, Holes 2004), where 766 the ruralite dialects are spoken by long-established farming communities in villages. 767 Generally, it is claimed that Bedouin dialects are more conservative, sedentary dia- 768 lects more innovative. This is because sedentary communities Ϫ particularly urban 769 communities Ϫ are more likely to be open to new linguistic forms, to come into contact 770 with people from other communities with whom they have to communicate, and thus 771 avoid the more salient features of their dialect. The following features have commonly 772 been said to distinguish Bedouin from sedentary dialects (e.g. Versteegh 1984, 11Ϫ12, 773 cf. Holes 1996, cf. Rosenhouse 2006):

2581 2582 Ϫ 2583 Tab. 50.4: Bedouin Sedentary features 25882587 Bedouin Sedentary *ṯ and *ḏ Preserved as interdentals Realised as alveolar stops/ 2593 fricatives 2597 *q Voiced reflex Voiceless reflex 2601 *g / reflex reflex 2605 Internal passive Preserved Not preserved 2609 *ay and *aw Preserved Monophthongised *a, *i and *u Preserved Merging of two vowel 2614 in some dialects Plural pronouns/ Gender distinction preserved No gender distinction 2619 verbal inflections 2623 Verb form IV Preserved Replaced usu. by form II 2627 Status constructus Preserved Replaced by analytic genitive 2631 Vestiges remain Not attested 2635 Word order VSO SVO 2639 Syllable structure Conservative Advanced

774 The Bedouin Ϫ sedentary split has, however, been shown to be both an oversimplifi- 775 cation and of diminishing sociological appropriacy. Holes (1996), in particular, and 776 others (e.g. Ingham 1982; Toll 1983) have shown that while the nomadic Ϫ sedentary 777 lifestyle difference may be reflected in a set of certain linguistic features in certain 778 regions, in others it is not. Indeed, the assumption of the Bedouin Ϫ sedentary split 779 may have originated as a result of the focus on zone II dialects, where this lifestyle 7801 split was better reflected in the linguistic systems. 860 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 Firstly, one of the principal lifestyle changes between the time of the Islamic con- 781 quests and today is one from a semi-nomadic society to a settled society with ethnic 782 plurality (Eksell 1995), so few tribes continue to live a fully nomadic existence (Holes 783 1996, Behnstedt/Woidich 2005). The Bedouin Ϫ sedentary linguistic distinction can 784 therefore no longer be used in the literal sense. There is, indeed, also a question of 785 terminology Ϫ within Arabia the term Bedouin means membership of an established 786 Bedouin tribe, and does not necessarily imply a nomadic lifestyle (Ingham 1982, 32). 787 Secondly, a term which can to a certain extent be applied to North African, Mesopo- 788 tamian and Syrio-Jordanian dialects does not have the same validity in the Peninsula: 789 many communities within the peninsula which have been sedentary for millennia main- 790 tain extremely conservative forms and share forms with Bedouin groups (Toll 1983): 791 tanwīn is attested in many settled dialects, including those spoken in Oman (Holes 792 1996), and in and to the east of the Yemeni and Saudi Tihama (cf. Greenman 1979, 793 Ingham 1994, Asiri 2006); interdentals are attested throughout the Peninsula in all but 794 a few port towns Ϫ Mekka, Jedda, Aden and Hudaida (Fischer/Jastrow 1980, Taine- 795 Cheikh 1998, 20); the apophonic passive is variably productive, and indeed in Oman 796 and Bahrayn is more productive among inland sedentary groups than among the Bed- 797 ouins, particularly the Bedouin coastal dialects (Holes 1998); and the majority of dia- 798 lects in Oman and Yemen retain feminine gender in the plural pronouns. Even outside 799 the Peninsula many ‘B’ features are attested in S dialects Ϫ including the interdentals 800 in villages of Central Palestine, South Lebanon, Palmyra (Cantineau 1934, 35), Alge- 801 rian Dellys (Souag 2005) and rural and urban dialects in Iraq (Holes 1996), and affric- 802 ated reflexes of kāf in Palestinian fellāḥ dialects (Palva 1991, 155). These are certainly 803 not recent phenomena: in 1946 Cantineau says of the dialect of Ḥōrān, ‘malgré le genre 804 de vie des paysans ḥōrānais, qui est celui de sédentaires villageois, leur parler n’est en 805 aucune façon un parler de sédentaires’ (Cantineau 1946, 416). In addition, Dahlgren’s 806 (1998) comparative study of word order in Arabic dialects has shown that the use of 807 VSO as opposed to SVO often depends on discourse type, with VSO being far more 808 common in many sedentary, including urban, dialects than previously assumed. 809 Blanc (1964, note 21) wrote that ‘while all nomads talk ‘nomadic type’ dialects, not 810 all sedentaries talk ‘sedentary type’ dialects’; however, the evidence here suggests that 811 even this is not the case. In some areas, Bedouin dialects exhibit features otherwise 812 described as typical sedentary features Ϫ thus, the Bedouin Negev and Sinai dialects 813 have the (sedentary-typical) b-imperfect and monophthongs and lack the Bedouin- 814 typical tanwīn (Palva 1991, 154Ϫ155), and in the Bedouin dialects of large Omani, 815 Bahrayni and Kuwaiti coastal areas the apophonic passive is in recession. 816 Fourthly, and finally, the claim that Bedouin dialect features are more conservative 817 than sedentary features has rightly been challenged by Fischer/Jastrow (1980) and 818 Holes (1996). The notion that Bedouin features are conservative clearly fails to hold 819 when it comes to phonological features: namely, the syncopation of vowels in open 820 syllables; the affrication of velar , which diachronic and synchronic evidence 821 suggests were first affricated in the environment of palatal vocoids; the pharyngealisa- 822 tion of /l/ (cf. Kaye/Rosenhouse 1997); and, one of the few reliable cross-regional fea- 823 tures of Bedouin dialects, the gahawa-syndrome, a productive phonological process 824 whereby consonants are avoided in syllable-final position. 825 We can neither say that features associated with Bedouin dialects are universally 826 1 conservative, nor that one set of features distinguishes Bedouin dialects, or dialects of 827 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 861

828 groups who describe themselves as Bedouin (Rosenhouse 2006), from sedentary dia- 829 lects. ‘A Bedouin lifestyle in Iraq will be associated with a very different dialect from 830 a Bedouin lifestyle in Chad or Camaroon’ (Owens 2006, 27); however, as discussed 831 above, the features associated with Bedouin or former bedouin lifestyles differ within 832 far smaller areas Ϫ between, for example, the inner Peninsula and the coastal edges 833 of the Peninsula. In each case and for each area it is important to recognise the signifi- 834 cance and salience of particular contrasts. What is regarded as a bedouin feature in 835 one region may be regarded as a geographical marker in another Ϫ for example, the 836 third masculine singular pronoun, -u, is regarded as a ‘bedouin’ feature along the 837 , but within distinguishes northern Najdi from Central dialects 838 (Ingham 1982, 32).

839 11.3. Communal classification

840 A further classification is made between communal dialects in certain parts of the 841 Arab world (Blanc 1964; Holes 1983; 1987, Walters 2006). In Lower Iraq, in particular, 842 parts of the Levant and dialects of the Maghrib which used to have mixed ethnic- 843 religious groups, dialects have differed along ethno-religious lines Ϫ Jewish and Mus- 844 lim, and Jewish, Christian and Muslim. In some areas, sectarian differences are also 845 reflected linguistically: in present-day Bahrayn, systematic linguistic differences have 846 been noted between the dialects of the two Muslim sects Ϫ the Sunni ʕArab and the 847 Shi’ite Baḥārnah (Holes 1983, 1987). In Djerba in , the three religious/sectarian 848 communities Ϫ the Jews and the Muslim Malekite and Ibadi communities Ϫ have 849 saliently differing linguistic systems (Behnstedt 1998). 850 Blanc made first reference to the significance of communal dialects in his study 851 of the in 1953, where he refers to linguistic distinctions across ‘religio-ethnic 852 communities’. His later study, Communal dialects in Baghdad, published in 1964, has 853 become one of the most important works on Arabic dialectology. Here he argued that 854 the Arabic-speaking world presented a whole spectrum of situations from complete or 855 nearly complete absence of differences between dialects spoken by different religious 856 or ethnic groups to the sharp cleavage seen between Muslim, Jewish and Christian 857 dialects in Lower Iraq and between Muslim and Jewish dialects in and smaller 858 towns near Algiers. The choice of the term ‘communal dialects’ reflected the fact that 859 communities based on different religions lived segregated lives although they may in- 860 teract in socially prescribed ways. He wrote of three degrees of differentiation: major, 861 intermediate and minor. Major differentiation is said to both:

862 a) permeate the whole phonology and grammar of the dialects; 863 b) correlate fully with community membership (Blanc 1964, 14).

864 Minor differentiation is, by contrast, marginal to linguistic structure, may not correlate 865 fully with community membership and tends to fluctuate in usage. In his work on 866 Baghdad, Blanc noted the major division between the gәlәt Muslim dialects, on the 867 one hand, and the non-Muslim Ϫ Jewish and Christian Ϫ qәltu dialects, on the other. 868 The Jewish and Christian dialects differed from each other in systematic ways, but less 8691 starkly than both from the Muslim dialects Ϫ salient features in Christian Baghdad 862 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 include the sentence-final , a lack of interdental fricatives and imāla is (cf. Abu- 870 Haidar 1991). 871 The communal dialects of the Sunni ʕArab (A) and the Shi’ite Baḥārnah (B) in 872 Bahrayn also exhibit major communal differentiation (Holes 1983). Differences perme- 873 ate the and all levels of the phonology, including the reflexes of phonemes 874 (for example, A dialects, but not B dialects, have interdentals), and syllable structure 875 (A dialects exhibit the gahawa syndrome, B dialects do not; sequences of short vowels 876 are avoided in A dialects, but permitted in B dialects). 877 The studies of Blanc and Holes have additionally shown that where two or more 878 communal groups interact, speech accommodation in public areas will favour the dia- 879 lect of the dominant group. Thus, as protected minorities, ḏimmis, the Jews and Chris- 880 tians of Baghdad would speak their own dialect at home and within their own commu- 881 nities, but accommodate to the Muslim dialect in interaction with Muslims. Similarly, 882 the Shi’ite majority in Bahrayn adjust their speech to that of the dominant Sunnis in 883 intergroup interactions. 884

12. The linguistic typology of Arabic dialects 885

Linguistically, dialects can be typologised according to phonological, morphological, 886 syntactic and lexical phenomena. Many shared phenomena result from historical or 887 long-term contact, some, though, result from parallel development. A number of phe- 888 nomena appear to be areal and may be due to substrate or adstrate influence. Here I 889 mention the phenomena which have been considered most significant. 890

12.1. Phonology 891

12.1.1. The reflexes of phonemes 892

Differences in the reflexes of the consonantal phonemes show thread-like patterns 893 throughout the Arab world, suggesting similar origins across, in some cases, huge dis- 894 tances, for similar patterns. Most significant are the reflexes of *qāf and *jīm, the 895 presence or absence of interdentals, and the number and reflexes of the sibilants. 896 Within certain geographical areas, the reflex of *kāf, the loss or maintenance of the 897 pharyngeals, and the reflexes of the emphatics are significant. 898 Qāf has five major reflexes, depending on area and lifestyle: /ʔ/, attested in the 899 major cities of the Levant and Egypt; /k/ or /ḳ/, attested principally in Levantine village 900 dialects, but also in areas of North Africa; /g/, attested in original Bedouin dialects and 901 in much of the Arabian Peninsula; /q/, found in parts of northern Iraq, Oman, Yemen 902 and North Africa; and the affricated /ğ/ or /dz/ of some of the Eastern Arabian dialects. 903 In some Eastern Arabian dialects, [ğ] or [dz] are the front-environment of 904 /g/ where [] or [ʦ] are the front-environment allophones of /k/ (Johnstone 1963). In 905 a few dialects of Middle Egypt (Manfred Woidich p.c.), and in Yemeni Zabīd (Pro- 906 1 chazka 1987), qāf is realised as a uvular ejective, although for Yemeni Zabīd this ap- 907 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 863

908 pears to more restricted than first assumed (Naïm 2008). For a survey of other reflexes 909 and allophones of qāf, cf. Edzard (2009). 910 Jīm has four major reflexes: /ğ/ in the majority of eastern Bedouin dialects, in rural 911 dialects of the Levant and Mesopotamia, in the majority of dialects in central Yemen, 912 and in some sedentary dialects in Algeria; /g/ in and around Cairo and in the area 913 between Ta’izz and Aden in Yemen; /ž/ in the urban Levantine dialects, especially 914 , Damascus and Jerusalem, and in many Maghribi dialects; and /j/ in southern 915 Mesopotamian gәlәt dialects of Basra and Ahwāz, the , Khuzistan, 916 Ḥaḍramawt, Dhofar and the Gulf. A voiced palatal stop reflex, /ɉ/, is attested in parts 917 of the Arabian Peninsula, including parts of the Yemeni western mountain range, Up- 918 per Egypt and parts of Sudan. For a survey of other reflexes and allophones, cf. Zabor- 919 ski (2007). 920 In Bedouin dialects, dialects of Bedouin origin, the rural sedentary dialects of Cen- 921 tral Palestine/Jordan, Tunisia and Mesopotamia, and in all but the western coastal city 922 dialects of the Peninsula, interdentals form part of the inventory. In major 923 urban dialects, the cognates of the interdentals are the plosives /t/ and /d/. In several 924 northern Mesopotamian dialects cognates of the interdentals are sibilants, and in south- 925 ern Anatolian Siirt the cognates of the interdentals are labiodental fricatives (Fischer/ 926 Jastrow 1980, 50). 927 The behaviour of the sibilants is significant in North Africa and in parts of western 928 Saudi Arabia (Behnstedt/Woidich 2005). Whereas most dialects have maintained the 929 plain sibilants /s, z, š/, in several dialects in the Maghrib, in the oases of Egypt and in 930 isolated dialects in the ‘Asīr there is no phonological distinction between s and š, on 931 the one hand, and z and ž, on the other. Some dialects exhibit only the palatalised 932 sibilant, others only the non-palatalised. Within North Africa and Asīr, a number of 933 dialects have an apicalised /ś/ where mainstream dialects have either /s/ or /š/. 934 The reflex of kāf is significant in the Levant and in parts of the Arabian Peninsula. 935 In the vast majority of dialects it is /k/. In ruralite dialects of the Levant, the reflex /č/ 936 is mainly attested, irrespective of the phonological environment, and in some Peninsula 937 Bedouin dialects, in parts of Jordan and Iraq, the reflex is either /č/ or /ts/ or [č] or [ts] 938 as the front-environment of /k/. 939 The pharyngeals are present in the majority of mainstream Arabic dialects. The 940 Arabic and creoles and sub-saharan dialects of Nigeria, Camaroon and Chad, 941 however, exhibit no pharyngeals (Owens 1985, 1993b), rather laryngeals, as in: hamu 942 ‘heat’, bahalim ‘I dream’ and ni’’āl ‘shoes’. The Yemeni Tihāmah lacks a voiced pharyn- 943 geal. Lexemes which in other dialects are realised with /ʕ/ are realised in the Tihāmī 944 dialects with /ʔ/ (Greenman 1979), within Yemen a particularly salient feature of Ti- 945 hāmī Arabic. The voiced velar or uvular fricative /ġ/ is attested in the majority of 946 dialects, but not in certain parts of western and southern Yemen (Diem 1973; Fischer/ 947 Jastrow 1980, 106; Vanhove, 2009), where it has been replaced by a velarised laryngeal, 948 or by ʕayn, which in dialects spoken on the edge of the Tihāmah may be replaced 949 by . 950 The reflex of the emphatics is, in the vast majority of modern Arabic dialects, some 951 type and degree of pharyngealisation, a factor which distinguishes (almost) all main- 952 stream Arabic dialects from other Semitic languages. In Saudi Arabian Faifi (Yahya 9531 Asiri p.c.) and parts of northern Yemen to the west of Ṣaʕdah, the reflex of ṣād and, 864 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 in fewer cases, ḍād is an affricate (or reverse affricate), as in: stayfin ‘summer’ and 954 mast/yamist ‘to suck’, ĉafaf ‘cow pat’ and ĉiris ‘molar’ (Behnstedt 1987b; cf. also 955 Steiner 1982). 956

12.1.2. Pausal phenomena 957

Arabic dialects show an array of pausal phenomena, phenomena which appear to be 958 restricted to particular areas. While dialects in many different regions are reported to 959 exhibit a degree of devoicing in pre-pausal position, devoicing in certain regions is 960 variously accompanied by glottalisation or aspiration (Watson/Asiri 2008). Dialects in 961 central Yemen and up into ‘Asīr exhibit pre-pausal glottalisation, while Cairene exhib- 962 its pre-pausal aspiration. Some dialects in Middle Egypt and Antiochia exhibit degrees 963 of pre-glottalisation and devoicing of /ʕ/ and/or of final vowels, but not of other ob- 964 struents, as in simi’ḥ ‘he heard’, bǟ’ ‘he sold’ (Arnold 1998, Behnstedt/Woidich 2005). 965 Glottalisation of both pre-pausal vowels and consonants is also attested in some zone 966 III dialects, including Nigerian Arabic, as in: /márag/ > márak’ ‘he went out’ and 967 /waṣalna mafá/ > waṣalna mafáʔ ‘we reached Mafa’ (Owens 1993a, 22). 968 Dialects of the Levant exhibit diphthongisation of final long high vowels in pause, 969 a feature also attested in some Egyptian oasis dialects (Woidich 2006b) and central 970 Yemeni dialects (Jastrow 1984, Werbeck 2001). The following examples are from 971 Sanʕāni: /iftaḥū/ > iftaḥaw or iftaḥow ‘open m.pl.!’ and /antī/ > antej or antaj ‘you f.s.’ 972 A particularly salient feature of many Levantine dialects, also attested in central Egyp- 973 tian oasis dialects, is the exaggerated lengthening of final syllables, as in Central 974 Dakhla /šabābīk/ > [šibabiyyik] in men’s speech, [šibabayyik] in women’s speech, 975 /ʕarīs/ > [ʕariyyis] / [ʕarayyis] (Woidich 2006b). 976 Many dialects of the western Yemeni mountain range exhibit nasalization of final 977 high vowels Ϫ of /ū/ and /ī/, in some dialects, of only /ī/, in others, as in Jiblah wallĩn 978 ‘he went’ (Fischer/Jastrow 1980, 111; cf. also Watson 2007b). Most of these dialects 979 exhibit at least limited glottalisation in pause of consonants. In dialects of the Central 980 Daxla oasis, final /a/ is nasalized and may also be raised and dipthongised, as in 981 [sum'me˜ĩ] ‘Lolch (bot.)’, [sum:'ha˜] ‘ihr Gift’ and [sum:'hi˜] ‘ihr Gift’ (Woidich 2006b); 982 nasalisation of /a/ also attested in dialects in Antiochia (Arnold 1998). In Farafra, 983 nasalis ation is due to the loss of final /n/, as in /sākin/ > [si˜ki˜] (Woidich 2006b). In 984 Farafra, Daxla and Antiochia, in contrast to dialects in Yemen, nasalisation is no longer 985 restricted to pre-pausal position and is often (as observed with the above example) 986 attested within the word. 987

12.1.3. Syllabification patterns 988

In terms of syllabification, dialects can be classified according to whether, and if so, 989 where, the epenthetic vowel is inserted when three consonants are brought together 990 through morphological concatenation or phonological process. A typical case of the 991 former would be where a perfect verb in the first singular takes a consonant- 992 initial suffix, as in the possible form: simiftCkum ‘I heard you m.pl.’ Dialects have 993 1 one of three choices: an epenthetic vowel is inserted between the second and the third 994 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 865

995 consonant Ϫ simiftikum; an epenthetic vowel is inserted between the first and the 996 second consonant Ϫ simifitkum; or no epenthesis takes place Ϫ simiftkum. Kiparsky 997 (2003) has named these dialect types CV-, VC-, C-dialects respectively (Kiparsky 2003; 998 Watson 2007a). In CV-dialects, epenthesis occurs to the right of the second consonant, 999 as in Cairene /?ult-lu/ ?ultilu ‘I/you m.s. told him’. In VC-dialects, epenthesis occurs to 1000 the left of the second consonant, as in Iraqi /gilt-la/ gilitla. In C-dialects, no epenthesis 1001 takes place. Thus, qәltlu ‘I/you m.s. told him’ surfaces in Moroccan Arabic with a three 1002 . 1003 The C-dialects are clustered around the western Maghrib, the CV-dialects in parts 1004 of Egypt and the Peninsula, and the VC-dialects in the eastern regions of the Maghrib, 1005 the Levant and Mesopotamia, parts of Egypt and parts of the Peninsula. Sudanese 1006 dialects (Shukriyya, Central Urban Sudanese) prominently display both VC- and CV- 1007 epenthesis patterns, which can probably be attributed to the different origins of the 1008 Arabs who conquered the area. Some dialects, such as Libyan Tripoli (Pereira p.c.), 1009 exhibit epenthesis in certain morphological environments, but not in others Ϫ thus 1010 /xubzCna/ is most likely to be realised as xubzna ‘our bread’ and /bintCna/ as bintna 1011 ‘our daughter’, but in final position consonant clusters may be broken up by epenthesis, 1012 thus: ma-tkәllәmt-әš or ma-tkәllәmt-š ‘I didn’t speak’, xubez or xubz ‘bread’.

1013 12.1.4. Syllabification phenomena

1014 Syllable-related phenomena that are often cited in the characterisation of dialects in- 1015 clude the gahawa-syndrome, attested in many Bedouin dialects and dialects of Bedouin 1016 origin (Rosenhouse 2006, 262), and the bukara-syndrome (de Jong 2006), a feature of 1017 Middle Egyptian and Bedouin Sinai dialects. 1018 In dialects which exhibit the gahawa-syndrome, guttural consonants may not occur 1019 in the syllable coda and are hence resyllabified through epenthesis as the onset of an 1020 inserted syllable, as in: 10211022 0 > a/ h_C…. 1023 In a number of dialects, the inserted vowel is stressed and the (unstressed) vowel of 1024 the initial syllable may be deleted (examples from Fischer/Jastrow 1980, 109): 10251026 *gahwah > *gaháwah > gháwah 10271028 *aḥmar > *aḥámar > ḥámar 1029 The bukara-syndrome has a good phonetic motivation, since the tap // cannot be 1030 pronounced without at least a fleeting preceding vowel. This syndrome, however, is 1031 phonological rather than phonetic since it involves insertion of a full vowel before /r/. 10321033 0 > V/…C_rV 1034 The epenthesised vowel assimilates the quality of the vowel following /r/, as in the 1035 following examples from de Jong (2006): 103610371038 *bukra > bukara ‘tomorrow’ 103910401041 *ḥamra > ḥamara ‘red’ (Middle Egyptian) 104210431044 *yigrib > yigirib ‘he comes near’ 1045104611047 *bakraj > bakaraj ‘coffee pot’ (Sinai) 866 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 12.2. Morphology 1048

Most dialects have a two-way gender distinction Ϫ masculine and feminine. Nouns 1049 show gender, with the unmarked gender being masculine. In most dialects, adjectives 1050 inflect for gender to agree with a head noun or a noun subject. Gender distinction in 1051 the plural personal pronouns is attested in all regions, most particularly, but not exclu- 1052 sively, in dialects of Bedouin origin. Where gender distinctions are exhibited in the 1053 plural pronouns, masculine is most commonly expressed with /m/ or /u/, and feminine 1054 by /n/. Thus, Afghanistan has hintu ‘you m.pl.’ and hintin ‘you f.pl.’, duklaw ‘they m.’ 1055 and duklan ‘they f.’ (Ingham 2006), Upper Egyptian Bʕēri has huṃṃa ‘they m.’ beside 1056 hinna ‘they f.’, and Ṣanʕāni has antū ‘you m.pl.’ and antayn ‘you f.pl.’, hum ‘they m.’ 1057 and hin ‘they f.’. 1058 Some dialects which distinguish gender in the plural personal pronouns also distin- 1059 guish gender in the plural demonstrative pronouns, with feminine tending to be ex- 1060 pressed either by (pre-)final /n/ or by the mid /ē/. Thus, the rural gәlәt 1061 dialects have haḏōl(a) ‘these m.’ beside haḏinni ‘these f.’ in Kwayriš, haḏann in Šāwi, 1062 whereas the urban gәlәt dialects only have a gender-indifferent form haḏōl or ḏōl 1063 ‘these’; Yemeni Jiblah has hāḏum ‘these m.’ and hāḏēn ‘these f.’ (cp. the gender-indiffer- 1064 ent hāḏawlā or ḏawlā in Ṣanʕāni); and Egyptian il-Biʕrāt has dōl(a) ‘these m.’ and 1065 ḏēl(a) ‘these f.’ (cp. Cairene gender-indifferent dōl). 1066 In some western Yemeni dialects, the first person singular pronoun has two gender- 1067 differentiating forms, even, in the case of the Yemeni Tihāmah, in some dialects which 1068 do not distinguish gender in the plural second and third persons. In these dialects, ana 1069 or anā refers to first masculine, and anī to first feminine (Behnstedt/Woidich 2005, 171). 1070

12.3. Syntax 1071

There are a number of ways in which dialects can be typologised syntactically. Here I 1072 focus on word order patterns, the copula, and the indefinite article. The syntactic fea- 1073 tures considered here pattern regionally Ϫ and, in some cases at least, are clearly 1074 attributable to substrate or adstrate influence. 1075

12.3.1. Word order 1076

The position of the verb in most mainstream Arabic dialects is either first or second 1077 position, giving rise to VSO or SVO patterns (Dahlgren 1998). In the dialects of Af- 1078 ghanistan, Uzbeskistan and Khorasan, through the influence of neighbouring langua- 1079 ges, however, the verb occurs in final position, to give SOV patterns. In Cicilian, al- 1080 though the most frequently attested patterns are VSO and SVO, some examples of 1081 SOV are attested through the influence of Turkish (Procházka 2006). Examples of 1082 SOV structures in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Khorasan are given below: 1083 Afghanistan 10841085 šīryiyya li-xōja šāfu ‘Shīrwiyya saw Khōja’ 108810861087 1 sīmurġ li-dūk saġīr šāftu ‘the phoenix saw that child’ (Ingham 2006) 108910901091 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 867

10921093 Uzbekistan 109410951096 sowiyān šuġlu kullu qōlu ‘he told the whole affair which he had done’ 109710981099 fat ādami šuk-mebīf kon ‘lit: one man wood-seller there was’ (Jastrow 1995)

11001101 Khorasan 110211031104 aḥne fiğ-ğidīm māldār kunne ‘wir waren vor langer Zeit Hirten’ (Seeger 2002) 1105 In most Arabic dialects, the demonstrative may be postponed for stylistic or rhythmic 1106 reasons; thus, Sanʕāni al-bint tayyih ‘that girl’ contrasts stylistically with tayyi l-bint 1107 ‘that girl’; in the dialects of the Nile valley through to Sudan, and in the Ḥaḍramawt, 1108 however, in the unmarked case the demonstrative follows the noun, as in Cairene: il- 1109 bēt da ‘this house’, is-sitti di ‘this ’, il-ḥagāt di ‘these things’ and ir-riggāla dōl 1110 ‘these men’; Sudanese: az-zōl da ‘this man’, al-bitt di ‘this girl’, fi ’īdak di ‘in your m. 1111 hand’; Ḥaḍramawt: el-bēt ḏā’ ‘this house’ (cf. Fischer 1959). For dialects of the Nile 1112 valley, this word order pattern has been attributed to the syntax of the substrate lan- 1113 guage, in this case Coptic (Bishai 1962). Post-position of the demonstrative in dialects 1114 of the Ḥaḍramawt can probably also be attributed to influence of the adstrate Modern 1115 South Arabian languages, where the unmarked order is noun Ϫ demonstrative, as in 1116 the following examples from the eastern Yemeni dialect of Mehri spoken in Jōdäb: 1117 11181119 näšḥōt ḏīmäh ‘this bat’ 11201121 ṣōwar ḏikmäh ‘that stone’ 11221123 tīwi ḏäkm ‘that meat’ 11241125 ġrēf lyäkmäh ‘those rooms’

1126 12.3.2. The copula

1127 The majority of dialects construct nominal sentences without a copula, a feature of 1128 Arabic that has attracted particular attention from generative syntacticians since the 1129 1970s (cf. the article on the copula in EALL). The qәltu dialects, and dialects of Af- 1130 ghanistan, Khorasan and Christian Baghdad, however, are marked by the presence of 1131 a copula. This is almost certainly due to influence from the neighbouring languages Ϫ 1132 Persian, Turkish and Kurdish Ϫ all of which are marked by a final copula. In the 1133 majority of the dialects, the copula follows the predicate, as in the following examples 1134 from Khorasan (Seeger 2002): 113511361137 (uhū) mašġūl hū ‘er arbeitet’ 113811391140 (inte) mašġūl haṯti ‘du f. arbeitest’ 114111421143 (intu) miṯalmān haṯtīn ‘ihr f. seid Muslime’ 1144 In Christian Baghdadi, the copula is optional and often serves to emphasise the predi- 1145 cate (Abu-Haidar 1991, 122): 114611471148 hәyyi ḥәlwi or hәyyi ḥәlwi yāha ‘she is (indeed) pretty’ 114911501151 әnta šātәġ or әnta šātiġ yāk ‘you m.s. are (indeed) clever’ 1152 In the Anatolian dialect of Siirt, the copula precedes the predicate, as in: ūwe fә-l-bayt 11531 ‘he is in the house’ (Jastrow 2006). In a number of dialects, the copula is cliticised to 868 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4 the predicate, as in Mardin fә-l-bayt-we ‘is in the house’ (Jastrow 2006), Afghanistan 1154 ismak iš-wa ‘what is your m. name?’ and ana afġōn-inni ‘I am Afghani’ (Ingham 2006) 1155 and Uzbekistan hint mīn-inak ‘who are you?’. 1156

12.3.3. The indefinite article 1157

The indefinite article is a feature of the western Maghribi dialects, on the one hand, 1158 and Mesopotamian and Uzbekistan dialects, on the other (Edzard 2006). In Morocco, 1159 Algeria, Mauritania and some Libyan Bedouin dialects, the indefinite article takes the 1160 form of a reflex of wāḥid C definite article (cf. above), as in: ḥa-l-mṛa ‘a woman’. In 1161 , éxen/éxte functions as the indefinite article (Borg 1985, 2004), and in 1162 many eastern dialects, wāḥid can be used before an indefinite (usually animate) noun 1163 in the sense of ‘a certain’ or ‘one’, particularly in story narratives; in these latter cases, 1164 however, the reflex of wāḥid is more noun-like, less grammaticalised and does not have 1165 the same distribution as the indefinite article in the Maghribi dialects. Marçais (1977, 1166 163) attributes the robustness of this syntactic construction in the Maghrib to the pres- 1167 ence of a similar syntactic construction Ϫ indefinite article C definite article C noun Ϫ 1168 in Berber. 1169 The indefinite article in Mesopotamia and Uzbekistan, described by Blanc (1964) 1170 as the ‘characteristic Mesopotamian ‘indefinite marker’’, is etymologically related to 1171 fard and realised as farәd in Muslim Baghdad, faġad in Jewish Baghdad and faġәd in 1172 Christian Baghdad, with the phonologically reduced form fadd in all dialects. It tends 1173 to have the sense of ‘one’ or ‘a particular’ and in some contexts ‘some’, as in the 1174 following examples from Christian Baghdad (Abu-Haidar 1991, 111Ϫ112): 1175 faġәd ġәğğāl ‘one man, a particular man’ 11771176 faġәd bәnәt ‘a specific girl’ 11781179 fad waqәt ‘sometime’ 11801181 fad yōm ‘some day’ 11831182 The reflex fat is attested in Uzbekistan, as in: fat ādami šuk-mebīf kon ‘lit: one man 1184 wood-seller there was’ (Jastrow 1995, 100). Blanc (1964, 119) sees the indefinite article 1185 construction ‘one’ C noun as an areal feature, which is also attested in neighbouring 1186 Semitic and non-Semitic languages: Turkish bir, Persian ye(k) and North East Neo- 1187 Aramaic xa. 1188

13. Conclusion 1189

The Arabic dialects of today almost definitely had a number of different ancestors, 1190 and have been shaped by the interaction over millennia of with 1191 adstrate and substrate languages. A comparison of dialect material across widely geo- 1192 graphically separated areas shows both long-distance effects due to population move- 1193 ment and local effects due to interaction with the original local languages. Examples 1194 of the former include Andalusia and Ḥassāniyya exhibiting South Arabian influence, 1195 1 and shared basic lexical items between dialects of the Maghrib and either Syrian or 1196 123 50. Arabic Dialects (general article) 869

1197 Yemeni dialects. Examples of the latter include the use of a copula suffix in dialects 1198 spoken in Afghanistan, Khorasan and parts of Anatolia, a feature not attested in stand- 1199 ard Arabic but characteristic of the other languages of the region. And the more dia- 1200 lects come to light, the more variety becomes apparent, rendering comparative recon- 1201 struction impossible (Miller 1986, 56) and leaving us rather with more or less isolated 1202 linking threads and jigsaw-like patterns.

1203 14. References

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2390 Janet C.E. Watson, Salford (England) 2392

1 886 VI. The Semitic Languages and Dialects IV: Languages of the Arabian Peninsula 3 12 4

2393 Map 50.1: The Arab speaking world (map by Peter Behnstedt) 23942395 2396 1 2397