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L'est INSULINDIEN
Etudes interdisciplinaires sur le monde insulindien Sous le patronage de l' Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales ARCHIPEL 90 L'EsT INSULINDIEN 2015 Revu e SOU1CT1 l1C par l' Institut des Science s Humaines et Sociales du CNRS l'Instiuu francais dT ndones ie c l l' Institu t des Langues et Civ ilisations Orientales L 'EST INSULINDIEN Sous la direction de Dana Rappoport et Dominique Guillaud Sommaire INTRODUCTION 3 Dana Rappoport et Dominique Guillaud Reconsiderer r Est insulindien Du PEUPLEMENT A L'ECRITURE DE L'HISTOIRE 15 Susan O'Connor Rethinking the Neolithic in Island Southeast Asia, with Particular Reference to the Archaeology ofTimor-Leste and Sulawesi 49 Jean-Christophe Galipaud Reseaux neolithiques, nomades marins et marchands dans les petites lies de la Sonde 75 Hans Hagerdal Eastern Indonesia and the Writing ofHistory VERS UNE DEFINITION DE L'INSULINDE ORIENTALE 99 Antoinette Schapper Wallacea, a Linguistic Area 153 Philip Yampolsky Is Eastern Insulindia a Distinct Musical Area? AIRE DE TRANSITION OU CREUSET ? SOCIETES, TECHNIQUES, TERRITOIRES ET RITUELS 189 lames Fox Eastern Indonesia in Austronesian Perspective: The Evidence of Relational Terminologies Archipel90, Paris, 2015, p. 1-2 217 Cecile Barraud Parente, alliance. maisons dans l' Est insulindien : rcode neerlandaise et sa posterite critique 245 Dominique Guillaud Le vivrier et le sacre. Systemes agricoles, rituels et territoires dans TEst indonesien et aTimor-Leste 275 Dana Rappoport Musique et rituel dans I'Est insulindien (Indonesie orientate et Timor-Leste) : premierjalons 307 Ruth Barnes Textiles East ofthe Wallace Line. A Comparative Approach to Pattern and Technique RI;:SLJM~;S - ABSTRACTS (<:) Copyright Association Archipe12015 En couverture : Parure de danseuse aSolor Quest. -
H-Diplo Roundtables, Vol. XIV, No. 28
2013 Roundtable Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane H-Diplo Labrosse Roundtable Web/Production Editor: George Fujii H-Diplo Roundtable Review Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables Volume XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State 22 April 2013 University Northridge Geoffrey Roberts. Molotov: Stalin’s Cold Warrior. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011. ISBN: 978-1-57488-945-1 (cloth, $29.95). Stable URL: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/Roundtable-XIV-28.pdf Contents Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge ............................... 2 Review by Alexei Filitov, Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences ................ 5 Review by Jonathan Haslam, Cambridge University ................................................................ 8 Review by Jochen Laufer, Potsdamer Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung ...................... 13 Review by Wilfried Loth, University of Duisburg-Essen .......................................................... 18 Author’s Response by Geoffrey Roberts, University College Cork Ireland ............................. 21 Copyright © 2013 H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for non-profit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For other uses, contact the H-Diplo editorial staff at [email protected]. H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol. XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge emarkably, until recently Joseph Stalin’s closest aide, Vyacheslav Molotov, has rarely been the subject of serious scholarly interest. Geoffrey Roberts was one of the first R to see Molotov’s files. -
Dartmouth Conf Program
The Dartmouth Conference: The First 50 Years 1960—2010 Reminiscing on the Dartmouth Conference by Yevgeny Primakov T THE PEAK OF THE COLD WAR, and facilitating conditions conducive to A the Dartmouth Conference was one of economic interaction. the few diversions from the spirit of hostility The significance of the Dartmouth Confer- available to Soviet and American intellectuals, ence relates to the fact that throughout the who were keen, and able, to explore peace- cold war, no formal Soviet-American contact making initiatives. In fact, the Dartmouth had been consistently maintained, and that participants reported to huge gap was bridged by Moscow and Washington these meetings. on the progress of their The composition of discussion and, from participants was a pri- time to time, were even mary factor in the success instructed to “test the of those meetings, and it water” regarding ideas took some time before the put forward by their gov- negotiating teams were ernments. The Dartmouth shaped the right way. At meetings were also used first, in the early 1970s, to unfetter actions under- the teams had been led taken by the two countries by professionally quali- from a propagandist connotation and present fied citizens. From the Soviet Union, political them in a more genuine perspective. But the experts and researchers working for the Insti- crucial mission for these meetings was to tute of World Economy and International establish areas of concurring interests and to Relations and the Institute of U.S. and Cana- attempt to outline mutually acceptable solutions dian Studies, organizations closely linked to to the most acute problems: nuclear weapons Soviet policymaking circles, played key roles. -
“Liberal Democracy” in Yogyakarta Special Regions of Indonesia
Local Politics and Local Identity: Resistance to “Liberal Democracy” in Yogyakarta Special Regions Of Indonesia A Thesis Submitted To the Graduate Devision of The University Of Hawai’i at Mānoa in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Of Master of Arts In Political Science August, 2012 By David Efendi Thesis Committee: Ehito Kimura, Chairperson Benedict J. Kerkvliet Nevzat Soguk Keywords: Transitional Politics, Liberal Democracy, Social Movement, Everyday Politics DEDICATION For my beloved son: Iqra Garda Nusantara i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS “There is no time to rest before grassroots politics becomes a well-established field of study in Indonesian political discourse. It is my dream to see this happen soon after my graduation from the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, USA.” I have been blessed with a great opportunity, and I deeply owe a debt of gratitude to the people of Yogyakarta who have inspired me to study local and grassroots politics. Yogyakarta, as the center of Javanese culture, was an ideal location to study everyday politics, and the creativity of the people of Yogyakarta impressed me during my field research. The movement against the Dutch in Yogyakarta is a manifestation of Javanese ideology called “Manunggaling Kawulo lan Gusti,” meaning the people and the King aer united. It was inspiring for me to learn more about the recent movement in Yogyakarta under the banner of defending the special status of this region as part of the decentralization and democratization project led by the central government. The Pisowanan Agung (The Great Mass Gathering), which was attended by millions of Yogyakartans in 1998, clearly showed the solidarity of the people and the King. -
Romanov News Новости Романовых
Romanov News Новости Романовых By Ludmila & Paul Kulikovsky №116 November 2017 Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna - "Akhtyrskaya Mother of God" The centenary of the October Revolution - Plenty of exhibitions, not much else November 7th arrived, the day of the centenary of the October Revolution, and expectations or even fear for some people were high, what would happen? Some even talked in advance about the possibility of a new revolution, but in fact not much happened. Also the official silence on the Revolution speaks volumes. Though a few public exhibitions were on display, the official narrative ignored the centenary of the Revolution in all spheres of the political system. It seems that it was more anticipated, talked about, and commemorated outside Russia and one can wonder why, now when the West is so Russophobic? Maybe many Westerners, who benefited from freedoms denied to Soviet citizens, naively romanticize the revolution, seeing it as being about kicking the rich and helping the poor. Do they really see Lenin as a "Robin Hood"? The truth is much more complicated. Ultimately, the October Revolution was a tremendous catastrophe that resulted in the split of a nation, a bloody civil war, mass murder, millions people forced into exile, the destruction of much of Russia’s creative and scientific establishment and the export of this brutal regime to other countries - where it all was repeated. Maybe the West were hoping for a new revolution in Russia, and they hoped this way they would kindle the revolutionary spirit of Russians today? If so, they failed! The fact is that the Russian elite are far more consolidated around President Putin than they were once around Emperor Nicholas II. -
Asist Proceedings Template
Jurnal Ilmiah ISLAM FUTURA Vol. 20. No. 1, Februari 2020, 120-134 THE CORRELATION STUDY ABOUT PREJUDICE AND SOCIAL CONFLICTS ON ISLAM NUSANTARA IN PADANG Reza Fahmi Universitas Islam Negeri Imam Bonjol padang e-mail: [email protected] Prima Aswirna Universitas Islam Negeri Imam Bonjol padang e-mail: [email protected] Syafruddin Nurdin Universitas Islam Negeri Imam Bonjol padang e-mail: [email protected] Abstract The research objectives: (1) Describe the prejudices of community leaders about Islam Nusantara. (2) Describe the picture of people's prejudices about Islam Nusantara. (3) Connecting between the prejudices of religious leaders and the community and its relation to the social conflict of the people of the city of Padang. The study uses qualitative approaches and quantitative mixing methods (mixed methods). The population in this study were 32 religious leaders and 168 community members. Data collection techniques using; observation, interview and psychological scale. A simple random sampling technique. Data analysis techniques using Pearson correlation. The results of this study found that generally the negative prejudices of religious leaders about Islam Nusantara were high. While social conflict in the midst of society is classified as low. Whereas them correlation aspect shows that there is no correlation between the views of religious leaders and community members about Islam Nusantara not correlating with social conflict in the midst of society. Keywords: Community Leaders; Community Members; Islam Nusantara; Social Conflict. Abstrak Tujuan penelitian : (1) Menggambarkan Prasangka tokoh masyarakat tentang Islam Nusantara. (2) Menggambarkan gambaran Prasangka masyarakat tentang Islam Nusantara. (3) Menghubungkan antara prasangka tokoh agama dan masyarakat serta kaitannya dengan konfik sosial masyarakat kota Padang. -
Appendix 1 State’S Share in Oil Production, 1994–2006 (As % of Total Oil Production)
Appendix 1 State’s Share in Oil Production, 1994–2006 (as % of Total Oil Production) 90 80 70 60 50 % 40 30 20 10 0 1994 1995 19971996 1998 19992000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 All state-owned companies Companies owned by federation Companies owned by regional governments Source: Julia Kuzsnir and Heiko Pleines, ‘The Russian Oil Industry between Foreign Investment and Domestic Interests in Russian Analytical Digest, 18 September 2007, p. 14. 131 Appendix 2 Results of Loans-for-Shares Privatization in the Oil Industry Trust auctions, 1995 Collateral auctions, 1996–1997 Stake Min. Name under Loan Organizer sale of oil auction provided Auction for Auction price Auction Price Auction company (%) (US$m) date auction winner (US$m) date paid winner Surgut- 40.12 88.3 Nov 95 ONEKSIM bank Surgutneftegaz 74 Feb 97 78.8 Surgutfondinvest neftegaz pension fund (linked to 132 Surgutneftegaz) LUKoil 5 35.01 Dec 95 Imperial Bank LUKoil Imperial 43 Jun 97 43.6 LUKoil (LUKoil affiliate) Bank Reserve-Invest YUKOS 45 159 Dec 95 Menatep Bank Laguna (Menatep 160 Nov 96 160.1 Monblan (Menatep affiliate) affiliate) SIDANKO 51 130 Dec 95 ONEKSIM bank MFK (part of 129 Jan 97 129.8 Interros Oil ONEKSIM bank) (part of ONEKSIM bank group) Sibneft’ 51 100.1 Dec 95 Menatep Bank NFK, SBS 101 May 97 110 FNK (offshoot (linked to of NFK) Sibneft’) Sources: Valery Kryukov and Arild Moe. The Changing Role of Banks in the Russian Oil Sector. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1998; Nat Moser and Peter Oppenheimer. ‘The Oil Industry: Structural Transformation and Corporate Governance’. -
Russia's Quiet Partnerships in Southeast Asia
Les notes de l’Irasec n°13 - Irasec’s Discussion Papers #13 Russia’s Quiet Partnerships in Southeast Asia Russia-Malaysia Strategic Partnership through Sabah Case Study William Kucera and Eva Pejsova April 2012 1 Les notes de l’Irasec, n°13, avril 2012 — Irasec’s Discussion Papers, #13, April 2012 The Irasec’s Discussion Papers Series is published electronically by the Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia. © Copyright is held by the author or authors of each Discussion Paper. Irasec’s Discussion Papers cannot be republished, reprinted, or reproduced in any format without the permission of the paper’s author or authors. Note: The views expressed in each paper are those of the author or authors of the paper. They do not necessarily represent or reflect the views of the Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia or its Scientific Advisory Board. Citations of this electronic publication should be made in the following manner: “Kucera William and Pejsova Eva, “Russia’s Quiet Partnerships in Southeast Asia - Russia-Malaysia Strategic Partnership through Sabah Case Study,” Irasec’s Discussion Papers, No. 13, April 2012, www.irasec.com STRATEGIC ADVISORY BOARD SCIENTIFIC ADVISORY BOARD • Stéphane DOVERT (MAEE) • Jean BAFFIE (CNRS-IrAsia) • Guy FAURE (CNRS-IAO) • Romain BERTRAND (CNRS-Ceri) • Yves GOUDINEAU (EFEO) • Sophie BOISSEAU du ROCHER (Asia Centre) • Christophe JAFFRELOT (CNRS-Ceri) • Bénédicte BRAC de LA PERRIÈRE (Case-CNRS- • Christian LECHERVY (MAEE) EHESS) • Rémy MADINIER (CNRS) • Frédéric DURAND (Toulouse Le Mirail) • Jean-François SABOURET (CNRS) • Nathalie FAU (Paris VII-Irasec) • Benoît de TRÉGLODÉ (Irasec) • Alain FOREST (Paris VII) • Marie-Sybille de VIENNE (Inalco) • Christopher E. -
What Does Russia Think?
WHAT DOES RUSSia THINK? Edited by Ivan Krastev, Mark Leonard and Andrew Wilson ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over one hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets twice a year as a full body. Through geographical and thematic task forces, members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Martti Ahtisaari, Joschka Fischer and Mabel van Oranje. A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think-tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris and Sofia. In the future ECFR plans to open offices in Rome, Warsaw and Brussels. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. -
Monitoring Russian Channels 2015
Messages of Russian TV: Monitoring Report 2015 Supported by Messages of Russian TV: Monitoring Report 2015 EaP Civil Society Forum | European Endowment for Democracy | Krajowa Rada Radiofonii i Telewizji “The mass communications media provide information to most voters that is essential to the choice they exercise at the ballot box. Therefore, proper media conduct toward all political parties and candidates, as well as proper media conduct in the presentation of information that is relevant to electoral choices, are crucial to achieving democratic elections. Monitoring media conduct – when done impartially, proficiently and based on a credible methodology – establishes whether this key aspect of an election process contributes to or subverts the democratic nature of elections. Media monitoring can measure the amount of coverage of electoral subjects, the presence of news bias, appropriateness of media access for political competitors and the adequacy of information conveyed to voters through news, direct political messages, public information programming and voter education announcements. Shortcomings in media conduct can be identified through monitoring in time for corrective action. Abuse of the mass media power to affect voter choices also can be documented, which allows the population and the international community to appropriately characterize the true nature of the electoral process.” 1 Robert Norris and Patrick Merloe This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the implementing partners and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. 1 Media Monitoring to Promote Democratic Elections: An NDI Handbook for Citizen Organizations, Hardcover – Jul 2002 by Robert Norris and Patrick Merloe: https://www.ndi.org/files/1420_elect_media_02_1-31_0.pdf 2 Messages of Russian TV: Monitoring Report 2015 EaP Civil Society Forum | European Endowment for Democracy | Krajowa Rada Radiofonii i Telewizji Monitors analysing content of the Russian channels. -
Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order by Andrej Krickovic a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfa
Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order by Andrej Krickovic A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Steven Weber, Chair Professor M. Steven Fish Professor Yuri Slezkine Fall 2012 Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order Copyright 2012 by Andrej Krickovic Abstract Ties That Do Not Bind Russia and the International Liberal Order by Andrej Krickovic Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Steven Weber, Chair The world is experiencing an unprecedented shift in wealth and power away from the West and towards the developing countries According to some estimates the combined gross domestic product of the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China) will surpass that of the G7 nations by 2032. India’s GDP alone is predicted to surpass that of the United States by 2043 and China’s GDP will be almost twice that of the US by 2050. Rising powers are using this newfound wealth to expand their global influence. China has taken the lead in investment and development in Africa. Russia is consolidating its influence in the Post-Soviet space. India is flexing its muscle on the subcontinent. Brazil is pushing for regional integration in South America and promoting diplomatic initiatives to address some of the world’s most difficult problems, such as the Iranian nuclear program. What is the impact of institutions and regimes during periods of major power transition in the international system? My dissertation challenges liberal theories, which argue that the institutions and regimes established by the Western powers after World War II constitute a resilient and robust “International Liberal Order” (ILO) that will shape and restrain the behavior of rising powers. -
Russia's “Soft Power”
RUSSIA’S “SOFT POWER” STRATEGY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies by Jill Dougherty, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. November 1, 2013 RUSSIA’S “SOFT POWER” STRATEGY Jill Dougherty, B.A. MALS Mentor: Angela Stent, Ph.D. ABSTRACT On October 30, 2013 the business-oriented Forbes.com put Russian President Vladimir Putin at the top of its list of “The World’s Most Powerful People,” unseating United States President Barack Obama. Forbes said its editors made the decision based on the power of the person over a large number of people, the financial resources controlled by the person, their power in multiple spheres, and the degree to which they actively use their power. Revisionist media commentary immediately followed the report, pointing out that Russia remains a regional power, that its economy, while improving, still ranks fifth in the world, significantly trailing those of the United States and China. The ranking also appeared to be, at least partially, a reaction to Russia’s skillful shift in diplomacy on the Syrian conflict, by which it proposed a plan to destroy the Assad regime’s chemical weapons. Others noted that Forbes is a conservative publication, and part of its editors’ motivation might have been the desire to criticize a Democratic President. It was, nevertheless, a stunning turn-about for Russia’s President, an indication of how quickly evaluations of a leader and his or her country can shift, based on their perceived influence.