Appendix 1 State’S Share in Oil Production, 1994–2006 (As % of Total Oil Production)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Appendix 1 State’S Share in Oil Production, 1994–2006 (As % of Total Oil Production) Appendix 1 State’s Share in Oil Production, 1994–2006 (as % of Total Oil Production) 90 80 70 60 50 % 40 30 20 10 0 1994 1995 19971996 1998 19992000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 All state-owned companies Companies owned by federation Companies owned by regional governments Source: Julia Kuzsnir and Heiko Pleines, ‘The Russian Oil Industry between Foreign Investment and Domestic Interests in Russian Analytical Digest, 18 September 2007, p. 14. 131 Appendix 2 Results of Loans-for-Shares Privatization in the Oil Industry Trust auctions, 1995 Collateral auctions, 1996–1997 Stake Min. Name under Loan Organizer sale of oil auction provided Auction for Auction price Auction Price Auction company (%) (US$m) date auction winner (US$m) date paid winner Surgut- 40.12 88.3 Nov 95 ONEKSIM bank Surgutneftegaz 74 Feb 97 78.8 Surgutfondinvest neftegaz pension fund (linked to 132 Surgutneftegaz) LUKoil 5 35.01 Dec 95 Imperial Bank LUKoil Imperial 43 Jun 97 43.6 LUKoil (LUKoil affiliate) Bank Reserve-Invest YUKOS 45 159 Dec 95 Menatep Bank Laguna (Menatep 160 Nov 96 160.1 Monblan (Menatep affiliate) affiliate) SIDANKO 51 130 Dec 95 ONEKSIM bank MFK (part of 129 Jan 97 129.8 Interros Oil ONEKSIM bank) (part of ONEKSIM bank group) Sibneft’ 51 100.1 Dec 95 Menatep Bank NFK, SBS 101 May 97 110 FNK (offshoot (linked to of NFK) Sibneft’) Sources: Valery Kryukov and Arild Moe. The Changing Role of Banks in the Russian Oil Sector. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1998; Nat Moser and Peter Oppenheimer. ‘The Oil Industry: Structural Transformation and Corporate Governance’. In Russia’s Post-Communist Economy, eds, Brigitte Granville and Peter Oppenheimer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001; and Russian Economic Trends, 1997. Notes 1 Introduction to the Policymaking Process 1. During the last few years of the Soviet Union, kontserny or commercially managed state enterprises were formed, particularly from departments of ministries. 2. The data in this section are from ‘PIW’s Top 50: How the Firms Stack Up’, Petroleum Intelligence Weekly 2003 (available at http://www.energyintel.com); OECD Economic Surveys 2004: Russian Federation (Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2004), pp. 85–86; and Russia Oil & Gas Yearbook 2004: Counting Barrels (Moscow: Renaissance Capital, July 2004), pp. 19, 34 and 81. The remaining volume of oil production and reserves is accounted for by over 100 independent oil producers and joint ventures. 3. See Appendix 1 for the state’s changing share in oil production. 4. See Marshall I. Goldman, The Enigma of Soviet Petroleum: Half-Full or Half- Empty? (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1980), p. 21. For a brief period, Tsarist Russia even outranked the United States as the world’s largest oil pro- ducer (ibid., Table 2.1, pp. 14–15). For accounts of the development of the Tsarist and Soviet oil industry by senior industry leaders, see Lev Tchurilov, Lifeblood of Empire: A Personal History of the Rise and Fall of the Soviet Oil Industry (New York: PIW Publications, 1996); and Rasul Gouliev, Oil and Politics: New Relationships among the Oil Producing States – Azerbaijan, Russia, Kazakhstan, and the West (New York: Liberty Publishing House, 1997). 5. This was a typical characterization of the Soviet economy, as reflected in works by Goldman, The Enigma of Soviet Petroleum, p. 91; and Margaret Chadwick, Machiko Nissanke and David Long, Soviet Oil Exports: Trade Adjustments, Refining Constraints and Market Behaviour (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 81. 6. Data on oil and gas from Jennifer I. Considine and William A. Kerr, The Russian Oil Economy (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2002), Table 5.18, p. 138; and Chadwick, Nissanke and Long, Soviet Oil Exports, Table 5.9, pp. 82–83. It appears that Soviet oil exports to the West were deployed as a trade-balancing mechanism to finance imports of grain and technology from those coun- tries, rather than as a foreign policy tool. See ibid., pp. 67–97; and Thane Gustafson, Crisis amid Plenty: The Politics of Soviet Energy under Brezhnev and Gorbachev (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 263–285. 7. Figures cited by Lyuba Pronina, ‘Weapons Sales: The Peace Dividend’s Evil Twin’, St Petersburg Times, 25 September 2001; and Aleksey Nikol’skiy, ‘Ne kazhdyy god SSSR polluchal takie summy v valyute’, Vedomosti, 24 October 2005. 8. Yuriy Shafranik and Valeriy Kryukov, Zapadno-Sibirskiy Fenomen (Moscow: Neftegazovaya vertikal’, 2000), p. 4. Shafranik is a former general manager of 133 134 Notes the Langepas oil production association (1988–1990), governor of Tyumen’ oblast’ (1991–1992) and Minister of Fuel and Energy (1993–1996). For a sim- ilar perspective, see Yegor Gaidar, Collapse of an Empire: Lessons for Modern Russia, trans. Antonina W. Bouis (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2007), pp. 100–109. 9. Quote by a Soviet official as cited by Alexander Arbatov, Vladimir Feygin and Victor Smirnov, ‘Unrelenting Oil Addiction’, Russia in Global Affairs, no. 2 (April–June 2005, available at http://eng.globalaffairs.ru/printver/914.html). 10. See William Tompson, ‘The Price of Everything and the Value of Nothing? Unravelling the Workings of Russia’s Virtual Economy’, Economy and Society 28, no. 2 (May 1999); Douglas B. Reynolds, ‘Soviet Economic Decline: Did an Oil Crisis Cause the Transition in the Soviet Union?’, The Journal of Energy and Development 24, no. 1 (2000): 65–81; Stephen Kotkin, Armageddon Averted: The Soviet Collapse 1970–2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); and Yegor Gaidar, ‘The Collapse of the Soviet Union: Lessons for Contemporary Russia’, Lecture delivered at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington DC, 13 November 2006. 11. From Goohoon Kwon, ‘Post-crisis Revenue Developments in Russia: From an Oil Perspective’, Public Finance and Management 3, no. 4 (2003), p. 508; Oil Sector Report (Moscow: Troika Dialog Research, May 2001), p. 88; and Russian Federation: Statistical Appendix (Washington DC: International Monetary Fund, May 2003), Table 31, p. 37. 12. For an explanation of how the data on oil’s share in Russia’s GDP growth were derived, and why it differs from the 9% cited in official Russian sta- tistics, see Russian Economic Report (Moscow: World Bank Group, Russian Federation Country Office, February 2004). Estimates of the oil price elas- ticity of Russian GDP growth vary widely. The figure cited in the text is used by the World Bank, the basis of which is explained in From Transition to Development: A Country Economic Memorandum for the Russian Federation (Moscow: World Bank Group, Russian Federation Country Office, 2004), pp. 10–11. Russia’s Ministry of Finance calculates that the effect is less than half of the World Bank’s figures, whereas a report by the Bank of Finland claims that it is three times higher. See OECD Economic Surveys 2004: Russian Federation, p. 29; and Jouko Rautava, ‘The Role of Oil Prices and the Real Exchange Rate in Russia’s Economy’, in BOFIT Discussion Papers (Helsinki: Bank of Finland’s Institute for Economies in Transition, 2002), p. 18. 13. Figures on weapons sales are from Konstantin Makienko, ‘Financial Results of Russian Arms Trade with Foreign States in 2004’, Moscow Defence Brief, no. 1 (2005). 14. Lilia Shevtsova, ‘The Limits of Bureaucratic Authoritarianism’, Journal of Democracy 15, no. 3 (2004), pp. 71–72. 15. Today, 90% of coal in Russia is produced by privately owned companies, up from 5% in 1993. See Youri Bobylev and Jacek Cukrowski, ‘Russia: Bank Assistance for the Energy Sector’, in World Bank Operations Evaluation Department Working Paper (Washington DC: World Bank, 2002), p. 23; and Igor Artemiev and Michael Haney, ‘The Privatisation of the Russian Coal Industry: Policies and Processes in the Transformation of a Major Industry’, in World Bank Transition Economies Working Paper (April 2002), p. 6. Notes 135 16. In June 2005, the state agreed to increase its shareholding in Gazprom to just over 50% at a cost of US$10 billion. The transaction was carried out in stages and was finally settled in December 2005. 17. See Matthew J. Sagers, ‘The Russian Natural Gas Industry in the Mid-1990s’, Post-Soviet Geography and Economics 36, no. 9 (1995), p. 524. 18. See ‘PIW’s Top 50’. 19. A profile of leading oil producing countries is available from the Energy Information Administration (http://www.eia.doe.gov). 20. S. P. Peregudov, N. Yu Lapina and I. S. Semenenko, Gruppy interesov i Rossiyskoe gosudarstvo (Moscow: Editorial URSS, 1999), p. 100. 21. Quote by Putin as cited in Bulat Stolyarov, ‘Kreml’ khochet zabrat’ nedra’, Vedomosti, 26 July 2002. 22. Philip Hanson and Elizabeth Teague, ‘Big Business and the State in Russia’, Europe–Asia Studies 57, no. 5 (July 2005), p. 662. For a literature survey of the overwhelmingly negative perception of the role of tycoons in Russia’s economic development, see Stephen Fortescue, Russia’s Oil Barons and Metal Magnates: Oligarchs and the State in Transition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 9–18. The term ‘oligarch’ (or rule by a few) is widely used in the popular press to refer to Russia’s richest businessmen. While the term may have been briefly applicable during the mid-1990s, its continued use in scholarly literature is less appropriate. For this reason, ‘tycoons’, ‘mag- nates’ or ‘leading businessmen’ are used instead in this book, except where the term ‘oligarch’ is part of a quotation. 23. A sample of works that focus on the role of big business includes David E. Hoffman, The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia (Oxford: Public Affairs, 2002); Chrystia Freeland, Sale of the Century: The Inside Story of the Second Russian Revolution (London: Little, Brown and Company, 2000); Juliet Johnson, A Fistful of Rubles: The Rise and Fall of the Russian Banking System (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000); Marshall I.
Recommended publications
  • ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
    overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
    [Show full text]
  • Temptation to Control
    PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April.
    [Show full text]
  • Too Big, Too Quick? an Institutional and Systemic Overview of the Rise of Russian Metallurgical Transnationals
    TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? AN INSTITUTIONAL AND SYSTEMIC OVERVIEW OF THE RISE OF RUSSIAN METALLURGICAL TRANSNATIONALS Cédric DURAND, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) and CEMI (EHESS) Marc LAUTIER, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) Mots-clés : Transnationales, institutions, développement, crise, métallurgie, investissement direct étranger, Russie Keywords : Transnationals, Institutions, Development, Crisis, Metallurgy, Foreign Direct Investment, Russia 1. INTRODUCTION Russian outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) has expanded rapidly during the years 2000. The country has become the leading foreign inves- tor among the BRIC countries (Figure 1), but the global crisis led to a spec- tacular retreat since 2008. The rise of multinational companies from non- triadic countries has attracted growing attraction in the recent period (see Goldstein, 2007 for a review), but the Russian case has been somewhat neglected, given the scale and the speed of the phenomenon. It is also highly original as far as the sectoral concentration of these FDI is concer- ned. After the oil and gas sector, metallurgy is the second sector to parti- cipate to this foreign expansion (Liuhto and Vahtra, 2007; Kalotay, 2008; Skolkovo, 2008). REVUE D’ÉCONOMIE INDUSTRIELLE ➻ N° 142 ➻ 2 E TRIMESTRE 2013 41 TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? Russia benefits from a strong relative position in metal production. The United Company Rusal is the world’s largest producer of aluminium and alumina and Norilsk is the world’s leading producer of nickel and palla- dium. Russia is also the fourth largest steel producer and exporter in the world, with four companies ranking among the top 30 of the industry in 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Günther G
    6864 2018 January 2018 Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Günther G. Schulze, Nikita Zakharov Impressum: CESifo Working Papers ISSN 2364‐1428 (electronic version) Publisher and distributor: Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research ‐ CESifo GmbH The international platform of Ludwigs‐Maximilians University’s Center for Economic Studies and the ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 (0)89 2180‐2740, Telefax +49 (0)89 2180‐17845, email [email protected] Editors: Clemens Fuest, Oliver Falck, Jasmin Gröschl www.cesifo‐group.org/wp An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded ∙ from the SSRN website: www.SSRN.com ∙ from the RePEc website: www.RePEc.org ∙ from the CESifo website: www.CESifo‐group.org/wp CESifo Working Paper No. 6864 Category 1: Public Finance Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Abstract This paper argues that corruption in Russia is systemic in nature. Low wage levels of public officials provide strong incentives to engage in corruption. As corruption is illegal, corrupt officials can be exposed any time, which enforces loyalty towards the powers that be; thus corruption is a method of governance. We trace the systemic corruption back to the Mongolian empire and demonstrate its persistence to the current regime. We show the geographic distribution of contemporary corruption within Russia, survey the literature on the causes, consequences, and cures of corruption in Russia, and discuss entry points to fighting it. JEL-Codes: D730, H110, H730, K420, N400, P370. Keywords: corruption, governance, institutions, political economy, history, Russia. Günther G. Schulze Nikita Zakharov* University of Freiburg University of Freiburg Institute of Economics Institute of Economics Platz der Alten Synagoge Platz der Alten Synagoge Germany – 79085 Freiburg i.Br.
    [Show full text]
  • Initial Evidence of Corruption Risks in Government Oil and Gas Sales
    Briefing June 2016 Initial Evidence of Corruption Risks in Government Oil and Gas Sales Aaron Sayne and Alexandra Gillies In many oil-producing countries, the government receives a physical share of production, and that oil is then typically sold by the national oil company (NOC). These trading transactions are currently subject to limited regulation and even fewer reporting requirements. NRGI has argued for some time that these physical oil trading transactions merit greater transparency and oversight, for two reasons. First, the sales are economically important. For countries such as Iraq, Libya and Nigeria, oil sales have in past years generated over half of total government revenues. From 2011 to 2013, oil sales by the governments of Africa’s top ten producers totaled $254 billion, an amount equivalent to 56 percent of those countries’ total public revenues.1 Second, as with other high-value transactions in the extractive sector, the sales are susceptible to corruption.2 To illustrate what these corruption risks look like in practice, this briefing summarizes 11 real-world situations where corruption or the perception of corruption arose around NOC oil and gas sales.3 While achieving a comprehensive understanding of corruption risks in NOC commodity sales requires further analysis (as detailed in our conclusion), this briefing provides some initial evidence that these risks are real; subdivides the risks into three distinct stages of the sale process; and offers preliminary ideas about the type of policy response that is warranted. Global recognition of the need for trading transparency is growing. Some initial steps toward advancing extractive sector transparency, such as the original Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) requirements as well as mandatory payment reporting rules recently legislated in the US, EU, Norway and Canada, did not incorporate trading transactions.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Roundtables, Vol. XIV, No. 28
    2013 Roundtable Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane H-Diplo Labrosse Roundtable Web/Production Editor: George Fujii H-Diplo Roundtable Review Commissioned for H-Diplo by Thomas Maddux www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables Volume XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State 22 April 2013 University Northridge Geoffrey Roberts. Molotov: Stalin’s Cold Warrior. Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011. ISBN: 978-1-57488-945-1 (cloth, $29.95). Stable URL: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/Roundtable-XIV-28.pdf Contents Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge ............................... 2 Review by Alexei Filitov, Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences ................ 5 Review by Jonathan Haslam, Cambridge University ................................................................ 8 Review by Jochen Laufer, Potsdamer Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung ...................... 13 Review by Wilfried Loth, University of Duisburg-Essen .......................................................... 18 Author’s Response by Geoffrey Roberts, University College Cork Ireland ............................. 21 Copyright © 2013 H-Net: Humanities and Social Sciences Online. H-Net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for non-profit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author(s), web location, date of publication, H-Diplo, and H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online. For other uses, contact the H-Diplo editorial staff at [email protected]. H-Diplo Roundtable Reviews, Vol. XIV, No. 28 (2013) Introduction by Donal O’Sullivan, California State University Northridge emarkably, until recently Joseph Stalin’s closest aide, Vyacheslav Molotov, has rarely been the subject of serious scholarly interest. Geoffrey Roberts was one of the first R to see Molotov’s files.
    [Show full text]
  • Berezovsky-Judgment.Pdf
    Neutral Citation Number: [2012] EWHC 2463 (Comm) Royal Courts of Justice Rolls Building, 7 Rolls Buildings, London EC4A 1NL Date: 31st August 2012 IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Case No: 2007 Folio 942 QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION COMMERCIAL COURT IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Claim Nos: HC08C03549; HC09C00494; CHANCERY DIVISION HC09C00711 Before: MRS JUSTICE GLOSTER, DBE - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Between: Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Roman Arkadievich Abramovich Defendant Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Hine & Others Defendants - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Laurence Rabinowitz Esq, QC, Richard Gillis Esq, QC, Roger Masefield Esq, Simon Colton Esq, Henry Forbes-Smith Esq, Sebastian Isaac Esq, Alexander Milner Esq, and Ms. Nehali Shah (instructed by Addleshaw Goddard LLP) for the Claimant Jonathan Sumption Esq, QC, Miss Helen Davies QC, Daniel Jowell Esq, QC, Andrew Henshaw Esq, Richard Eschwege Esq, Edward Harrison Esq and Craig Morrison Esq (instructed by Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP) for the Defendant Ali Malek Esq, QC, Ms. Sonia Tolaney QC, and Ms. Anne Jeavons (instructed by Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP) appeared for the Anisimov Defendants to the Chancery Actions David Mumford Esq (instructed by Macfarlanes LLP) appeared for the Salford Defendants to the Chancery Actions Jonathan Adkin Esq and Watson Pringle Esq (instructed by Signature Litigation LLP) appeared for the Family Defendants to the Chancery Actions Hearing dates: 3rd – 7th October 2011; 10th – 13th October 2011; 17th – 19th October 2011; 24th & 28th October 2011; 31st October – 4th November 2011; 7th – 10th November 2011; 14th - 18th November 2011; 21st – 23 November 2011; 28th November – 2nd December 2011; 5th December 2011; 19th & 20th December 2011; 17th – 19th January 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Dartmouth Conf Program
    The Dartmouth Conference: The First 50 Years 1960—2010 Reminiscing on the Dartmouth Conference by Yevgeny Primakov T THE PEAK OF THE COLD WAR, and facilitating conditions conducive to A the Dartmouth Conference was one of economic interaction. the few diversions from the spirit of hostility The significance of the Dartmouth Confer- available to Soviet and American intellectuals, ence relates to the fact that throughout the who were keen, and able, to explore peace- cold war, no formal Soviet-American contact making initiatives. In fact, the Dartmouth had been consistently maintained, and that participants reported to huge gap was bridged by Moscow and Washington these meetings. on the progress of their The composition of discussion and, from participants was a pri- time to time, were even mary factor in the success instructed to “test the of those meetings, and it water” regarding ideas took some time before the put forward by their gov- negotiating teams were ernments. The Dartmouth shaped the right way. At meetings were also used first, in the early 1970s, to unfetter actions under- the teams had been led taken by the two countries by professionally quali- from a propagandist connotation and present fied citizens. From the Soviet Union, political them in a more genuine perspective. But the experts and researchers working for the Insti- crucial mission for these meetings was to tute of World Economy and International establish areas of concurring interests and to Relations and the Institute of U.S. and Cana- attempt to outline mutually acceptable solutions dian Studies, organizations closely linked to to the most acute problems: nuclear weapons Soviet policymaking circles, played key roles.
    [Show full text]
  • 2018 JM Godzimirski, the Political Economy of Russian Aluminium, Inter
    INDEX A Alfa Bank, 94, 173, 202, 203, 228, Abramovich, Roman, 40, 43, 57, 58, 230 64, 81, 98, 131, 173, 176, 177, Alfa Group, 150, 155, 228, 243, 250 196, 213–215, 220, 221, 224, Alpart, 80, 87, 88, 266, 267 225, 248, 249 ALSCON, 80, 90, 98 Achinsk Alumina Plant, 43, 45, 55, Alukom-Taishet AZ, 92 79, 124, 132 Alumina Actors import, 21, 31, 273 business community, 7, 145, 151, production, global, 14, 17 168–170, 211, 218, 276 production, Russia, 11, 14, 16, 44, horizontal relationships, 142 122, 125 rankings, 212, 247–249 production, regions, 15 state, 4, 6, 7, 18, 19, 25, 84, 86, Aluminium 101, 142, 144, 146, 153, 157, actors, economic power in Russia, 158, 168, 169, 172, 194, 211, 253 214, 241, 246, 253, 261, 274, actors, political power in Russia, 5, 276 6, 121, 123, 141, 246, 248 vertical relationships, 141, 142 association, 145, 200 Adachi, Yuko, 57 demand for in USSR and Russia, 17 Aksenov, Sergei, 131 export, 3, 6, 18–20, 33, 34, 37, 39, Alcan, 17, 23, 32, 52, 60, 80, 83, 84, 41, 64 215 export from Russia, 39 Alcoa, 17, 25, 32, 52, 60, 63, 69, 80, global market, 2, 4, 5, 14, 17–20, 83, 84, 90, 91, 94, 96, 97, 215 38, 41, 44, 83, 91, 106, 109, Alekperov, Vagit, 276 143, 216, 262–264 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 281 J.M. Godzimirski, The Political Economy of Russian Aluminium, International Political Economy Series, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57234-5 282 INDEX import from Russia, 45 B price, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 37, 42, Bank and banks, 22–25, 68–71, 93, 51, 62, 69, 86, 90, 91, 93, 96, 103–105, 107, 127, 173, 180, 97, 99–102, 107–109, 111, 189, 198, 199, 230 142, 230, 265 Bashkortostan, 122 production, global, 14, 20, 36, 51, Basic Element, 65, 66, 141, 202, 215, 83, 102 238, 244.
    [Show full text]
  • The UK and Russia Which Undermine the Political Relationship
    Conflict Studies Research Centre Russi an Series 07/17 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom The UK Russia – A Troubled Relationship Dr Andrew Monaghan (ed) Key Points * The fatal poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko and the controversial statements by Boris Berezovsky have brought the UK-Russia relationship to an important moment. * An increasing tension is emerging between, on one hand, a UK-Russia political relationship that is short of mutual confidence – and as a result appears to be deteriorating – and a developing professional and technical-level engagement, especially in business and energy relations, on the other. * There is an important shortage of expertise and resources devoted to the development of the state to state relationship. This reflects the fact that neither party has been a priority for the other. * Serious “values” differences exist between the UK and Russia which undermine the political relationship. London and Moscow espouse different approaches to society, London supporting a bottom up approach, encouraging civil society, Moscow preferring top down control of societal development. The UK & Russia – A Troubled Relationship Part I Dr Andrew Monaghan (ed) Contents Introduction: 1 The UK & Russia – a Divergent Relationship Dr. Andrew Monaghan Chapter 1: 9 Misunderstanding Russia: Alexander Litvinenko Henry Plater Zyberk Chapter 2: 13 UK-Russia Political relations Dr. Edwin Bacon Chapter 3: 24 UK-Russia military cooperation Maj-Gen. (retd.) Peter Williams Chapter 4: 26 Saving the AS-28 Commander Ian Riches Chapter 5: 29 UK-Russia Energy Relations Julian Lee Chapter 6: 40 Understanding Russia: Sakhalin II Dr. Nazrin Mehdiyeva Chapter 7: 55 Russia for the Russians: the View of a Western Business Advisor Andrew Gavan 07/17 The United Kingdom and Russia: A Divergent Relationship? Dr Andrew Monaghan Under apparently constant tension, the United Kingdom (UK)-Russia relationship presents a paradoxical and interesting picture.
    [Show full text]
  • Select Bibliography
    Select Bibliography Adomeit, H. (1995). ‘Russia as a “Great Power” in World Affairs: Images and Realities’, International Affairs, 71 (1): 36–68. Aidis, R. and Adachi, Y. (2007). ‘Firm Entry and Survival Barriers’, Economic Systems, 31, 391–411. Aidis, R., Estrin, S. and Mickiewicz, T. (2008). ‘Institutions and Entrepreneurship Development in Russia: A Comparative Perspective’, Journal of Business Venturing, 23, 656–72. Ambrosio, T. (2007). ‘Insulating Russia from a Colour Revolution: How the Kremlin Resists Regional Democratic Trends’ Democratization, 14 (2): 232–52. Barsukova, S. (2009). Neformal’nye praktiki: uchebnik [Informal Practices: A Textbook]. Moscow: Higher School of Economics. Baev, P. (2008). Russian Energy Policy and Military Power – Putin’s Quest for Greatness. London: Routledge. Barker, R. S. (2001). Legitimating Identities: The Self-Presentation of Rulers and Subjects. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. Baker, P. and Glasser, S. (2005). Kremlin Rising: Vladimir Putin’s Russia and the End of Revolution. New York: Scribner. Baturin, Yu. M. et al. (2001). Épokha Yel’tsina: ocherki politicheskoi istorii [The Yeltsin Epoch: Essays in Political History]. Moskva: Vagrius. Berenson, M. P. (2008). ‘Rationalizing or Empowering Bureaucrats? Tax Administration Reform in Poland and Russia’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 24 (1): 135–55. Berliner, J. S. (1957). Factory and Manager in the USSR. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brym, R. J. and Gimpelson, V. (2004). ‘The Size, Composition and Dynamics of the Russian State Bureaucracy in the 1990s’, Slavic Review 63 (1): 90–112. Burchell, G., Gordon, C. and Miller, P. (eds) (1991). The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Romanov News Новости Романовых
    Romanov News Новости Романовых By Ludmila & Paul Kulikovsky №116 November 2017 Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna - "Akhtyrskaya Mother of God" The centenary of the October Revolution - Plenty of exhibitions, not much else November 7th arrived, the day of the centenary of the October Revolution, and expectations or even fear for some people were high, what would happen? Some even talked in advance about the possibility of a new revolution, but in fact not much happened. Also the official silence on the Revolution speaks volumes. Though a few public exhibitions were on display, the official narrative ignored the centenary of the Revolution in all spheres of the political system. It seems that it was more anticipated, talked about, and commemorated outside Russia and one can wonder why, now when the West is so Russophobic? Maybe many Westerners, who benefited from freedoms denied to Soviet citizens, naively romanticize the revolution, seeing it as being about kicking the rich and helping the poor. Do they really see Lenin as a "Robin Hood"? The truth is much more complicated. Ultimately, the October Revolution was a tremendous catastrophe that resulted in the split of a nation, a bloody civil war, mass murder, millions people forced into exile, the destruction of much of Russia’s creative and scientific establishment and the export of this brutal regime to other countries - where it all was repeated. Maybe the West were hoping for a new revolution in Russia, and they hoped this way they would kindle the revolutionary spirit of Russians today? If so, they failed! The fact is that the Russian elite are far more consolidated around President Putin than they were once around Emperor Nicholas II.
    [Show full text]