The Yukos Money Laundering Case: a Never-Ending Story
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Human Rights in Russia 2013
APPROACHING THE 2014 SOCHI OLYMPICS: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S BRIEF HUMAN RIGHTS IN RUSSIA 2013 SUMMARY: As the 2014 Sochi Olympics approach, the space for human rights in the Russian Federation is rapidly shrinking. Since President Vladimir Putin’s return to office in May 2012 Russian authorities have intensified their assault on basic freedoms and undermined rule of law. New legislation restricts the operation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), criminalizes public actions “committed to insult the religious feelings of believers,” outlaws free expression and activism by lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) individuals and their supporters, and increases sanctions for peaceful protest. In the North Caucasus insecurity and volatility persist. Security operations launched in response are marred by systematic human rights violations with near-total impunity for the perpetrators. To see a comprehensive Amnesty International timeline of human rights abuses in Russia visit: http://www.amnestyusa.org/russia/ BRIEF: NGOs Under Attack In July 2012 President Putin signed a new law obligating NGOs receiving overseas funding and involved in undefined “political activities” to register as “foreign agents”. As a result of this legislation, leading human rights NGOs, including Memorial, For Human Rights and Amnesty International itself have been subjected to unplanned inspections resulting in prosecutorial “warnings” and court cases. This particular brand of harassment can result in self-censorship, restriction of activities, or even flight. The conflation of NGOs with “foreign agents” or spies has also resulted in stigmatization and, in some cases, offices being vandalized. More than 200 Russian non-governmental organizations in 50 regions have already undergone inspections, often with devastating effects. -
Rosneft's Offshore Partnerships: the Re-Opening of the Russian
140 Polar Record 49 (249): 140–153 (2013). c Cambridge University Press 2012. doi:10.1017/S0032247412000137 Rosneft’s offshore partnerships: the re-opening of the Russian petroleum frontier? Indra Overland and Jakub Godzimirski Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, PB 8159, Dept., 0033 Oslo, Norway ([email protected]) Lars Petter Lunden and Daniel Fjaertoft Sigra Group, Fagerheimgata 8, 0567 Oslo, Norway Received December 2011; first published online 2 April 2012 ABSTRACT. During an intense period of only 14 months, from June 2010 to August 2011, six major cooperation agreements between oil companies were announced in Russia. Almost all of these partnerships involved offshore projects, with an international oil company as one of the partners and Rosneft as the other. The agreements were concentrated along Russia’s Arctic petroleum frontier, and the three that survived the longest involved oil or gas extraction in the Arctic. This article analyses and compares the contents and contexts of the agreements, to ascertain what they have to tell about access for international companies to Russia’s offshore petroleum resources and the influence of competing Russian political actors over the country’s petroleum sector. The article argues that the new partnerships did represent an intention to open up the Russian continental shelf, and that the agreements were driven and shaped by a series of needs: to secure foreign capital and competence, to reduce exploration risk, to lobby for a better tax framework, to show the government that necessary action was being taken to launch exploration activities, to improve Rosneft’s image abroad, and either to avert or prepare for future privatisation of state companies such as Rosneft. -
The Killing of William Browder
THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER Bill Browder, the fa lse crusader for justice and human rights and the self - styled No. 1 enemy of Vladimir Putin has perpetrated a brazen and dangerous deception upon the Weste rn world. This book traces the anatomy of this deception, unmasking the powerful forces that are pushing the West ern world toward yet another great war with Russia. ALEX KRAINER EQUILIBRIUM MONACO First published in Monaco in 20 17 Copyright © 201 7 by Alex Krainer ISBN 978 - 2 - 9556923 - 2 - 5 Material contained in this book may be reproduced with permission from its author and/or publisher, except for attributed brief quotations Cover page design, content editing a nd copy editing by Alex Krainer. Set in Times New Roman, book title in Imprint MT shadow To the people of Russia and the United States wh o together, hold the keys to the future of humanity. Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like the evil spirits at the dawn of day. Thomas Jefferson Table of Contents 1. Bill Browder and I ................................ ................................ ............... 1 Browder’s 2005 presentation in Monaco ................................ .............. 2 Harvard club presentation in 2010 ................................ ........................ 3 Ru ssophobia and Putin - bashing in the West ................................ ......... 4 Red notice ................................ ................................ ............................ 6 Reading -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach. -
A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS How Do UK Newspapers
LONDONGRAD IN THE UK QUALITY PRESS: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS How do UK newspapers employ the term Londongrad and how has this changed over time and between different newspapers? by Ben Dukes s1424181 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Russian and Eurasian Studies at Leiden University (Universiteit Leiden) June 2015 1 Abstract This thesis examines the use of the word Londongrad in four British national newspapers and draws extensively upon the approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) outlined by Richardson [2007]. The study compares the use of Londongrad in a sample of articles from two time periods: 2005-8 and 2011-14, defining how it is used and how its use has changed over time, with reference to wider social, political and cultural contexts. Results indicate that Londongrad is particularly prevalent in the right-wing press, and that its use has become more prominent over time. The thesis puts forward the argument that Londongrad lacks concrete definition but carries implicit meaning that allows for the reinforcement of negative stereotypes with regard to Russian activity in the UK. In highlighting this, the intention is to draw attention to the way in which patterns of discourse can encode prejudice. 2 Contents i. Introduction 5 ii. Outline of Chapters 6 1. Discourse and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) 7 1.1 Discourse and Discourse Analysis 8 1.2 Foucault: Knowledge/Power & Discourse 9 1.3 Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and its Function 10 1.4 Problems associated with CDA 11 1.5 Concluding Remarks 12 2. -
Overlap Issues Consent Order
IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE CHANCERY DIVISION The Honourable Mrs Justice Gloster DBE 12 October 2012 BETWEEN:- HCO8C03549 BORIS BEREZOVSICY Claimant - and - INNA GUDAVADZE & OTHERS Defendants HCO9C00494 BORIS BEREZOVSKY Claimant - and - VASILY ANISIMOV & OTHERS Defendants HCO9C00711 BORIS BEREZOVSICY Claimant - and - SALFORD CAPITAL PARTNERS INC & OTHERS Defendants 1),D 1147 (f) MEEK ORDER UPON the Order of Mr Justice Mann and Mrs Justice Gloster DBE dated 16 August 2010, ordering the trial of the issues set out in paragraph 1 of that Order (the Overlap Issues) as preliminary issues in proceedings number HC08C03549 (the Main Action), HC09C00494 (the Metalloinvest Action) and HCO9C00711 (the Salford Action); AND UPON the trial of the Overlap Issues (as amended by subsequent Orders) together with the trial of the Claimant's claims in Commercial Court proceedings number 2007 Folio 942 (the Joint Trial); AND UPON the Court having heard oral evidence and having read the written evidence filed; AND UPON hearing Leading Counsel for the Claimant, Counsel for the Second to Fifth Defendants in the Main Action (the Family Defendants), Leading Counsel for the Third to Fifth and Tenth Defendants in the Metalloinvest Action (the Anisimov Defendants), and Counsel for the Fourth to Ninth and Eleventh Defendants in the Salford Action (the Salford Defendants); AND UPON the Court having given judgment on the Overlap Issues on 31 August 2012; AND UPON the parties having agreed the orders as to costs set out in paragraphs 2 to 5 of this Order below; IT IS ORDERED THAT:- Determination of the Overlap Issues 1. The Overlap Issues are determined as follows:- (1) The Claimant did not acquire any interest in any Russian aluminium industry assets prior to the alleged meeting at the Dorchester Hotel in March 2000 (other than as a result of the alleged overarching joint venture agreement alleged by the Claimant in the Main Action, in relation to which no findings are made). -
Mr. Chairman, I Welcome the Opportunity to Appear Before The
Mr. Chairman, I welcome the opportunity to appear before the Helsinki Commission to discuss the current situation in Russia and the concerns of all of us about the Putin government and the future of Russia. First, I wish to emphasize the value of the Commission’s mandate and stated criteria to promote compliance with the fundamental standards of civil society in Russia and the other former Soviet republics. Second, those of us who have witnessed first-hand the travesty of justice in Russia much appreciate the concerns expressed by the co-chairmen about the improper handling of the Yukos trial and the sentencing of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and his colleagues by Russian authorities. Your formal statement to the world’s press that the “case appears to the world to be justice directed by politics” and that the “selective prosecution such as appears to be the case here will wreak havoc on Russia’s legal system” reflects that the chairmen of this commission have an accurate view of the Khodorkovsky trial and the weakened state of the legal system in Russia. Third, it is vitally important that the Helsinki Commission continue monitoring the implementation of the provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords as they relate to Russia and report its findings to the public. While the U.S. Administration and Congressional leaders must necessarily balance many variables in the bilateral relationship, the Helsinki Commission has a clear mandate to insure that human rights and basic freedoms are maintained in the countries under its jurisdiction. Mr. Chairman, it is my opinion that the rule of law is the cornerstone of civil society because it serves to protect the rights and freedoms of all citizens. -
Painful Past, Fragile Future the Delicate Balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and Others
No 2(VII)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly April-June www.neweasterneurope.eu Painful Past, Fragile Future The delicate balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and others. Strange Bedfellows: A Question Ukraine’s oligarchs and the EU of Solidarity Paweï Kowal Zygmunt Bauman Books & Reviews: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Mykola Riabchuk, Robert D. Kaplan and Jan Švankmajer Seversk: A New Direction A Siberian for Transnistria? Oasis Kamil Caïus Marcin Kalita Piotr Oleksy Azerbaijan ISSN 2083-7372 A Cause to Live For www.neweasterneurope.eu / 13 2(VII) Emin Milli Arzu Geybullayeva Nominated for the 2012 European Press Prize Dear Reader, In 1995, upon the declaration of the Dayton Peace Accords, which put an end to one of the bloodiest conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Bosnian War, US President, Bill Clinton, announced that leaders of the region had chosen “to give their children and their grandchildren the chance to lead a normal life”. Today, after nearly 20 years, the wars are over, in most areas peace has set in, and stability has been achieved. And yet, in our interview with Blerim Reka, he echoes Clinton’s words saying: “It is the duty of our generation to tell our grandchildren the successful story of the Balkans, different from the bloody Balkans one which we were told about.” This and many more observations made by the authors of this issue of New Eastern Europe piece together a complex picture of a region marred by a painful past and facing a hopeful, yet fragile future. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
Perestroika and the Proletariat
PERESTROIKA AND THE PROLETARIAT Leo Panitch and Sam Gindin Like most western leftists of our generation, we became socialists despite the Soviet example of authoritarian Communism. We had little patience with an earlier generation given to be more apologetic for many of the events that amounted to a tragic and terrible aberration of socialist ideals. But while we celebrated the turn to political freedom in the USSR since Gorbachev, and the revolutions in Eastern Europe in 1989, we were at the same time disturbed that the trajectory of change appeared towards capitalism. Was a transition to democratic socialism at all on the agenda, if not in Eastern Europe, then at least in the USSR? The answer mattered in terms of the scope for socialist politics in the West. Having been hamstrung in our politics (among many other reasons) by the negative example afforded by authoritarian Communism in the East ("See what socialist revolution leads to!"), were we now to be hamstrung again by the collapse of authoritarian Communism ("Even they have opted for capitalism! ")? With these questions uppermost in mind, we undertook a visit to the Soviet Union in June 1990. In addition to the perspective afforded by meeting some of the intellectuals, journalists, academicians, political leaders and activists who compose Moscow's political class, we especially wanted to see what impact the process of political and economic change was having on workers, and what role they were playing in the process, as this might be revealed in terms of the activities of the party, the trade unions, the informal workers committees and the relation between managers and workers in the enterprises. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind.